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This study analyzes the multifaceted dynamics of Turkiye-India relations from 2000 to 2023, exploring their bilateral interactions across diplomatic, economic, scientific, and cultural spheres. It delves into both nations' foreign policy strategies, considering the historical context and evolving geopolitical landscapes. Despite historical tensions and differing stances on issues like Kashmir and Cyprus, the research highlights a trajectory of improving relations, particularly in economic engagements and cultural exchanges. The study underscores the influence of global shifts and internal political changes on their diplomatic approaches, with Turkiye's strategic pivot under the AK Party (since 2002) and India's assertive foreign policy under the BJP (since 2014) shaping their international postures. By examining trade patterns, institutional collaborations, and societal interactions, the article articulates a complex yet progressively cooperative relationship between Turkiye and India, pointing toward a future where economic diplomacy and mutual interests may further solidify their ties amid regional and global challenges. Keywords: Turkiye, India, Pakistan, AK Party, Bilateral Ties, Introduction When characterizing Turkiye-India relations, or any other bilateral ties for that matter, we usually limit our analysis to government-to-government interactions, mainly in diplomatic, economic, scientific, or cultural spheres within [...]

Cultural diplomacy always links to and often overlaps with soft power and public diplomacy. Thus, the three notions have entered the lexicon of International Relations, and have become standard terms in foreign policy thinking. Drawing on the conceptualization of cultural diplomacy, this article examines the features, structure, actors, and possibilities of Turkey's foreign cultural strategy. Specifically, it focuses on an analysis of the double dimension of Turkish cultural diplomacy, the high-culture, and the pop-culture, asserting that the success of the latter has allowed Turkey to limit the damage to its soft power caused by domestic political turmoil. Furthermore, the research aims to highlight how Turkey has used culture as a resource for its diplomacy--useful for strengthening relations with other countries, enhancing cooperation, and promoting Turkish interests abroad., In the 1960s, Canadian Philosopher Marshall McLuhan predicted one of the main outcomes of the process of globalization: that mass media would be able to convert the world into a [...]

While the UNESCO World Heritage Convention is a huge publicity success, and a World Heritage title often works miracles for redirecting prestige, tourists, and cash flows, critics deplore the increasing 'politicization' of the World Heritage Committee, whose decisions tend to be dominated by diplomatic deal-making in favor of national interests rather than expert advice. Based on ethnographic fieldwork at World Heritage Committee meetings, this article argues that, more than heretofore acknowledged, this trend is because the World Heritage arena has embraced an anthropological notion of culture but has done so only half-heartedly. The broad and non-elitist conception of cultural heritage approved in the 1990s has spread and had lasting influence on World Heritage List inscriptions. Yet, at the same time, conventional conceptions of heritage remained in place, and European sites continued to dominate most heritage categories, old and new. The ambivalence and frustration created led to rebellion by strong states of the Global South, and after several years of turmoil, nation-states have now settled on respecting each other's wishes. However, Eurocentrism prevails in many overt and covert ways. As with other UNESCO initiatives concerning culture, the deliberate turn to an anthropological notion was merely additive and did not question the conventional elitist notion of the term, leaving the established expert communities and their perspectives in command. Debate about the uses and abuses of the culture concept should take into account 'culture chaos,' that is, the parallel use of contradictory referents of culture, in many contemporary settings. [Keywords: UNESCO World Heritage, culture concept, Northern hegemony, international organizations, cultural diplomacy, Eurocentrism, assemblage theory][Palavras-chave: Patrimonio Mundial da UNESCO, conceito cultural, hegemonia do Norte, Organizacoes Internacionais, diplomacia cultural, eurocentrismo, universalismo, teoria de assemblagem], IntroductionMany say the 'UNESCO Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage' has been a huge success. Since its adoption in 1972, 192 states have joined it [...]

In recent years, one of the most popular concepts in Turkish foreign policy has been public diplomacy, which refers to government activities to increase the country's image among foreign societies. While the concept is important, the problem is that a similar emphasis and attention is not given to personal diplomacy, another state practice of modern diplomacy. This article illustrates that personal diplomacy is most effective in crisis periods, when there is dominant leadership, and when the political leader is confident about his/her ability to shape policies. As all these factors exist in Turkish foreign policy today, it is not surprising to see that Ankara increasingly relies on personal diplomacy in its relations with foreign countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Systematic review of a total of 74 journal articles in 18 journals as well as three monographs is conducted. • Corporate diplomacy and political CSR are redefined in a distinctive and comprehensive manner. • An integrative theoretical framework to study CD is presented. • Need for further developed theory on corporate diplomacy and increased empirical analyses. The purpose of this study is to systematically review the body of knowledge on corporate diplomacy (CD) and political corporate social responsibility (PCSR) in journals from the fields of public relations, public diplomacy, general management and business ethics. By applying an interdisciplinary approach our study aims to (1) examine what definitions of CD and PCSR exist, (2) explore what theories have been applied to CD and PCSR and, (3) find differences and commonalities between the underlying concepts of CD and PCSR. Building on the results of our review, we redefine each construct and develop a theoretical framework of CD, which integrates PCSR, international public relations and public diplomacy. Our results serve as a foundation for an operationalization of the constructs in order to conduct empirical analyses and contribute to current research on the political role of multinational corporations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

观察国际和外交问题的视角与观念变化，是中华人民共和国外交史研究中尚需探讨和梳理的课题。在新中国成立后的前30年，中国外交深受在革命过程中形成的外交观念的影响。其基本诉求是建立新型外交关系，核心观念是独立自主与和平，外交政策的基石是和平共处五项原则；此外，国际统一战线策略，对现实世界的战略划分，以及对战争、和平与革命的思考亦对这一时期的外交政策具有重大影响。自20世纪70年代末实行改革开放以来，中国外交转以发展为视角，配合国家经济建设这一中心任务，做出一系列战略和政策调整。中国对国际形势作出和平与发展的新判断，对独立自主的和平外交政策作了新诠释，致力于建立均衡的对外关系，主张以渐进方式推动国际秩序的改进，决心走和平发展道路。中国由此成为现存国际秩序的参与者和建设者。进入21世纪，中国成为令世界瞩目的新兴大国，外交观念也在继承以往的基础上与时俱进。中国强调当代世界是命运共同体，谋求与各国的合作、共赢 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan has been playing a steady and pivotal role in Central Asia since the fall of the Soviet Union, but to presume Tokyo's engagement is predicted on strategic interests that compete with other powers such as Russia and China in the so-called “New Great Game” is naïve to the activities occurring on the ground. Newly independent and largely unaffected by Japanese past aggression, the five Central Asian states present a unique “petri dish” for Japan's values-based diplomacy in Asia. This study analyzes significant Japanese foreign policy measures with the Central Asian republics since independence, and—through examination of speech acts by the political elites, practices on the ground, and within the institutional framework of the Central Asia Plus Japan dialogue—draws out the normativity evident in Tokyo's Central Asian policy. Using a symbiotic framework for foreign policy analysis of geopolitics, geo-economics, and geoculture, this study isolates geoculture from the two other dynamics in order to illustrate how norms operate independently from strategic interests in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There seems to be a consensus within both Russian and European analytic communities as to the ultimate reason behind the dramatic deterioration of Russia-EU relations over the last three years. This reason boils down to a single word: Ukraine. This essay intends to investigate a two-pronged question: 1) how the differing, quasi-imperial natures of Russia and the EU make it hard for them to find an accommodation in their shared neighborhood and 2) how the recent EU-Russia dynamics prompted Moscow’s policy elite to re-conceptualize Russia as a distinct civilization, apart from Europe. While exploring these issues, the essay will maintain a special focus on Ukraine whose role in the Russia-Europe relationship has historically been and continues to be pivotal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald J. Trump’s rhetorical shift from ‘leadership’ to ‘greatness’ made possible some sort of rapprochement between the U.S. and Russia, after a period when relations had seriously deteriorated. Trump did not plan to give up American primacy, but ‘greatness’ was to be based on transactional relationships, the repudiation of democracy promotion and regime change. However, charges of Russian interference in the U.S. presidential election of 2016 constrained Trump’s freedom of maneuver, and in the end relations worsened, although some practical cooperation remains. The situation remains open, with direct conflict not to be excluded, although a continued period of strained relations and the onset of elements of a new Cold War is more likely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study deals with Taiwan's engagement in international relations from the viewpoint of practical performance of its foreign activities. It is stressed that Taiwan's foreign activities may be divided by their nature into two basic groups: the official diplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to those foreign states with which it has established diplomatic relations, and unofficial quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to the states with which it does not have diplomatic relations. In the study, the diplomatic and quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities of Taiwan are compared, especially with emphasis on their institutional backgrounds, legal regulations, and other conditions for their practical performance. It is concluded that the differences between the diplomatic and paradiplomatic dimensions of Taiwan's foreign activities are rooted mainly in their formal and protocolar aspects, whereas from the viewpoint of their organization and practical performance, these differences are minimal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether they know it or not, countries are viewed through the lens of branding. Their brand equity lies in the norms and ideas that they project, as well as the actors (leaders) who champion such ideas and norms. Countries embody signs, beliefs, values, and imageries about what they stand for in the global system, and it is this that has an effect upon the imagery and preferences of others rather than merely marketing techniques. As such, countries carry -- or project -- a 'persona' that expresses their identity, ideas, values, and norms. This article focuses on the regional dimensions of South Africa's brand value and leadership. This is precisely because regions are crucial platforms through which countries project their ideas, norms, and leadership. It is also here that they build their brand equity. As such, this article examines the kinds of norms that South Africa projects through the region, and understands how these are perceived. Further, it analyses the predominant ideas that South Africa articulates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Australian Football League's (AFL) diplo-matic efforts to bring about recognition and reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous players, and to make a broader contribution to inter-communal relations. The AFL's primary diplomacy has focused on classical racism, dealing with instances of on-field abuse of players by other players and with spectator education about racism and Indigenous culture in Australia. Despite successes in these areas, the AFL has notably failed to acknowledge structural, institutionalised modes of discrimination and exclusion, with the result that the sport remains deeply influenced by colonial thought and discourse concerning Indigenous Australians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The IHH delivers relief aid to 140 countries worldwide. Quite recently, as a novel humanitarian practice, the IHH has begun acting as a mediator in intra-state conflicts and even accumulated considerable experience in it. In the Bangsamoro peace process, for instance, the IHH was invited to play a mediator role as part of the internationally crewed Third Party Monitoring Team. Similarly, the IHH has been called upon to play mediatory roles in resolving kidnapping incidents in Syria and Pakistan, and has done so by negotiating with armed groups for the release of kidnapped and captive civilians. This paper, therefore, aims to explore the dynamics of and the motivations behind the IHHs extension of its international humanitarian mission beyond providing relief and to examine the place of such civilian mediator role in the broader humanitarian turn in Turkey's contemporary foreign policy., Introduction The Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH), Turkey's top nongovernmental humanitarian organization by aid volume in 2011 and 2013, and the second in 2012, (1) today delivers relief to 140 countries [...]

This article examines the navy as an instrument of the policy of states in the light of international law and the law of the sea. Although traditionally associated with the term “gunboat diplomacy,” naval diplomacy today is not intended to lead to war, but rather to signal to the allies and rivals one’s political intentions as well as military power. Maritime diplomacy remains a unique and useful tool for governments and their navies, so it continues to be used to advance state interests. While the army and air force are only occasionally used in diplomacy, the navy is exceptionally well equipped to be used for reassurance or coercion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Internet revolution has affected all aspects of life, including International relations. Diplomacy as a tool of foreign policy has also being transformed by this revolution. This paper examines the concept of digital diplomacy, focusing on the use of digital media in the field of diplomacy and how countries are utilizing these tools in the pursuit of their foreign policies. It examines the opportunities and challenges these media offer for diplomatic activities, and argues that countries cannot afford to be left behind in this era of digital diplomacy as they can greatly benefit from these emerging diplomatic trends. Digital diplomacy and Internet activities as a whole can greatly assist in projecting a state's foreign policy positions to domestic and foreign audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The image of a nation is crucial in the conduct of international relations. As a rising power, China is increasingly concerned about its image, due to which it is increasingly investing into its public diplomacy. Public diplomacy, broadly understood as a country's engagement and communication with foreign publics, has become one important part of China's overall diplomacy in recent years. This article introduces the Chinese debates on public diplomacy. In doing so, it helps to better understand how China sees itself in the world (mainly misunderstood), how China perceives the international environment (potentially hostile), and how China wants to be seen by the outside world (as a friendly, peaceful, and reliable partner). Furthermore, this article demonstrates that in China, public diplomacy is understood more as an instrument to fulfill strategic and functional purposes and less as an instrument of mutuality. Although the non-Chinese discourse focuses on mutuality, exchange, and reciprocal communication, China is more concerned with getting its message out and convincing the world of its benign intentions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the incorporation of American ethics and ideology as a diplomatic soft power method to address 21st century U.S. national security threats, including in facing terrorist threat from radical Sunni Islamists. An overview of national security threats posed by China to the U.S. is provided.

The article explores on the direction of justice for both men and women under the administration of the U.S. President Barack Obama. It highlights the application of national power from diplomacy, military operations, and economic policy to humanitarian aid and development. It also cites the impact of financial crisis to the U.S. economy.

Diplomacy is in trouble. With globalization come global problems. While we live in a twenty-first-century world of interdependence, we face seventeenth-century Westphalian political institutions with defined boundaries and separated responsibilities of nation-states. When we think of diplomacy, we are thinking of state-to-state relations; however, with sovereign obligation and national interest obsession, state-to-state negotiations often fall into “gridlocks”; international policy-making also suffers from “democratic deficits”. David Held offered cosmopolitan democracy as the answer, but his “world government” thesis provides no realistic policy implications. In very recent years, city-to-city (“trans-municipal”) networks have received significant international recognition as cities are able to cooperate, with concrete actions, on a range of global issues. Surprisingly, scholars of international relations have largely neglected the role of cities in global governance. This paper argues for city diplomacy and “glocal” governance to fill the theoretical gap. It has two purposes: (1) to break the “conceptual jail” of regarding nation-states asthelegitimate subject to manage world affairs, and open the door for cities and (2) to revisit theconditionof cosmopolitan democracy, and offer a realistic model to revitalize the concept while bypassing the infeasibility of world government. In Part I, as I revisit Confucian philosophyda-tong(great unity), Rosenau's “sovereignty-free” actors and Athenian democracy, I argue that cities are our best hope to transcend nationality for the common well-being of humanity, connect local citizens to global public policy, and move towards cosmopolitan democracy. In Part II, drawing on Dahl's democratic criteria and DeBúrca's “democratic-striving approach”, I will develop two “building blocks” of democracy at the global level – —equal participation and popular control. In Part III, with reference to the “building blocks”, I will conduct a qualitative analysis to evaluate the cosmopolitan characteristics of C40 and develop political justifications for “trans-municipal networks”. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of this paper is to bring into conversation two apparently disparate debates in the fields of politics and International Relations. The first is a debate over celebrity humanitarianism that is divided between optimistic scholars, who see in it an enhancement of democracy, and pessimistic scholars, who link it to capitalist imperialism or a throwback to older colonial tropes. The second is a debate over a (new) American empire which has prompted scholars in IR to redress IR’s historic ‘elision’ of empire and to offer new network theories of empire. The paper argues that these two debates each address the shortcomings in the other and offers speculation on what celebrity humanitarianism might have to do with empire by bridging the connections between structuralist political theories of empire and the cultural accounts offered by postcolonial theory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines how acrobatics was imbued with multiple meanings through the practices of nation-state building and international diplomacy. More specifically, the author discusses why the Chinese government chose acrobatics to facilitate the Sino-US rapprochement and the implications of this cultural diplomacy for the governments as well as the acrobats. Drawing on oral history interviews and archival data, this study demonstrates how the relationship between acrobatics and the ideas of ‘Chinese revolution’ was established, strengthened, disrupted, and finally re-modified to facilitate China’s relations with the West. This historical investigation advances the literature on performing arts and politics by exposing the political logics in the North-South exchange. As important, the analysis of acrobats’ engagement with Cold War politics evades state-centric narratives and contributes to an understanding of international diplomacy from a bottom-up perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Between 1945 and 1966, Belgian public diplomacy operatives turned Africa into their principal target area. Scholars have alternately seen Belgian foreign policy as driven by the quest to safeguard economic interests while also emphasizing the skill with which Belgian foreign ministers increased the influence of Belgium within the Transatlantic partnership. As a result, the use of public diplomacy and the impact of colonialism on foreign policy is under-researched. However, the study of the archives of Inforcongo, Inbel and the Belgian Information Centre in New York allows for a better understanding of the close connections between Belgian public diplomacy and the changing views on development which shifted in the course of the 1950s and 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

What is there new to say on the Low Countries and transatlantic relations during the Cold War? How do recent trends in Cold War research open up uncharted areas to explore these relations from new angles and perspectives? With attention shifting to cultural, global, transnational and multi-centric approaches to the international history of the twentieth century, it would seem that the transatlantic is long passé as a primary frame of reference. As the first special issue in this series claimed (The Low Countries and Eastern Europe during the Cold War), existing scholarship on the Benelux nations has tended to emphasise the ‘loyal ally’ thesis, the uniqueness of small states among larger powers and the importance of traditional diplomacy. With this special issue, a set of articles has been brought together that open up new ways to consider the changing relations both within and between the Benelux nations and their Western allies during the Cold War. As a starting point, it takes the dual approach of the Benelux nations as both actors in the Cold War and as sites where Cold War dynamics were played out and influenced local political and social outcomes. By applying such a structure-agency approach, new perspectives on the importance of the Cold War for Benelux history, and the relevance of the Benelux for Cold War history, can be mapped out. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

States often fall out or collaborate over issues to do with international migration whilst migrants through their very actions shape the interdependence of states. Turkey and the EU also frequently argue over migration issues. Over the years, Turkey's economy grew significantly. It became an attraction and a safe haven to migrants and refugees. In April 2013, a new migration and asylum law came into force that responds to these new challenges. This was followed by the EU-Turkey visa liberalisation and readmission agreements. This contribution sketches some of the issues and notably the wider context to these latest developments., International relations (IR) or Foreign Affairs (FA) conventionally focus on state actors, international organizations and international non-governmental organisations, on relations and interactions of these and generally on world politics and [...]

Based on archival scripts, discussion records, and interviews of surviving artists, this article examines the impact of China's state diplomatic demand and shifting political and ideological circumstances on the creation and revisions of a jingju (Beijing opera) play titled Princess Baihua in the late 1950s and early 1960s. In 1958, a kunqu scene from the Ming dynasty chuanqi (marvel play) piece The Story of Baihua was selected and significantly revised for a cultural-diplomatic tour to Europe. After the tour, the jingju actress Li Yuru adapted this one-act into a short jingju play. In 1960, as Li and her colleagues at the Shanghai Jingju Theatre were preparing to expand Li's version into a full-length play, foreign minister Chen Yi suggested a fundamental change to the premise of the play in order to utilize it for China's Cold War diplomacy. Chen's directive, however, introduced major creative challenges for the team of actors, playwrights, directors, and cultural officials in charge of the revision process that went through four versions between 1960 and 1961, which was further complicated by the volatile ideological pendulum of the era., While a great deal of scholarship has been devoted to China's revolutionary model plays during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), much less attention has been afforded to the appropriation of traditional [...]

Public diplomacy is an effective, steadily evolving foreign policy tool used all over the world. In the context of current global trends promoting one's own values and the way of thinking as an objective of public diplomacy is of special interest. Democracy and human rights are among the main values of the Western countries and are promoted by them through a wide range of measures aimed at foreign country's authorities as well as foreign public including different target audiences. This paper addresses the foundations of public diplomacy activity aimed at democracy promotion abroad. It states that the value of democracy is advantageous to public diplomacy of the West and allows it to hold leading positions offering an attractive model of development for the rest of the world. Democratization measures in conditions of gradual development of democratic institutions as well as in crisis situations are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bargaining for a new role in world politics presents a rising power with a strategic dilemma, as the new role entails a new power position in the system and a new social status in international society. China's assertiveness in diplomacy after 2008 can be seen as a 'role bargaining' process between China and the outside world, such as China's bargaining for a new role in the global financial system through the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). This article aims to examine how a rising power can bargain for the new role in a peaceful way. Based on rational bargaining theory and on role theory, we suggest four strategies whereby a rising power bargains for a new role: costly signalling, self-restraint, role-diversification, and alter-casting. Through focusing on China's World Trade Organization accession and integration into the global economy after the Cold War, we examine the utilities and limitations of these four role-bargaining strategies for a rising power in the international system. The first two strategies aim to address the information and commitment problems concomitant with rationalism that a rising power faces in negotiating a new power position, and the last two strategies focus on how a rising power can bargain for a new social role by balancing the self's role conception and the role expectations of others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The declassification of communist state security archives allows for a comparison between the common imagination of intelligence during the Cold War and historical reality. This case study of the Polish secret services in Belgium between 1975 and 1989 shows that some views are accurate. Embassies were the headquarters of espionage activity and all residents — i.e. the coordinators of the ‘Belgian’ cell — and intelligence officers worked under diplomatic cover. Many other images, however, appear to be far from the truth. The Polish state security was not omnipresent and efficient. It failed to obtain relevant information, gathered everything that randomly fell into its hands, and mainly based its analyses on published sources. Nevertheless, its self-assessments of its activities and results are very positive. They demonstrate that this weakness was the norm rather than the exception. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

To date, accounts of international solidarity movements with an orientation towards the Third World have remained strongly embedded in 1968 historiography and largely unconnected to Cold War history. This article aims to position these solidarity movements within the broader history of the Cold War and to explore their relevance to efforts at globalizing and entangling the history of North-South and East-West relations. Building on arguments developed by Cold War historians, and examples drawn from Belgium, it identifies three themes which have been largely unexamined in mainstream accounts of international solidarity movements, yet serve as toeholds for challenging traditional premises of 1968 historiography. First, it argues that East-West networks and communist movements constituted a space for North-South encounters and campaigns. Second, it assesses the role of Third World agency, which reveals a little known side of international solidarity campaigns that brings us to sectors and ideas beyond the radical new left and to diplomacy, human rights, and North-South networks. Third, this article analyzes how solidarity with the Third World was a source of détente and East-West cooperation. What is revealed from this analysis is a Europeanization of the Third World that became a projection screen for ideas of Europe’s past and future and united East-West and North-South campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article I identify and analyse the legal instruments that allow international courts to contribute to the development of international law. I explain how these contributions are linked to a process that I call ‘autonomisation’, the process by which international courts form and sustain an autonomous interpretation of what the law is within their jurisdiction. The aim of this analysis is to be able to identify the legal format that international courts use to respond doctrinally to the overall socio-political context of the legal disputes they aim to settle through their decisions. I claim it is in this cross-field between law and politics that courts unfold a specific form of diplomacy that has been referred to as ‘legal diplomacy’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional diplomacy in the context of current political realities and the structural weaknesses of the Palestinian diplomatic apparatus having demonstrated its failure to resolve the Palestinian issue on equitable terms, a new approach is called for. This paper proposes public diplomacy as that alternative. We present an overview of the evolution and definition of the concept of public diplomacy, analyze the elements and tools around which a Palestinian strategy may be structured, and discuss political steps and alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role that U.S. diplomacy and diplomats play in international organization and international relations, commenting on the alleged future importance of American diplomacy. An overview of the impact that globalization has on international relations and diplomacy, including in regard to global trends in governance, politics and building international coalitions and diplomats' having of expert global knowledge on cultural and religious identity, regional and informal authority, is provided.

Despite the difficulty of communicating with adversaries, scholars have described a variety of signaling mechanisms that relate to bilateral negotiations between states. This article demonstrates that when more than two states are involved, states have additional, costless means of communicating their intentions. In particular, statements of a third party to a dispute on behalf of a "protégé" are credible because of the effect these statements have on the protégé's conduct. Protégés that are emboldened by support will sometimes be more likely to take actions that risk conflict, causing the third party to be more likely to have to intervene. Thus, commitments to fight on behalf of other states can convey information to potential adversaries. This form of signaling requires that the interests of the third party and protégé be sufficiently aligned and that the third party be powerful enough, but also not too powerful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]