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Žygimanto Augusto medalio perdirbinys, sujungęs portretinio averso kopiją su iš kabučio perdarytu reversu, straipsnyje interpretuojamas kaip karaliaus asmens ir valdžios komentaras. Pasitelkus vaizdinius ir rašytinius šaltinius, tyrime konstruojamas istorinis Giovanniui Giacomui Caragliui priskiriamo originalo ir jo perdirbinio kontekstas išskleidžiant dvipusio medalio potencialą apversti prasmes. This enquiry focuses on the portrait medal of King Sigismund Augustus attributed to the goldsmith Giovanni Giacomo Caraglio; the medal and its remake are kept in the Ashmolean Museum of the University of Oxford. The medal features in Caraglio’s portrait painted by Paris Bordone in 1553, and is therefore also dated to the same year. The obscure occasion for which the medal was cast prompts reconsidering the relation between its obverse and reverse. The obverse features the bust of the king in profile facing left, while the reverse depicts the figure of Faith encircled with the quote from Virgil’s Aeneid: “DVM SPIRITVS HOS REGET ARTVS” (“As long as the spirit directs these limbs”, IV, 336). Avigdor W.G. Posèq has convincingly argued that the left-facing orientation of the profile coincides with the direction towards the past and is often used when representing humanists, females, minors, and clergymen rather than kings and politicians who are responsible for shaping the future. What is the message behind the medal that depicts the king looking towards the past in combination with the personification of Faith and Aeneas’ promise to remember Dido? This essay argues that this combination acknowledges Sigismund Augustus’ acceptance of his royal duties and his resolution to remain faithful to the Catholic creed of his ancestors in the wake of the death of his beloved spouse Queen Barbara Radziwill (1523–1551). Although, due to Virgil’s authority and the privileged genre of medal art, this item has been regarded as high art, the association between the queens Barbara and Dido bore significant misogynist and erotic undertones. The latter have been exploited in the remake of the medal as its bronze aftercast was adjoined to a former pendant featuring Venus and Mars surprised by Vulcan and Olympian gods mocking them. Due to the identification of the hitherto obscured iconography of the reverse as well as the references to the Reposianus’ epyllion together with Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Ars Amatoria as its literary sources, this unique medallic remake comes across as a humorous gesture. The paper argues that the reverse being fixed to the obverse along the horizontal axis allowed the viewers to reveal the erotic reputation of the king and, by doing so, turn the image of Augustus (meaning, literally, “the elevated one”) head upside down. This way, by a mere twist of fingers, the contradictory combination of reverse and obverse of this medallic remake allowed the erudite and powerful onlookers to join the Olympian gods in their laughter.

Ovaj će se rad baviti tragedijom Didone Jakova Palmotića Dionorića. Nakon kratke piščeve biografije, pozornost će se usmjeriti na utjecaj Vergilijeve Eneide te upozoriti na razlike između predloška i Palmotićeva prepjeva. Potom će se upozoriti na problem žanrovskog određenja s obzirom na doba u kojem je tragedija napisana. Zatim će se analizirati Didonine karakterne osobine, usporedit će ju se s Vergilijevom Didonom te će se pokušati procijeniti koliko je uvjerljivom Palmotić učinio svoju Didonu.

On December 26th, 1772 to the theatre S. Benedetto in Venice, the Venetian audience attends the performance of a ballet pantomime considered one of the masterpieces of Gasparo Angiolini, La partenza di Enea o Didone Abbandonata (The departure of Aeneas or Dido abandoned). The short description of the ballet, inserted in the opera’s libretto, specifies the type, the structure and the source: it is about a «tragic pantomime ballet, divided in five acts and taken from the first four books of Virgil and from the opera of Dido of the famous Mr. abbot Metastasio». The music of the ballet, composed by Angiolini himself, was published by Marescalchi in a small volume of nine scores, the following year in Naples. Rare sample of the relation between music and dance, the first violin musical score shows the traces of synchronization between notes and gesture: it is a series of short captions inserted in the stave that, thanks to a system of cross references, detailing the action and specifying the musical moment in which it occurs. Based on literary and musical sources and with a special attention to strategies of intersemiotic transposition and to the modalities of the pantomime expression, this article develops a dramaturgic analysis that highlights the pragmatic value of the Angiolinian creation in the context of the cultural rivalry between Italy and France. This ballet that, on the whole, reveals the theoretical discourse of its inventor and expresses its dramaturgic choices, conveys a specifically Italian poetics, situated in the Arcadia's reform plan between Metastasio and Goldoni, and defends the idea of an Italian reform of the art of the dance. Animated by the desire to act in the cultural environment in which it moves, to show and to demonstrate the classical principles of a new poetics of dance, Angiolini advocates, in fact, with its Dance of Dido, the rational re-foundation of the Italian pantomime-ballet., Il 26 dicembre 1772 al teatro S. Benedetto di Venezia, il pubblico veneziano assiste alla rappresentazione di un ballo pantomimo considerato come uno dei capolavori di Gasparo Angiolini, La partenza di Enea o Didone Abbandonata. La breve descrizione del ballo, inserita nel libretto d’opera che lo accoglie, ne precisa il genere, la struttura e la fonte: si tratta di un «Ballo tragico pantomimo, diviso in cinque atti e tratto dai primi quattro libri di Virgilio e dall’opera di Didone del celebre sig. abate Metastasio». Le musiche del ballo, composte dallo stesso Angiolini, sono pubblicate in un volumetto di nove parti musicali distinte, l’anno seguente da Marescalchi a Napoli. Raro esemplare della relazione tra musica e danza, lo spartito per il primo violino presenta le tracce di una sincronizzazione tra le note e il gesto: si tratta di una serie di brevi didascalie inserite sul rigo musicale che, grazie a un sistema di rimandi, dettagliano l’azione e precisano il momento musicale in cui essa si svolge. Sulla base delle fonti letterarie e musicali e con una particolare attenzione alle strategie di trasposizione intersemiotica e alle modalità di espressione pantomima, il presente articolo elabora un’analisi drammaturgica che mette in luce il valore pragmatico della creazione angioliniana nel contesto della rivalità culturale tra l’Italia e la Francia. Questo ballo che, nel complesso, palesa il discorso teorico del suo inventore ed esprime le sue scelte drammaturgiche, veicola una poetica che si vuole specificamente italiana e che, collocata nel progetto riformatore dell’Arcadia tra Metastasio e Goldoni, difende l’idea una riforma italiana dell’arte della danza. Animato dalla volontà di agire nell’ambiente culturale in cui si muove, di mostrare e dimostrare i principi classici di una nuova poetica della danza, Angiolini propugna, di fatto, con il suo Ballo della Didone, la rifondazione razionale del ballo-pantomimo italiano.

On the basis of an innate predisposition to tragic reading, already well established by ancient and modern critics, we tried to identify in Virgil's episode dedicated to Dido that dimension of accomplished pièce, so to speak, extrapolated from the context of narrative epic, through the reconstruction of the mantuan poet's theatrical imaginary. From the evidence of a direct experience and a probable knowledge of contemporary performing arts practice, we have attempted the origins of virgilian "directing skills" that helped develop the myth sub species ragoediae, in terms of drama, vision and representation. Reflection on the generative nucleus of the legend's tragic declination has been used as a path through which summarize the different forms of dramatization of the episode from the late antiquity and medieval experiences, to the exploit in the Renaissance that sees the synchronous and geographically transversal combination of different tragedies entitled to the queen of Carthage. Among the various possible outcomes in the theater of the XVI century we chose the tragic experience of Giovan Battista Giraldi Cinthio for his dramatic and scenic features and his ability to grasp the inherent theatricality of the virgilian narrative episode. Approaching to a deep investigation into Dido tragedy, it was established to propose a new edition, an interpretative one, using the only cinquecentina (posthumous) edited in 1583. Missing the manuscript and having no other prints but a recent diplomatic transcription made by the spanish scholar Irene Romera Pintor (Madrid, Editorial Complutense, 2008) – it has not been possible to proceed to the critical edition. The accurate reconstruction of the text is the essential link between the successive enlargements with which we attempted to outline the trends of giraldian culture, to see its applications in his theories of drama, on his theatrical project , and directly on the play. Starting from a contextual biography of the “uomo di teatro” with the purpose of evading the traditional and conventional literary measure and bring it instead to the socio-cultural complexity, to the conditions that have promoted, influenced and hindered his work, we attempted to probe the extended and expert performing practice of the ferrarese playwright, as well as his theoretical proposals, highlightened precisely through the connection with the dramatic production and with the "directing" practice. Giraldi's Dido is not to be considered a mere deployment of compositional techniques, or even an erudite example set within a period of academic and theoretical debate about the nature of the tragic genre, but the result of many interests of its author. The critical line we chose aims to stress the dialectic between theory and representation practice, between tradition and innovation, between fidelity to the models and watchful eye on the contemporary world, taking into account the personality of Giraldi Cinthio and his material needs addressed to the scene. For this purpose we decided to use the scenic and dramaturgical analysis through which probe the interrelationship between text and theater practice. This method has therefore been carried out on a tripartite path: the reconstruction of detailed references to the virgilian source and to the literary tradition that has allowed us to understand the philological work with which the ancient myth has been written and bowed to the contemporary demands; the recognition of moral,ideological civil instances, that show how giraldian Dido is a snippet of the history of civilization of the Sixteenth century Ferrara; and finally the reconstuction of the game of similarities and transgressions between theoretical works and elements of the spectacular text by which we can let emerge some of the real substance of the textual structure's scenic potential.

Rad je prikaz knjige Hrvojke Mihanović-Salopek i Vinicija B. Lupisa Željezni duh: prinos Jakete Palmotića Dionorića hrvatskoj književnoj baštini, objavljene u Biblioteci Studije, knjiga 13, Institut društvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar – Područni centar Dubrovnik, Zagreb – Dubrovnik, 2010.

Narrazione del mito di Didone di origine fenicia e rielaborazione romana e della sua utilizzazione storica

Frammento poco indagato della “fortuna” di Didone è il riuso integrale di Aen. IV 415 nell’epigr. 75 Green di Ausonio. Il verso virgiliano ne quid inexpertum frustra moritura relinquat, che nell'Eneide segna la risoluzione della regina, fallito ogni tentativo di trattenere Enea, alla scelta del suicidio, mentre in Ausonio conclude, come aprosdoketon, la didascalia di un quadretto pornografico di Crispa impegnata con quattro partner contemporaneamente. Dietro la mulier impudica si scorge la regina cartaginese. Tale procedimento è reso possibile dalla lettura allegorica, presente a partire almeno dal V secolo, che vede in Didone la personificazione della libido (Dante collocherà Didone nel secondo cerchio dell’Inferno). L’epigramma di Ausonio può esser così letto come uno sberleffo al luogo comune che faceva di Didone (quella salita al rogo per sottrarsi alle nozze con il re dei Getùli e non tradire il defunto marito Sicheo) exemplum di virtù muliebre e, nella retorica cristiana, paradigma della mulier univira; la figura dell’eroina virgiliana è così estremizzata in quella dominante sensualità che la cultura romana (certo quella tardoantica) le attribuiva. A scarcely investigated fragment testifying to the “fortune” of the character of Dido is the integral reuse of Aen. IV 415 in Auson. epigr. 75 Green. The line quoted from Virgil, ne quid inexpertum frustra moritura relinquat, that in Aeneid occurs after Dido has failed to prevent Aeneas from departing, and crucially marks the queen’s resolution to kill herself, in Ausonius closes, like an aprosdoketon, the didascalia of a pornographic tableau, in which Crispa is engaged with four partners at the same time. Behind Ausonius’ mulier impudica we can glimpse the Carthaginian queen. This procedure is backed by the allegorical reading, practiced at least from the 5th century, which interprets Dido as the personification of libido (hence Dante will set her up in the second round of his Inferno). Ausonius’ epigram, then, can be read as a sneer to the commonplace that makes Dido an exemplum of feminine virtue - as the woman who ascended onto the pyre in order to escape the marriage with the Gaetulian king and to remain faithful to her late husband, Sichaeus - and, according to the Christian standard view, a paradigm of mulier uniuira. Ausonius thus stresses to the utmost that feature of the Virgilian Dido which was most popular amongst the Romans, or at any rate amongst those of Late Antiquity, namely her sensuality.

Nel 1927 Girolamo Vitelli propone di tradurre Verg. Aen. IV 19 (Huic uni forsan potui succumbere culpae) separando huic uni da culpae: così facendo, Didone ammette la possibilità di tradire «il ciner di Sicheo» soltanto per un uomo quale Enea. Non si tratta di una interpretazione nuova, poiché molti traduttori dei secoli precedenti (Zoppio, Martelli, Schiappalaria, Carrara, Bozzoli, per citarne alcuni) avevano mostrato di interpretare il verso in maniera analoga. Ma la nota di Vitelli ha il merito di suscitare un acceso dibattito tra i suoi sostenitori e quelli dell’interpretazione che lega huic uni a culpae. A sostegno dell’interpretazione di Vitelli – secondo un rigoroso metodo filologico – può essere portato il confronto con Catull. 111,3 (sed cuiuis quamuis potius succumbere par est). In 1927 Girolamo Vitelli proposed to translate Verg. Aen. IV 19 (Huic uni forsan potui succumbere culpae) separating huic uni to culpae: by so doing, Dido admits the possibility of betrayal «the Ciner of Sicheus» only for a man like Enea. This is not a new interpretation, as many translators of the past (Zoppo, Martelli, Schiappalaria, Carrara, Bozzoli, to name a few) were shown to interpret the verse in a similar manner. But the note of Vitelli has the merit of arousing a heated debate between his supporters and those of interpretation that binds huic uni to culpae. To support the interpretation of Vitelli – according to a rigorous philological method – can be brought comparisons with Catull. 111, 3 (sed cuiuis quamuis potius succumbere par est).

Rapporto tra Antony and Cleopatra e l'Eneide, legame tra eros e politica, rovesciamento shakespeariano del mito di fondazione