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This study aims to shed light on the role of Solomon ben Nathan Ashkenazi, an Ottoman Jewish physician, in Ottoman diplomacy. Despite being a German-born Jew and practicing medicine for several years, Ashkenazi played a crucial part in Ottoman relations with Venice and Poland after arriving in Istanbul. The study explores how Ashkenazi, a physician by profession, attained the position of diplomat and examines the reasons behind his involvement in Ottoman foreign relations. While it is common for Ottoman Jewish physicians to be involved in Ottoman foreign affairs, Ashkenazi's example provides valuable insight into the mechanisms and motivations behind their participation in Ottoman diplomacy. The study shows that Jewish physicians in the Ottoman Empire contributed to Ottoman medicine with their medical expertise and played a significant role in bridging the gap in Ottoman-European relations with their diplomatic skills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text explores the life and work of Dr. Haralambi Sarmadzhiev, a Bulgarian diplomat from the late 19th century. His career began as a legal adviser and confidant to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Denominations, and later he served as a diplomatic agent in Belgrade and Vienna. The article highlights his role in the 1898 International Anti-Anarchist Conference. It also delves into his personal life, including his marriage to Elena Pulieva, an heir of Evlogy Georgiev, and examines the fate of his family after his untimely death and the political changes in Bulgaria post-1944. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Helsinki Accords (1975) left a significant mark on international diplomacy, having a decisive influence on international relations during the Cold War. The Act aimed at strengthening peace in Europe by setting the principles and commitments along four main axes: security, economic cooperation, scientific and humanitarian cooperation and respect for human rights. Romania's foreign policy during this timeframe was distinguished by a relatively independent approach towards the Soviet Union and its foreign policy, a position that was nevertheless manifested during the negotiations for the Helsinki Accords. The Americans used the term "multilateral diplomacy" to define Ceausescu's foreign policy. At Helsinki, Romania used this opportunity to stress the importance of respect for human rights and national autonomy. During the negotiations under the Helsinki Accords, Romanian diplomacy strongly supported the inclusion of clear and specific commitments to human rights and self-determination of people, thus aligning itself differently from other signatory states. Valentin Lipatti, a prominent Romanian diplomat and jurist, recognised for his expertise in international law and involvement in international negotiations, one of the key members of the Romanian team, played an active role in drafting and promoting Romania's position in the negotiations. Lipatti was the promoter of articulating and advocating Romania's views on respect for human rights and national autonomy, strengthening the Romanian team's contribution in shaping the content of the Helsinki Accords. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that interpersonal commitment is statespersons' most highly coveted aim, the greatest benefit that interpersonal relations can yield in diplomacy. Accordingly, statespersons employ a range of relational practices in encounters with counterparts, seeking to create and harness commitment that will advance professional aims. We argue that statespersons can follow one of two paths to generate commitment: (1) creating feelings of gratitude and providing help that makes a counterpart feel indebted; or (2) cultivating friendly relations. Both demand the successful implementation of relational practices. On the basis of thirty semistructured interviews with past and present senior Israeli statespersons and an analysis of fifteen autobiographies written by senior Israeli diplomats and political figures, we demonstrate to what extent statespersons acknowledge the importance of interpersonal commitment and its ramifications; identify the relational practices that statespersons employ to elicit commitment from a counterpart; and discuss the conditions that facilitate the emergence of such a commitment. We conclude by discussing the differences between thin and thick interpersonal commitments and underlining the importance of interpersonal relations in diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cooperative Principle is one of the pragmatics disciplines that should be known by everyone to conduct effective communication, especially diplomats. This research studied the utterances which were uttered by two Russian diplomats who are actively working at the Russian Embassy in Indonesia, Denis Tetyushin and Lyudmila Vorobyova in their interviews with Asumsi.co. The objectives of this research were to identify the maxims of cooperative principle which are produced by the interviewees in the Asumsi.co interviews, to figure out the types of maxims disobedience which are produced by the interviewees, and to recognise the motives behind the interviewees obeying and disobeying the maxims. This study was conducted with a qualitative approach assisted by a statistical descriptive method to see the distribution of the obedience and disobedience utterances. The result of the research revealed 47 data obey and disobey the maxim of cooperative principles. The most obeyed maxim was the maxim of manner, followed by the maxim of quantity, the maxim of quality, and there was no utterance which followed the maxim of relevance rule.

The article is devoted to the life and various aspects of the activities of the outstanding diplomat Prince Alexey B. Lobanov-Rostovsky (1824–1896). The name of Lobanov-Rostovsky was not mentioned in literature until the first decade of the 21st century. Then Lobanov began to be remembered thanks to the efforts of his descendant Prince Nikita D. Lobanov-Rostovsky who initiated a number of studies about the prominent diplomat. A fundamental monograph on Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky has now been prepared. His international activity as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary took place at the most difficult political points at that time — twice in Constantinople (1859–1863; 1878–1879), as well as in London (1879–1882) and Vienna (1882–1895). He always managed to solve the most pressing problems of his time using skillful diplomatic tools. He received the post of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs during the challenging period of restructuring of social and public institutions in Russia. It was the era of the so called Great Reforms of Emperor Alexander II. By offering him this position, the emperor took into account Prince’s intellectual scale, strategic foresight and tactical flexibility. During 11 years of activity in this field (1867–1878), Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky often performed the duties of a minister. During this time, the legal norms of the state and its relations with society significantly improved. In 1870, Alexey B. Lobanov-Rostovsky received the honorary position of State-Secretary of His Imperial Majesty, that is, the emperor's personal speaker, the position he held until the end of his life. Both Emperor Alexander II and Nicholas II treated Lobanov-Rostovsky with special warmth. Lobanov-Rostovsky managed to conclude the Russian-Turkish final Peace Treaty of 1879, which put an end to the war between Russia and Turkey. This agreement gave Russia significant moral and material results and marked the beginning of the autonomous Principality of Bulgaria, that led to Bulgarian statehood. Lobanov-Rostovsky’s work as Foreign Minister for 18 months (1895–1896) brought Russia fruitful results on the world stage and was highly appreciated both in Russia and in the world. The article talks about the different sides of the prince’s extraordinary personality. A true polymath, proficient in the Russian antiquity, he became a bibliophile, collector, genealogist and historian. He carefully commented on the historical documents he discovered and for 14 years (1871–1885) systematically published in special historical journals. The article examines the memoirs of contemporaries about the diplomat, as well as the latest research about him.

The paper examined the abuse of diplomatic immunities and privileges among nations. It specifically set out to ascertain the cases of abuse of diplomatic immunity and the implications on the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Immunity Relations, 1961. The paper adopted the theory of Diplomatic Immunity and argued that immunities and privileges accorded diplomats in the receiving state is for the purpose of effective representation. Thus, the paper revealed that many states have had cases of abuse of diplomatic immunity in the area of criminal and civil crimes. Some of such cases include the killing of an American police, Yvonne Fletcher, Kidnapping of Umaru Dikko and other criminal and civil offenses. Even though the Vienna Convention provided remedies against abuse of diplomatic immunity, cases of abuse are at alarming rate and its poses threat to diplomatic relations among states. The paper concluded that, some diplomats have taken advantage of their immunity to commit crimes and the development is a threat to the sanctity of international law particularly the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Immunity Relations, 1961 regime. It recommends that every diplomat who commits offense should be met to face the wrath of the law after their sojourn in foreign land.

Recent debates within broadly considered posthumanities have been populated by various conceptual personae. One such figure is the diplomat. First proposed in this context by Isabelle Stengers in her Cosmopolitics series, the diplomat has been subsequently taken up and further developed by Bruno Latour, particularly in his AIME project, and most recently by Baptiste Morizot in Les Diplomates. This article traces the metamorphosis of this conceptual character in the work of Stengers, Latour and Morizot. As all three versions are relatively close to each other, this article proposes three companion figures: the heretic (for Stengers), the designer (for Latour) and the amateur (for Morizot) that allow us to carefully examine the differences between, and the specific stakes of, each iteration of the diplomat. Furthermore, the article critically evaluates the theoretical pertinence of the diplomat figure for each philosopher's project and considers its potential for thinking about the future of our more-than-human worlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Történelmi Szemle is the property of Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of History, Research Centre for the Humanities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research objectives: To reconstruct the image of Chura, the son of Naryk (Chura Narykov) – a political figure and historical personality of the period of the Kazan Khanate – based on a comparison of the historical epic with the history of the Tatar kha­nates in the first half of sixteenth century. Research materials: The author analyzes various historical sources and literature with information about the real personality of Chura Narykov, his life, and his work. She focuses on the history of the Kazan Khanate in the sixteenth century and analyzes the texts of dastans collected and published by Russian and foreign scholars from the second half of nineteenth century, along with archival and published epic texts in various versions dedicated to Chura Batyr which were distributed and recorded by Tatar-speaking informants in the Volga region. In turn, information about Chura Narykov as a real person is contained in Russian chronicles, the anonymous “Kazan history” of the sixteenth century, and in publications of Kh. Atlasi (1993), R. Fakhretdin (1995), M. Khudyakov (1990), A.Kh. Khalikov (1992), D.M. Iskhakov (1994, 1997, 2017), S.Kh. Alishev (1995), A.-Z. Validi (1992), and others. Results and novelty of the research: The author draws parallels between historical reality and the epic Chura-batyr, addresses the problems of the historical explanation of the rich material of folk art, and reveals the commonality between reality and epic works about Chura-batyr. The study systematically proves the relevance – in the history of the Turkic peoples – of political events associated with the Tatar khanates that existed until the late Middle Ages, focusing on the fact that during this period Kazan was a major political center of important events of a global scale. Key aspects of the topic raised in the study contribute to a more detailed study of the history of the Golden Horde and the Tatar khanates, determining the role and historical significance of the Tatar version of the dastan about Chura-batyr along with other Turkic versions and variants. The historical personality of Chura Narykov is considered as a prototype of not only the Tatar, but also the Turkic historical and heroic epic.

BackgroundThe tobacco epidemic is global and addressing it requires global collaboration. International and national policies have been adopted to promote collaboration for tobacco control, including an obligation on diplomatic missions to protect public health from the vested interests of the tobacco industry. However, incidents of diplomats engaging with the tobacco industry are still occurring despite these regulations. This paper presents a case study of a British ambassador actions, and it points to some of the challenges researchers face in monitoring such incidents.MethodsThe incident studied in this paper was first identified through regular media monitoring conducted by the Tobacco Control Research Group at the University of Bath. The incident was further investigated by using the tools made available by the United Kingdom (UK) Freedom of Information Act, including submitting a request, asking for internal review, and submitting a complaint to the Information Commissioner's Office.ResultsWe identified clear evidence of the UK ambassador to Yemen opening a cigarette factory, part owned by British American Tobacco (BAT), in Jordan. Our investigation revealed a lack of documentation of this and similar incidents of interaction between diplomats and the tobacco industry. We raise concerns about the actions of diplomats which contravene both national and international policies.DiscussionMonitoring and reporting such activities produces several challenges. Diplomats' interactions with the tobacco industry represent a major concern for public health as such interactions seem to be systematically repeated. This paper calls for action to better implement national and international policies to protect the public health including in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs).

Copyright of Tyragetia is the property of National Museum of History of Moldova and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Musei Moraviae: Scientiae Sociales is the property of Moravske Zemske Muzeum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The contemporary model of a Polish diplomat is the result of a long evolution. The first mentions of the topic date back to antiquity and the Middle Ages. It was not until modern times, however, that more interest was vested in this issue. In Western Europe, Niccolo Machiavelli, Torquato Tasso, Abraham de Wicquefort, François de Callierrès, Harold Nicolson, and others have commented on this topic. In Poland, Jakub Przyłuski, Krzysztof Warszewicki, Wawrzyniec Piaseczyński, Stanisław Miński, Tadeusz Morski, Adam Czartoryski – and currently Jerzy M. Nowak, Roman Czyżycki, and Bogdan Grzeloński – have discussed the virtues and vices of diplomats. Their remarks provide a sufficient basis for developing a model of a diplomat and following its evolution over the span of five centuries. To achieve this goal, I utilized my proprietary method of pattern research, analyzing the four components of genealogical, personality, professional, and social conditions. The first is related to one’s birth, which can lead to a comprehensive education, good physical condition and inherited wealth. The last one was important in the past, but of no importance now. The second concerns the personal predispositions of a diplomat, in which effectiveness initially took precedence over morality, but morality is now on par with effectiveness. The next set of determinants relates to professionalism, which entails a great responsibility for the position of the state in the international arena and for the fate of one’s fellow citizens. Thus, it is more than a profession, as it constitutes a kind of mission and service to one’s country. The last component – social conditions – determines the relationships with members of the diplomatic corps, which is especially important today, now that diplomacy has become a team sport. Such a pattern remains difficult to follow, both for past and present generations. However, it is still a desired object of aspiration meant to transform into actual patterns.

How to achieve financial success, security and standing in bourgeois society? The answer in fictional accounts and real life alike was a combination of education, fortitude, hands-on business experience and political influence. Satrustegui's biography is the argument: a childhood spent in large part in exile, enlistment in the liberal forces following the outbreak of the First Carlist War and distinguished service as a military attaché as interpreter at the headquarters of the Commander of the British Legion in Spain and participant in negotiations leading to the Convention of Bergara, an agreement signed in 1839 that marked the end of hostilities in the Basque Country. His unfulfilled ambitions would later take him to San Francisco, California where he became a partner in the firm E. Mickle and Company in 1850. Appointed Spanish consul in that city on 2 June 1851, Satrustegui became a founding partner of the López and Company shipping company in 1857. He secured a paid diplomatic position in 1864, the first step in a long career during which he served as Spanish consul in Newcastle, Algiers, Montreal, New York and London. In 1876 he received the title of Baron de Satrustegui. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of History / Habaršy Tarihi Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Theoretical Studies of Literature & Art / Wenyi Lilun Yanjiu is the property of Editorial Board of Theoretical Studies in Literature & Art and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Among the diplomats that Romania had during the first half of the 20th century, there was also Dimitrie Iurascu, descending from a family of Moldovan boyars, with roots dating back to the 15th century. With a diplomatic activity recognized in Europe, Dimitrie Iurascu was also concerned with the history of the countries neighboring Romania, during different historical periods. In 1939, he decided in 1939 to keep a diary, with almost daily records, which he would finish in 1950, putting down all his thoughts about the events that took place at the turn of the 20th century. From his personal archive, donated by his son, Niculae Iurascu, to the History Museum of Galați, we will hereby analyze some moments from his vast diplomatic activity, that spread through almost 40 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mirza Musa Khan-ı Ensari served as Iranian Charge d'affaires in Van, Hakkari and Bitlis between 1883 and 1887, and during this time he reported the information he obtained from the field in 1888, when his term of office ended, and dedicated the report to Kachar ruler Nasireddin Shah with the name of 'Zübdeü'l-Vekâyî'. Musa Han's work in question is a very important and unique work consisting of the observations of an experienced diplomat on the historical, geographical, ethnographic, economic, administrative, ecological and socio-cultural structure of Van-Hakkari-Bitlis and its surrounding regions. In the work, information from primary sources about border designation and border commissions, as well as the mutual diplomatic relations of the Ottoman, Iranian, British and Russian states, are given, and extremely specific field information about Kurds, Armenians, Assyrian-Nestorians is shared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mihail Pâclianu was the longest-serving diplomat to have led a diplomatic mission in the Scandinavian countries. He was also the diplomat who represented Romania’s interests in Sweden, Denmark, Norway and Finland between 1922 and 1928. However, the post of head of mission in Northern Europe did not charm Pâclianu. He would have preferred to stay in Switzerland (he led the Bern legation from 1912 to 1919) or be transferred to areas he already knew well (Turkey and Egypt). However, he complied to his government’s decision to appoint him to the head of the Stockholm legation, which was less important than the Bern legation. In the Scandinavian countries, Pâclianu focused his activity on promoting the image of Romania. He attempted to establish links with political, intellectual and economic elites, as well as to reorganize the network of honorary consulates. He also got involved in the economic sphere, where he agreed to sign agreements which, however, did not strengthen trade ties between Romania and the Scandinavian countries. He led the diplomatic mission in the Scandinavian countries at a time when the region was of secondary importance to the Romanian government. As a result, he did not receive the special support of the Bucharest leadership and did not receive the diplomatic personnel necessary to deal with the entire geographical area and with the “files” administered by the legation. Nevertheless, with limited financial and human resources, Pâclianu succeeded in contributing to the promotion of Romania’s interests in Scandinavia, making a good impression, as evidenced by the reaction of the Scandinavian press at the conclusion of his mission and at his death (July 1928).

The article is an analysis of the figure of Gustaf Brahe - a Swedish courtier and diplomat in the service of Sigismund III Vasa. It focuses on the period of 1589-1592, when the Count of Visingsborg was commonly believed to be a person infiuencing the king's decisions. Brahe found himself among the young Vasa's trusted advisors already in May 1589, when negotiations began with Archduke Ernest over the cession of the Polish throne to the Habsburgs. He was the main executor of the monarch's concept, coordinator of the king's pro-Habsburg policy and his secret contacts with the Austrian House. He was undoubtedly instrumental in Sigismund III's marriage to the Habsburg princess - during a congress in Reval he brought about an agreement between John III and his son, also over the young Vasa's marriage to the archduchess, and then travelled several times as an envoy in this matter to the courts in Graz and Vienna. He was trusted by the Habsburgs, complimented by Emperor Rudolf II, appreciated by Archduke Ernest. and the king's mother-in-law, Archduchess Maria of Bavaria, made him one of her correspondents. What brought Sigismund III and Brahe together was not just great politics, but also friendship of many years and shared interests - fondness for music and hunting. However, the relations between the king and the count became less close when Sigismund III abandoned the intention of returning to his homeland. The monarch's decision in fact put an end to Brahe's ambitious plans -to play the role of "the first minister" in Sweden. As a foreigner he had limited possibilities for promotion in Poland. In a way, he was doomed to operating informally, behind the scenes. With time more and more rivals emerged - Brahe was forced to compete for the king's favour with a growing number of Sigismund III's Polish and Lithuanian favourites. In 1594-1597 he was in Sweden, where, together with his brother Erik, he served as the governor of Stockholm, Uppland and Norrland. In 1598 he took part in Sigismund III's military intervention in Sweden. In the following year he returned to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, where he remained until the end of his life (d. 1615). He rarely stayed at the royal court, settling in Gdańsk instead. It is highly likely that he continued to advise the king in Swedish matters. However, the last years of Brahe's life are not very well documented by the sources and like many other aspects of his biography remain shrouded in mystery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The diplomat's situation is contradictory: a diplomat is an office employee and must obey the heads; at the same time Russian diplomat is a plenipotentiary of Russia in some other country. A diplomat must be ready to discharge its duties sensibly and responsibly. This duality makes a diplomat to be broad-minded capable to defend interests of Russia on the international arena. As a rule university entrants don't understand these difficulties. They enter MGIMO being guided by pragmatic considerations according to the ideals of consumerism which are imposed on the youth via mass media. The teaching staff must bring up students to respect substantial thinking and to think in concepts. The world-outlook grounding must be in the core of the diplomat's education. But the higher education reform does not solve this problem. The Bologna system undermines the very basis of the higher education as a qualitatively new level of specialists training. The teaching staff is put in a conflict position: as MGIMO employees they must fulfill the requirements of the Ministry of Education although they provide the further formalization of studies; but knowledge of students prompts to lecturers how baneful such practice is. Cardinal changes of the education policy are required. The studies including individual and group working with students must be in the center of all university working. Such working takes much more time and strength. So it must be highly paid for regardless of the formal showings. Working-out of the quantitative and qualitative indexes must be mainly the matter of association of scholars and lecturers instead of functionaries. For the present our state represents the interests rather of the officials than of the ordinary citizens.

Tom Fletcher, a British diplomat, proposes to the reader a personal insight into the world of international relations. Considering the current technological innovations, he makes a convincing case for the adaptation of the traditional diplomatic mindset to the new rules of the game. Fletcher warns against the risk of ignoring technological developments, including big data, which are redefining the way information travels. Beyond thorough analysis and considerable foresight, the book offers a fascinating voyage into the history of international relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This guest column asks how Bruno Latour has contributed to any present and future refiguring of relations between the sciences and the humanities. To answer the question, it traces three select and shifting figures of knowledge by means of which Latour himself has been charting his progress—from the anthropologist , charged with unraveling techno-scientific networks, to the moralist , participating in the parliament of nature, to the diplomat , negotiating the moderns' many modes of existence. Rather than a neat blueprint for carving up the knowledge space, this essay argues, Latour leaves us with "an ethos of knowledges that verges on a chaos of in-disciplines." The essay concludes, however, that Latour's "in-disciplinary" thinking is and will likely continue to be an important resource for explorations into the uncertain, "nonmodern" territories that Latour has so valuably observed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tom Fletcher, a British diplomat, proposes to the reader a personal insight into the world of international relations. Considering the current technological innovations, he makes a convincing case for the adaptation of the traditional diplomatic mindset to the new rules of the game. Fletcher warns against the risk of ignoring technological developments, including big data, which are redefining the way information travels. Beyond thorough analysis and considerable foresight, the book offers a fascinating voyage into the history of international relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the purpose of renewing the approach offered up to now on Hispanic Americanism in José María Chacón y Calvo, the issue will be addressed, with an emphasis on the cultural topic. His figure is essential to understand the links that took place between Spain and Cuba in the first half of the twentieth century. Chacón was key in the contact spaces that were established between both sides of the Atlantic. His double status as researcher and diplomat allowed him to access the Spanish intellectual elite and be an interlocutor of excellence with the aim of promoting cultural relations between both nations. We will check that his work in Cuba was influenced by his experience as a cultural agent in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Romanian historiography, this topic--the diplomats within the central administration of the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs--has not elicited the interest of historians. Thus far, there are not even lists with the names of those who were general secretaries of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs between 1878 and 1918. Consequently, in this paper we present some information concerning Constantin G. Nanu's activity as general secretary in the period 1913-1918, during both peace and war. He worked closely with several foreign ministers: Titu Maiorescu, Emanoil Porumbaru, Ion I. C. Brãtianu, Alexandru Averescu, and Constantin C. Arion. He was a member of the commissions that selected aspiring diplomats and he took part in the discussions during which it was decided to send a part of the ministry's archive to Russia in 1917. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diplomacy in the XXI century is transformed and expanded from peaceful method of relations among states into a general tool of communication between globalized societies. At the beginning it was practiced only by professional diplomats as an art in leading affairs of state. Today, because of the growing number of participants in international relations (states, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, transnational companies, the media, academia, etc.), focus of traditional diplomacy is augmented, while the monopoly by traditional diplomacy is fading. The policy and diplomacy have not lost their ability to actively modulate the decisions required by the state, but they need to justify their superior ability, and thus their legitimacy to solve community problems through modern means and methods such as negotiations.

Reseña de la obra: Romero Tallafigo, Manuel (2017). De Diplomática y Archivística. Antología, Sevilla: Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, 440 pp. ISBN: 978-84-472-1886-8

Copyright of Ankara University SBF Journal / Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi is the property of Ankara University SBF Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article aims at integrating the cultural psychology perspective of into the multidisciplinary field of border studies. It analyses the border phenomenon as a co-genetic system. The authors investigate the psychological side of people who relate to the border out of different motives. Then, it expands some of the theoretical concepts current in border studies by introducing psychological dimensions such as intentionality and directionality. Finally, the framework is applied to two case-studies representing the northern and southern European Union frontiers: the case of Estonian officer Eston Kohver in the Setumaa region on the Estonian–Russian border; and the experiences of border guards in the re-bordering process on the Spanish– Moroccan border. It offers an innovative conceptual resource based on a triadic co-genetic epistemological approach, which allows us to overcome the binary oppositions still very present in the contemporary debates in borders studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Of all 8 ministers of France in Bucharest between 1880 and 1916, the name of Camille Blondel is the most known. It couldn't be different. The French diplomat succeeded, during his mission in Bucharest, to contribute to a rapprochement between Romania and France at the beginning of XX century. In this paper, we have been looking to surprise aspects of his activity in Romanian Old Kingdom before the outbreak of First World War and after 1914. During the period of Romania's neutrality he had intense activity until May 1916, when he was suddenly replaced. He didn't leave Romania, preferring to stay and withdraw to Iaşi along with the Romanian administration at the end of 1916. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims at integrating the cultural psychology perspective of into the multidisciplinary field of border studies. It analyses the border phenomenon as a co-genetic system. The authors investigate the psychological side of people who relate to the border out of different motives. Then, it expands some of the theoretical concepts current in border studies by introducing psychological dimensions such as intentionality and directionality. Finally, the framework is applied to two case-studies representing the northern and southern European Union frontiers: the case of Estonian officer Eston Kohver in the Setumaa region on the Estonian–Russian border; and the experiences of border guards in the re-bordering process on the Spanish–Moroccan border. It offers an innovative conceptual resource based on a triadic co-genetic epistemological approach, which allows us to overcome the binary oppositions still very present in the contemporary debates in borders studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Of all 8 ministers of France in Bucharest between 1880 and 1916, the name of Camille Blondel is the most known. It couldn't be different. The French diplomat succeeded, during his mission in Bucharest, to contribute to a rapprochement between Romania and France at the beginning of XX century. In this paper, we have been looking to surprise aspects of his activity in Romanian Old Kingdom before the outbreak of First World War and after 1914. During the period of Romania's neutrality he had intense activity until May 1916, when he was suddenly replaced. He didn't leave Romania, preferring to stay and withdraw to Iai along with the Romanian administration at the end of 1916. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the interplay between labour law and international law in the context of the diplomatic employment relationship. The overriding effect of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 as supreme law to protect the labour rights of employees is weighed against the effect of various binding international legal instruments aimed at protecting diplomats' right to immunity. In view of the competing rights of employees and diplomatic employers, the question in this regard is to what extent employees in a diplomatic employment relationship can rely on their right to "fair labour practices" in the broad sense and the overall protection afforded to employees whose rights are infringed. In view of the perception that diplomatic employers can hide behind a veil of diplomatic immunity and in the absence of judgments by the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) and the Labour Court, answers and guidelines were sought from various international courts and legal instruments. However, it is pointed out that the application of labour law and international law to protect the interests of individuals against a state is an exceptionally sensitive and controversial issue. It is suggested that the international relationship between two states be used as a holistic framework, but it is cautioned that international law limits the diplomat employer's liability both in terms of the Bill of Rights and South African labour laws. The author shows that protection is afforded to diplomats/consular agents by international law. Moreover, the Diplomatic Immunities and Privileges Act (DIPA) of 2001 is discussed. It is submitted that employees are not prevented from taking legal action against a diplomat/consular employer in South Africa in terms of the Labour Relations Act (LRA) or the DIPA. The author suggests that diplomatic employees and employers should be made aware of their rights and obligations in this regard. In essence what really matters to any labour lawyer is how it can be justified that a group of vulnerable employees (diplomatic employees) is left without a remedy while the employer as the stronger bargaining party is protected in terms of international law. The author submits that employees should have access to compulsory private arbitration in terms of an amendment to the DIPA or in terms of a treaty. This must bind a diplomat/consular employer from South Africa (as the sending state) in a foreign state, and a foreign diplomat/consular employer in South Africa (as the receiving state) to protect employees. It is suggested that such a provision should be included in diplomatic contracts of employment after ratification of a treaty, even before it is enacted into relevant laws in South Africa. In view of the sensitivity and international consequences of labour disputes for states, it is suggested that private arbitration could serve as a useful dispute resolution procedure and an acceptable alternative to the general options available in terms of the CCMA, the labour court and the high court. It is suggested that the full protection of diplomatic employees' labour rights cannot be based on the status of their employers. Finally the author argues that lifting the veil of diplomatic immunity could provide a satisfactory interplay between labour law and international law to support the interests and rights of both parties to the diplomatic employment relationship.