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This work aims to identify and map the new dynamics emerging at national conferences by analyzing the presence and actions of groups and actors who identify with the right and extreme right. As a cross-section, we followed the national conferences that took place in 2023 and the first half of 2024. To do this, we used survey data, participant observation, analysis of official documents and social media posts. The results of the research indicate the diversity of the political confrontation in each area analyzed and delimits important analytical dimensions such as the relationship with social networks and the conflict over value agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política is the property of Instituto de Ciencia Politica (Universidad de la Republica de Uruguay) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política is the property of Instituto de Ciencia Politica (Universidad de la Republica de Uruguay) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

O artigo apresenta definições e entendimentos que o campo acadêmico tem produzido sobre o populismo, de modo a evidenciar diferenciações entre o populismo de esquerda e o de direita — enfatizando questões relacionadas ao último — e apontar articulações entre o populismo e a comunicação, debatidas em tempos recentes. Concluindo o trabalho, discute-se a necessidade de utilizar o enquadramento exposto de maneira reflexiva e contextual, com observações sobre os casos de Donald Trump e Jair Bolsonaro.

O trabalho apresenta os achados de um estudo etnográfico dos principais protestos realizados na cidade de São Paulo por grupos de direita ao longo de 2019, o primeiro ano de governo de Jair Bolsonaro. Foram acompanhados os atos dos dias 07 de abril, 26 de maio, 30 de junho, 25 de agosto, 09 de novembro, 17 de novembro e 08 de dezembro. A hipótese era de que a direita nas ruas, embora unida em torno de Bolsonaro na eleição, era múltipla e com interesses, muitas vezes, divergentes. Com a pesquisa, ficou cada vez mais clara a divisão entre os diferentes grupos nas ruas em torno de duas correntes: uma bolsonarista, mais conservadora e cujo apoio ao governo era mais irrestrito; e uma lavajatista, com apoio significativo ao governo, mas com foco maior em medidas de combate à corrupção e cujo ícone maior seria Sergio Moro.

Objective/Context: This article has two goals. First and foremost, it seeks to demonstrate an increase in class voting during the 2018 presidential elections in Colombia compared to electoral years 2006, 2010, and 2014. Second, the article aims to develop a possible explanation of this phenomenon. We hypothesize that class voting in the 2018 presidential elections increased due to growing ideological polarization between the two presidential candidates, Iván Duque and Gustavo Petro, both in the left–right and the populist–non-populist dimensions. Methodology: We use data from the National Registry of Civil Status and maps of socio-economic stratification to identify electoral results according to social class in five main Colombian urban centres: Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Barranquilla, and Cartagena. To measure class voting, we develop the Index of Voting Difference (IVD), which identifies the difference in electoral behaviour between two social classes. We also compare the difference between expected and observed voting for each presidential candidate in the upper, middle, and lower classes. Conclusions: There was an evident increase in class voting in the 2018 presidential elections in Colombia compared to those of 2006, 2010, and 2014. Our analysis shows that such a phenomenon could result from an increased ideological polarization between the two principal presidential candidates, both in the left–right and populist–non-populist dimensions. Originality: This is the only article we are aware of that explores levels of class voting across different presidential elections in Colombia and the relationship between ideological polarization and class voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The prevailing view of the 2018 election is that the Brazilian electorate shifted to the right. In this article, we argue that one of the reasons explaining this increase in voters' ideological self-positioning as right-wing can be attributed to the decision-making process of the vote itself, and not necessarily to an increase in the conservative electoral base. To test this hypothesis, we carried out two survey experiments that indicate that simple information about the position of President Bolsonaro had the following effects on respondents' attitudes: 1) an increase in the percentage of those who declared a political position (right-wing or leftist); 2) a self-placement or identification, either swinging to the left or to the right, conditional on the voter's predisposition to support or oppose Bolsonaro. The existence of a reverse causality effect indicates an alternative and complementary interpretation of the relationship between ideology and the electoral process, thus having important implications for understanding the current context of Brazilian elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neste artigo, por meio de uma etnografia virtual realizada em um grupo de socialização LGBT+ na rede social Facebook, busca-se analisar as discussões políticas desencadeadas entre seus membros. Assim, apresenta-se também os processos sociohistóricos que vincularam as identidades LGBT+ à direita ou à esquerda em determinados contextos e que podem explicar essa concepção enraizada em muitas pessoas LGBT+, ou seja, como os discursos devem ser analisados dentro dos contextos políticos e sociais que foram (re)produzidos. Por fim, demonstra-se os limites e as impossibilidades na associação entre sexualidade a posições políticas, além dos perigos de se essencializar as identidades.

Resumo Em 2013, no Brasil, emergem na cena política diversos agrupamentos políticos identificados com a direita política e unidos contra a esquerda e a permanência do Partido dos Trabalhadores no governo brasileiro. Este estudo investiga esse fenômeno no contexto da região Nordeste do Brasil. Seu objetivo é compreender como a militância de direita, em uma cidade média nordestina, organiza discursivamente uma identidade para si e para os grupos que elegem como antagonistas. Com o uso do método de análise de discurso, o estudo investiga transcrições de entrevistas realizadas com nove membros dessa militância. As categorias conservador, libertário e liberal foram usadas como posições de autoidentificação por esses militantes. O modo como descrevem essas categorias revela a pluralidade da direita, evidenciando as complexas relações e as contradições presentes no seu interior.

Entre as diferentes mudanças que têm tido lugar no sistema de partidos espanhol, o presente artigo se foca no fim da hegemonia de um único partido no âmbito da direita. É necessária uma análise cuidadosa da distribuição do eleitorado de direita em torno de um partido histórico (PP) e dos dois novos partidos (Ciudadanos e Vox) sendo este último de direita radical. Mediante diversas fontes de evidência empírica que incluem dados de opinião pública, de especialistas e programas eleitorais, aborda-se a orientação, perfil ideológico e posicionamentos em matéria territorial dos três partidos de direita que tem presença em toda a Espanha. O trabalho revela a existência de espaços de proximidade entre os três partidos que se contrapõem às orientações de partidos de outros blocos. Ao mesmo tempo, a análise evidencia as nuances nas posições entre o PP, Vox e Ciudadanos que nos permitem falar da existência de competição no interior do bloco de direita pela conquista de espaços e de eleitores.

Este artigo tem por objetivo discutir o comportamento digital da extrema-direita materializado a partir da atuação de novos atores digitais que surgem no contexto do sistema híbrido de mídia. Apesar da proliferação bastante heterogênea desses agentes, a literatura tem mostrado a utilização generalizada de plataformas como o Twitter para conectá-los e dissipar discursos de interesse político. Assim, se sobressaem padrões de comportamentos que ganham ênfase nos discursos difundidos por esses grupos e atores. Neste artigo, de maneira específica, busca-se identificar como dois perfis de direita, no contexto brasileiro, agem em relação à adesão a valores antidemocráticos e ataques às instituições políticas. Para tanto, o texto traz uma análise da atuação de duas contas de Twitter – Direita Brasil e Verde e Amarela – entre janeiro de 2020 e junho de 2021. Ao todo são observadas 2.872 postagens, sendo 1.952 da Direita Brasil e 920 da Verde e Amarela.

O artigo analisa alguns aspectos discursivos do espectro político de direita, apresentando suas contradições ideológicas que sustentam uma compreensão mitificada da realidade, assim como suas inerentes disposições autoritárias que naturalizam as desigualdades sociais.

Resenha do livro Marchi, Riccardo. A nova direita anti-sistema: o caso do Chega. Lisboa: Edições 70, 2020.

Resenha do livro: Zúquete, José Pedro. The Identitarians: The Movement Against Globalism and Islam in Europe. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2018.

Resumo Em junho de 2013, emergiram no espaço público brasileiro diferentes grupos de direita rebelados contra o Partido dos Trabalhadores, que governava o Brasil naquele momento liderando uma grande coalizão de centro-esquerda. Desde então, uma nova direita se posiciona no debate político nacional, militando nas universidades e em outros contextos institucionais e mobilizando uma retórica agressiva contra o discurso de esquerda. O objetivo deste estudo é identificar os diferentes atributos da identidade da direita formulados em narrativas de militantes de direita de uma universidade pública brasileira, as contradições no conteúdo dessa identidade e os recursos retórico-discursivos mobilizados em sua construção. Com o uso do método de análise de discurso, foram analisadas transcrições de entrevistas realizadas com nove militantes de direita, alunos de uma universidade pública nordestina. Esses militantes mencionam três grupos políticos como constituintes da direita (os conservadores, os liberais e os libertários), mas somente dois são usados como categorias de autoidentificação: os conservadores e os libertários. Atributos identitários como o apreço pela verdade, a defesa da liberdade, a desconfiança em relação às mudanças abruptas e a valorização da família e da religiosidade cristã foram afirmados como definidores da identidade da direita. Em vários momentos, no entanto, os militantes produziam enunciados que contradiziam alguns desses atributos, revelando o caráter ambíguo e contraditório do discurso da militância estudada.

The text is a review of the books Beef, Bible and bullets, by Richard Lapper, and Brazil, land of the past, by Georg Wink, both published in 2021, which address Bolsonaro and the right-wing in Brazil. It seeks to present and evaluate the works, in a partially comparative way, discussing how the viewpoint of foreign researchers may have peculiarities, in relation to what is observed by Brazilians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Esse dossiê surgiu da preocupação com a conjuntura política e religiosa contemporânea marcada pelo recrudescimento internacional da direita e da extrema-direita em várias democracias ocidentais. Em recentes eleições europeias vêm se destacando políticos e partidos à direita, como na Itália, Holanda, Hungria, Polônia e Turquia. Mesmo não tendo sido eleita em alguns países, a extrema-direita obteve um bom desempenho nas urnas, como na França, onde o Partido Socialista praticamente colapsou. No Reino Unido, a saída da União Europeia (o Brexit) foi, entre outras questões, um fechamento protecionista contra a chegada indesejada de imigrantes europeus e não-europeus. Nos Estados Unidos, Donald Trump foi eleito com seu discurso antiglobalista e neoconservador de feições fascistas e autoritárias. Em suma, diversas análises concordam quanto ao endurecimento dos regimes políticos escolhidos via procedimentos democráticos.

The 2018 elections marked the emergence of important changes in the Brazilian political scenario with the election of Jair Bolsonaro to the Presidency, highlighting the perennial debate about the ideological classification of Brazilian parties. With this scenario, the main focus of this article is to analyze the economic plans of the four best-voted candidates (along with PSL's Bolsonaro - PT's Fernando Haddad, PDT's Ciro Gomes and PSDB's Geraldo Alckmin) based on content analysis, trying to allocate those political parties in the left-right scale. Based on this methodology, this paper differs from the predominant quantitative method used in papers with same focus. When it comes to economic plans, it was plausible to put the four parties in the traditional ideological scale: PSDB's plan between center and right, with PT and PDT on the left, and 2018's winner PSL on the right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the structure of the ideological predispositions of the Brazilian electorate and how are they affected by the strategies of the different political forces? The article seeks to show, based on data from Datafolha, that there was a continuity between what was observed right after the 1988 re-democratization and the thirty years that followed, namely, the preference for the right by the relative majority of the electorate in surveys of self-location on the ideological spectrum. Then, using the theoretical notion of activation, the article tests, based on research by Eseb, the hypothesis that, between 2006 and 2014, there was a tendency to disable ideological predispositions. The conclusion is that Lulism depolarized the political dispute and it was up to Bolsonaro, with a radical stance, to reactivate the conservatism in the 2018 election, when the right-wing field came to gather 45% of voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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O artigo analisa jovens autoidentificados como direita e extrema direita, tendo como base a teoria das gerações de Karl Mannheim e suas análises sobre o conservadorismo como um estilo de pensamento. Os dados originam-se de pesquisa quantitativa realizada em escolas de ensino médio de três municípios do Rio Grande do Sul, com 2.169 respondentes. O desfecho do estudo parte da resposta à autoidentificação política, na escala de 1 (extrema esquerda) a 10 (extrema direita). Identificou-se como estatisticamente significativos para a identificação como direita ou extrema direita o perfil masculino, branco, presente sobretudo em escolas privadas e que professam a religião católica ou evangélica.

Comentários sobre uma uma divisão política-partidária, herdada da Revolução francesa, e em grande medida anacrônica, mas ainda resiliente para identificar os dois grandes polos do debate política na sociedade: os aderentes ao primado da liberdade, da livre iniciativa e dos mercados livres, e os proponentes de uma forte intervenção do Estado na vida econômica, de molde a corrigir distorções do jogo econômico, das desigualdades sociais criadas pelas economias de mercado e da concentração de renda que daí decorre. A divisão, histórica e relevante para a identificação das prioridades políticas deve continuar enquanto houver grandes desigualdades nas sociedades.

Este texto está inserido no esforço de memória e reflexão sobre o atentado de 11 de setembro de 2001 aos Estados Unidos da América. De forma mais específica, demonstra o pensamento dos evangélicos norte-americanos que, animados pelo conceito do destino manifesto, se representam como um luzeiro divino para o mundo e os demais como povos a serem civilizados ou destruídos, uma vez que são agentes diabólicos na terra. Sendo um povo orientado por Deus através da Bíblia, a acusação feita à nação é de ter abandonado os princípios bíblicos e, com isso, enfraquecido o País. Assim, os ataques foram entendidos como punição de Deus aos pecados nacionais por um lado e, por outro, como agressão do inimigo capitaneado pelo próprio Diabo, para impedir o destino nacional de cuidar da democracia e da civilização mundiais. Embora houvesse outras visões, essa teve maior repercussão, tendo sido defendida por grandes nomes da mídia evangélica no País. De modo geral, os evangélicos brasileiros repetiram aqui as mesmas ideias expostas na América do Norte.

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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A esperada invasão americana ao Iraque efetivamente se processou e o regime de Saddan Hussein já pertence ao passado. Os problemas derivados de uma ocupação americana na região começam a se manifestar e os efeitos do unilateralismo americano no sistema internacional ainda estão latentes. No entanto, não resta dúvida que uma página foi virada na história recente do Oriente Médio.

After the 2014 presidential election, there was a split between right and left in Brazil. Once they were related to the actions of President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and President Dilma Rousseff, the leftist ideals become deprecated. analyzes the construction of a narrative that delegitimizes the protests of the left tagging them as hostile. For the purpose intended here, we used the case of the protest of May 26, 2019 and followed the hashtag #dia26euvou for a 24-hour period, analyzing the posted images that revealed the antagonism with left-wing manifestations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vital da Cunha's article analyzes the presence of left-wing, progressive or popular Evangelical articulations in the 2018 Brazilian elections. On the pool, only 15% of the Evangelicals joined left-wing parties, acting against the conservative "empire" in the Protestant field. If those articulations, on the one hand, as the research demonstrates, mobilize the most contemporary language on social justice claims, on the other hand, they reflect the tradition of the Ecumenical Movement in Brazil. The reaction coming from the conservative camp, in its turn, refers to the anti-communist history of the Christian right, since the Cold War. Vital da Cunha's work is relevant to shed light on the resistance and confrontation strategies of these minority groups in the Protestant universe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2009 China has been Brazil's biggest trade partner, and its important ally. However, the nationalist right that won the 2018 elections has a critical perspective of the country. This paper maps the views on China held by the new Brazilian government, both in terms of the economic arguments (protectionism of industry, fear of Chinese control of infrastructure and natural resources) and political concerns (the desire for a diplomatic rapprochement with the United States and anticommunism hostility towards Beijing). The paper claims that these positions are important for foreign policy decision-making and that they complicate relations with China, but that is also necessary to take into account more moderate views from other groups in the administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims at analysing the ideological behaviour of PMDB's federal deputies in 2013. We depart from the idea that to set a political party specifically in a particular ideological point does not allow to grasp its heterogeneity. To achieve this goal, we present a different methodology. Law projects have been classified based on a chart of meanings built from federal deputies' speeches of all parties. In a general way, results confirm a trend already outlined by the literature, that is, the PMDB occupies a position at the centre. However, in this text, we demonstrate essential variations on the left and right in this spectrum. In this sense, although the party can be classified at a specific point in the ideological spectrum, the main article's finding is that this point cannot be perceived in an essentialist way. Such a point shows significant variations that need to be considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constatando uma falta de representatividade política da juventude e entendendo que é importante captar as ideias da juventude atual para compreender o futuro da nação, esse estudo se propõe a identificar a tendência política dos estudantes de dois campi universitários em Campos dos Goytacazes em 2018. Para isso um questionário sobre questões políticas, sociais e econômicas foi aplicado a 661 alunos e seus resultados lançados numa bússola política bidimensional a fim de classificar o perfil político desses estudantes em uma das quatro correntes abordadas na pesquisa: conservadorismo, libertarianismo, socialismo democrático e progressismo. Os resultados indicam que uma parcela dos estudantes se aglomera no centro do espectro político, com tendências variadas; enquanto outra parcela se identifica como progressista, simpática ao liberalismo social e ao intervencionismo econômico. PURL: purl.oclc.org/r.ml/v5n2/a6

Uma onda conservadora tem aparecido com mais força no cenário político brasileiro. Os representantes da Bancada Ruralista ingressam na esfera político-partidária e consolidam-se no cenário nacional. Esses atores políticos estão entre os mais votados no congresso mais conservador pós-85 e têm grande poder decisório na Câmara dos Deputados. Percebemos que a Bancada apresenta uma coesão interna capaz de ser bem-sucedida em qualquer pauta que lhe interesse expondo uma nova direita que preenche o vácuo representativo de outros partidos políticos não tão alinhados internamente. O histórico de violência, a fim de manter a estrutura fundiária, dá lugar ao autoritarismo em votações no congresso. O curral eleitoral sai dos campos e vai para Brasília.

O presente artigo dedica-se a examinar a emergência de uma “novilingua” – conforme o conceito de Victor Klemperer – ou um socioleto, a partir da sociolinguística, dos grupos sociais e políticos de Ultradireita no Brasil no tempo presente. Voltamo-nos para o discurso político de partidos como o PSL/Partido Social Liberal, movimentos sociais de extrema-direita, personagens e atores políticos que recusam a Democracia Representativa, a diversidade social e política, as instituições republicanas. Em especial aqueles que promovem discursos de ódio contra grupos sociais, raciais, regionais ou de gênero e recusam a história do passado recente, incluindo do Regime Civil-Militar de 1964. Para explicitar as relações entre os extremismos de Ultradireita históricos – os fascismos do século XX – e os contemporâneos recorremos aos exemplos históricos clássicos e contemporâneos, na Alemanha, Itália e Espanha.

Objective/context: The article pursues comprehending the programmatic and strategic trajectory the Chilean right has experienced during the period of 1989-2013. Considering the closeness it had to the Pinochet regime early in the period studied and the electoral competitiveness that has won out in recent five-year periods, is it possible to associate better electoral performance of the sector with changes in programmatic proposals? Methodology: The research uses data from the MARPOR project for Latin America for the purpose of measuring positioning in each election. We also incorporate a historical-narrative analysis of the Chilean right seeking to explore the strategic changes that have been produced vis-a-vis the programmatic change. Conclusions: The results show that the Chilean right have transitioned from deeply conservative programmatic proposals linked to the policies they implemented during the Pinochet dictatorship, to proposals that are closer to the progressive agenda. This has occurred mainly in matters related to social protection (welfare state), education and, in part, in regard to moral issues. The electoral success of the right in recent elections could be associated, at least in part, with this change in the public policy agenda. Originality: In Latin America, the left has usually been studied in great depth: its proposals, organizational structures and, in general, political strategies. The changes on the right have not been analyzed much by political science. This article attempts to contribute in that area focusing on the changes of the right in Chile. This is relevant for the discipline if the current context of the region is considered, where a new wave of right-wing governments has strengthened, and, in particular for the Chilean case, this seeks to contribute to understanding the changes experienced by the Chilean political system over the last thirty years of democracy after the dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article describes and analyzes the performance, supply, organization and electoral reception of the right wing in Ecuador between 1998 and 2018, a period in which this ideological tendency faced particularly adverse structural conditions. Methodology: Research was conducted through a mixed approach. The first part of the article, focused on the supply, strategies and performance of the different actors of the Ecuadorian right, involved a process tracing analysis. The second part of the article surveys demand-side support for the right, including the influence of variables such as geographical region, wealth, level of education and religiosity among those who voted for the right. This analysis was based on the application of logistic regression models to survey data from the AmericasBarometer of the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP). Conclusions: This work manages to identify multiple variables that contributed to the peaks and troughs of the Ecuadorian right's performance in the polls during the period studied, highlighting the role of the pendulum effect associated with commodity cycles. Additionally, it concludes that, despite voters' diffuse identification with ideological definitions in broad terms, the right wing in Ecuador has not only survived, but has periodically emerged strengthened. Originality: Studies about the different ideological tendencies in Ecuador --especially with regard to the right-- are incipient and largely out of date. This article provides an overview of recent scholarship on the Ecuadorian right, by combining a descriptive analysis of the main milestones that marked the positions of political elites, with an analysis of empirical evidence on the ideological self-identification of citizens since the beginning of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: Through the case of the Argentinean coalition Cambiemos, dominated by the Propuesta Republicana party (PRO), this article analyzes the limits of the "right turn" in a context of historical weakness of the forces that constitute that political faction. It studies the relationship between the particular features of the PRO construction process and its performance as pro-market reformer once in government. Methodology: The data come from a long-term sociopolitical survey that, through different stages of field work, used mixed methods to explore the PRO party construction process --in organizational, sociological and programmatic terms-- and its transformation in recent years, as well as the performance of the Cambiemos government once in office. This survey included two questionnaires for party cadres, in-depth interviews with a sample of these leaders, in depth analysis of press materials and party documents, as well as the observation of internal events and meetings. Conclusions: The article shows that the poor reformist results of the Cambiemos government are associated with the conditions faced by PRO when building a competitive coalition in a country with a historically weak right wing. These conditions are twofold: internal, related to the structure of the political coalition; and external, associated with the government's originating conditions and performance. The first is evident from the programmatic divergences between the members of the government coalition. The second, through the structure of interests linked to the policy legacies from the previous period; as well as Cambiemos' electoral and legislative weakness. Originality: This article proposes a theoretical framework derived from a case study, to explain the relationship between party construction and government performance in cases of turns to the right commanded by newly created parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article presents an analysis of the rise, consolidation and transformation of the counterinsurgency power bloc in Colombia and its leading role in the resurgence of the right in Latin America over the past five years. More specifically, it examines the strategic alliance with the United States, the presence of the Andean country in multilateral settings and Colombia's position against the "Bolivarian Revolution" in Venezuela. Methodology: The research was guided by a historical-materialist theoretical framework, inspired mainly by the works of Nicos Poulantzas, Bob Jessop and Joachim Hirsch, based on the concepts of capitalist state and peripheral state. In the empirical-analytical portion on Colombia we work with the notions of strong oligarchical state and counterinsurgency power block, developed by Raul Zelik and Vilma Franco, respectively. Conclusions: The counterinsurgency power block in Colombia has played an important role in containing the progressive trend and the destabilization of regional integration gambits built on the margins of US hegemony. The counterinsurgency strategy in the region has managed to change the correlation of forces in favor of the regional right, leading to the decline and possible closure of the progressive cycle with the deepening of the crisis of the "Bolivarian Revolution" in Venezuela. Originality: Most studies on counterinsurgency in Colombia have focused on the role of the State and paramilitarism, and analyze the counterinsurgency struggle mainly at the national level. This article proposes a critical class perspective to understand counterinsurgency in Colombia and Latin America in the context of the progressive cycle and the resurgence of the right in the region during the last five years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article offers an analysis of the evolution of the Chilean right from the transition to democracy to the present day. It aims to show that programmatic moderation has not only allowed the right to become more competitive in electoral terms, but has also orphaned a sector of the electorate and, therefore, made it highly probable that this political faction will split into two poles: one liberal-progressive and one populist-conservative. Methodology: The research involved a descriptive analysis of data from the World Values Survey, revealing the evolution of Chilean public opinion toward issues normally defended by the right, and of the "Manifesto Project," in order to trace the variation over time of the positions defended by the Chilean right in their electoral campaigns. Conclusions: This article concludes that the great future challenge of the Chilean center-right will be how to handle internal tensions that, if not adequately channeled, can unleash a political fragmentation that gives rise to a period of greater electoral uncertainty. Originality: This article seeks to fill the gap that exists in the academic literature on the evolution of the post-transition Chilean right. At the same time, it posits that a space has opened for new types of government coalitions in Chile, either between radical populist forces and conventional parties or between conventional parties that historically have been reluctant to establish electoral alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]