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In the context of the Argentine military dictatorship, the phenomenon of rupture of filiation stems from the political violence exercised at the time. A measure of political repression (appropriation of children of opponents), it is also a consequence of forced exile and its devastating impact on families. This article aims to address the theme of the restitution of the stolen identity in Corriendo en la sangre (2010) and Mientras la quietud (2018) by Teresita Galimany. theatre, identity, dictatorship, Argentina, fragmentation, transgenerational

The aims of this article is to analyze the conditions under which schooling took place in the Baixada Fluminense, as well the struggle for the right to education in the historical context of the passage from the 1970s to the 1980s. This historic moment was marked by the political distension and crisis of legitimacy that characterized the final years of the dictatorial regime established after 1964. The mobilization of families living in the Baixada Fluminense in the historical period in question shows that the right to education is considered fundamental in the context of the realization of real citizenship for the Brazilian population as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Truth Commission (TC) was carried out in Brazil (2012-2014) to investigate human rights violations perpetrated by state agents, especially during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). TCs are supposed to help societies on the reconstruction of social cohesion after authoritarian or violent periods. We conducted three studies with undergraduate students and adult samples between 2014 and 2017. Evaluating the TC as effective was related to higher punctuations on the variables of social cohesion, even controlling the effects of political positioning. The TC effectiveness perception was associated with the emotional reaction (both, negative or positive) and a positive attitude towards remembering the past. Nonetheless, we found some different results across the three studies. These differences are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Frontières is the property of Universite du Quebec a Montreal, Revue Frontieres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Savoirs En Prisme is the property of Universitaires de Reims and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La dictature qu'a imposé Fulgencio Batista à Cuba de 1952 à 1958 correspond à la catégorie bien particulière des « régimes sultaniques » si l'on suit la typologie proposée par le politiste Juan Linz. Dénués de toute idéologie mobilisatrice, ceux-ci servent avant tout les intérêts personnels du chef de l'État et de son clan. Certains de leurs traits saillants, comme le haut degré de corruption, le népotisme et le manque de professionnalisme, se dégagent clairement de l'analyse des activités de la Comisión nacional de deportes (CND) dirigée par le beau-frère de Batista. Plus près en cela d'un système autoritaire « classique », le clan au pouvoir a tenté de contrôler le mouvement sportif associatif et même de prendre en possession le Comité olympique cubain. La manière dont le mouvement sportif s'est opposé à ces tentatives témoigne de la subsistance d'une société civile intacte. Quant aux grands spectacles sportifs organisés et financés par la CND, ils n'ont guère apporté de la légitimité au gouvernement, étant trop marqués par la corruption et le dilettantisme répandus dans l'appareil d'État. Notre article reconstitue les fonctions et dysfonctionnements de la politique sportive sous Batista en s'appuyant sur de nombreux documents d'archives et des périodiques cubains, et en mettant à l'épreuve le concept de Juan Linz. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annuals of the Administration & Law / Roczniki Administracji i Prawa is the property of Oficyna Wydawnicza Humanitas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Encounters in Theory & History of Education / Rencontres en Theorie et Histoire de l'Educacion is the property of Queen's University, Faculty of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akofena is the property of Universite Felix Houphouet Boigny and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akofena is the property of Universite Felix Houphouet Boigny and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How come the Dominican Republic has become a stable electoral democracy while Haiti has descended into authoritarianism? Back in the mid-20th century, both countries found themselves on a similar plane, yet by the turn of the century their outcomes could not be more different, with Dominicans currently enjoying competitive elections while Haitians witness their country being gripped by political violence. This article examines post-authoritarian transitions in the Dominican Republic and Haiti after both nations endured lengthy neosultanistic dictatorships. The central hypothesis of this work is that although the Dominican Republic and Haiti followed similar historical paths in and out of neosultanistic dictatorships (those of General Rafael Trujillo and the Duvalier family, respectively), in the long term specific domestic factors and missed opportunities—combined with dissimilar international scenarios—led to vastly different outcomes on the road to democratization. According to The Economist Intelligence Unit's 2021 "Democracy Index," the Dominican Republic has become an electoral democracy while Haiti has recently been downgraded from a "hybrid regime" into the authoritarian category. As such, the nature of their post-authoritarian transitions, current political systems, and quality of democracy merit comparative examination. ¿Cómo es que la República Dominicana se ha convertido en una democracia electoral estable mientras que Haití ha caído en el autoritarismo? [End Page 3] A mediados del siglo XX, ambos países se encontraban en un plano similar, pero para el cambio de siglo sus resultados no podrían ser más diferentes, con los dominicanos actualmente celebrando elecciones competitivas mientras que los haitianos ven cómo su país se ve afectado por la violencia política. Este artículo examina las transiciones post-autoritarias en República Dominicana y Haití después de que ambas naciones soportaran largas dictaduras neosultanistas. La hipótesis central de este trabajo es que si bien República Dominicana y Haití siguieron trayectorias históricas similares dentro y fuera de las dictaduras neosultanistas (las del General Rafael Trujillo y la de la familia Duvalier, respectivamente), en el largo plazo factores domésticos específicos y oportunidades perdidas —combinadas con escenarios internacionales disímiles— llevaron a resultados muy diferentes en el camino hacia la democratización. Según el "Índice de democracia" de 2021 de The Economist Intelligence Unit, la República Dominicana se ha convertido en una democracia electoral, mientras que Haití ha sido degradado recientemente de un "régimen híbrido" a la categoría autoritaria. Como tal, la naturaleza de sus transiciones post-autoritarias, los sistemas políticos actuales y la calidad de la democracia merecen un examen comparativo. Comment se fait-il que la République Dominicaine soit devenue une démocratie électorale stable alors qu'Haïti a sombré dans l'autoritarisme? Au milieu du XXe siècle, les deux pays se sont retrouvés sur un plan similaire, mais au tournant du siècle, leurs résultats ne pourraient pas être plus différents, les Dominicains bénéficiant actuellement d'élections compétitives tandis que les Haïtiens voient leur pays en proie à la violence politique. Cet article examine les transitions post-autoritaires en République Dominicaine et en Haïti après que les deux nations ont enduré de longues dictatures néosultanistes. L'hypothèse centrale de ce travail est que bien que la République Dominicaine et Haïti aient suivi des chemins historiques similaires dans et hors des dictatures néosultanistes (celles du général Rafael Trujillo et de la famille Duvalier, respectivement), à long terme, des facteurs nationaux spécifiques et des opportunités manquées —combinés à des scénarios internationaux dissemblables— ont conduit à des résultats très différents sur la voie de la démocratisation. Selon l'indice [End Page 4] de démocratie 2021 de l'Economist Intelligence Unit, la République Dominicaine est devenue une démocratie électorale tandis qu'Haïti a récemment été rétrogradé d'un "régime hybride" à la catégorie autoritaire. À ce titre, la nature de leurs transitions post-autoritaires, les systèmes politiques actuels et la qualité de la démocratie méritent un examen comparatif. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny is the property of Polish Academy of Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny is the property of Polish Academy of Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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L’élection de Raúl Alfonsín le 30 octobre 1983 et son accession à la présidence de la République Argentine le 10 décembre de la même année mettent un terme, sinon à la violence, du moins à la répression institutionnelle, instaurée bien avant que les militaires ne prennent le pouvoir le 24 mars 1976. Cette dictature est couramment associée aux termes « disparu » et « vol de bébés », questions dont la littérature et le cinéma se sont rapidement appropriés, d’autant plus que bon nombre des victimes directes de la dictature ont été des adolescents et des enfants dont les parents ont été assassinés et à qui on a volé l’identité. Spectateur, acteur impuissant des événements, souvent victime directe ou indirecte de ces mêmes événements, l’enfant est le témoin impuissant des bouleversements qui ont affecté son entourage et sa construction comme individu. Ce travail propose une analyse de l’évolution de la présence de l’enfant dans la production littéraire et cinématographique argentine depuis le milieu des années 1980.

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L’exil du metteur en scène, imposé ou volontaire, est le plus souvent effectué sous l’impact d’un pouvoir totalitaire. L’expérience del’exil distingue le metteur en scène des artistes autres, individuels, car il se confronte à des communautés d’acteurs étrangers, à des conditions de travail différentes par rapport au pays de départ, à des horizons d’attente propres aux spectateurs du pays d’accueil. Le metteur en scène et l’acteur doivent également se définir par rapport à une langue autre. L’exil de l’homme de théâtre implique le choix des pôles de reconnaissance culturelle propice à son identité de même qu’à la sauvegarde de son héritage personnel ! À la question du départ s’en ajoute une autre, celle du retour avec tout ce qu’elle peut comporter comme accomplissement ou, plus souvent, comme déception.

The student movement was a central element in the resistance to Europe's longest dictatorship in the 20th century, and had expression in all academies, including at the University of Porto. The present work seeks to reconstruct the action, albeit partially, of students of the Faculty of Medicine of Porto, between 1969 and 1974. For this purpose, written documents produced by the student representative structuresare analyzed. There is a great intensity in the activity of the student movement in the period under study, with the development of significativestruggles aboutpedagogical issues and articulated with the more general struggle against repression and dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bitácora Urbano/Territorial is the property of Bitacora Urbano/Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Chile has become a paradigm of the complexity of the relations between past and present, and between memories and history. After the September 11, 1973 coup, around one million people left Chile. The journeys of the exiles and the retornados intertwine in the twists and turns of this story. These weakened ties between past and present are a challenge for the Chilean society. This diaspora is an integral part of the national collective memory constructed by the dictatorship, and of the imaginary consubstantial with international solidarity. The recovery of their stories, the recognition of their memories and of their identities are topical issues for the victims of the dictatorship, and therfore of the transition.

This article problematizes the institutionalization of the so-called "mainstream press" in Brazil, conceived as a "fourth power," between the dictatorship and democracy. The analysis will be based on the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Globo, two companies that, from the authoritarian modernization they underwent during the dictatorship, to their position as incisive agents in the process of redemocratization, have gone through processes often ambiguous and tortuous. To this end, the text intends to identify, at some specific moments in the history of these newspapers, characteristics that allow us to configure the search for an authority among the actors in the foreground of a scene of political representation, which is crucial to understanding how newspapers define and legitimize their identities in and over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article reflects on the military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985), seeking to inquire as to the basis of power used by the Regime to retain State control for over 20 years. The general aim is to understand the legal mechanisms used by the military government to maintain public power. A brief comparison is made between the authoritarian systems of the Southern Cone during the 1960s, analyzing the preferred regulatory production of the despotic system, in order to describe the juggling acts performed in the legislation. Finally, the article aims to comprehend the lengthy process of transition to the New Republic. To do so, the deductive approach method is used, along with the historic and monographic procedure methods, combining the techniques of bibliographic and documentary research by means of a review of the literature produced on the subject. As expected, the results demonstrate the harnessing of the Law according to the momentary interests of the occupants of the upper tiers of the federal administration, the maneuvers employed to weaken the opposition, and that the transition negotiated during the 1980s generated a form of democracy granted/conceded by the military commanders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes and discusses the new generation of methodological responses to measuring democracy and related issues generated by Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem). V-Dem is distinct in several regards in addition to its unique level of disaggregation, by the combination of: historical data extending back to 1900 and for a large selection among them to 1789 for many countries in the world; use of multiple, independent coders for each evaluative question; inter-coder reliability tests incorporated into a custom designed Bayesian item-response theory measurement model; provision of confidence bounds for all point estimates associated with expert-coded questions as well as for all indices; multiple indices reflecting varying theories of democracy; fully transparent aggregation procedures; and that all data are made freely available, including original coder-level judgments (exclusive of any personal identifying information). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Área Abierta is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Educação, Sociedade & Culturas is the property of Centro de Investigacao e Intervencao Educativa (CIIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La dernière dictature à Haïti a été dévastatrice, le résultat c’est une situation de misère autant intellectuelle que matérielle inacceptable pour notre temps. Alors qu’Haïti se trouvait submergé dans des affrontements entre différentes factions pour prendre le pouvoir, un homme émerge comme l’espoir attendu : Jean-Bertrand Aristide, religieux salésien, bien aimé et protégé par le peuple. Il est devenu président aux élections démocratiques de 1991. Cependant dans la même année un Putsch l’oblige à quitter le pays. Il est revenu en 2004 pour un deuxième mandat présidentiel. Néanmoins il a été encore forcé de démissionner car une crise interne et des vagues de violences ont eu lieu. L’arrivée de la MINUSTAH montre qu’Haïti n’a jamais réussi à suivre sa propre politique. Même avec l’aide internationale l’île continue à être le pays le plus pauvre du continent.