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This paper investigates the connections between harmonious cultural values, pro‐environmental self‐identity and consumers' sustainable consumption behaviours spanning acquisition, usage and disposal. It evaluates the relevance of Chinese cultural values that purport harmony between humans, nature and society that is, man‐nature orientation, and horizontal/vertical dimensions of individualism collectivism. The results from the online survey with 503 urbanised Chinese reveals these values disparately influence this consumption. Despite the limited direct behavioural effect of these harmonious values, pro‐environmental self‐identity plays an important role in mediating their indirect effects on the five behaviours. This paper therefore extends theorisation of the values‐identity‐behaviour relationship from a cultural‐values orientation perspective. It offers new insights to understand urbanised Chinese consumers sustainable consumption behaviours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we respond to the call for more holistic and culturally diverse research to advance understanding of (non)sustainable consumption behaviour. Our conceptual model incorporates materialism, environmental concern, social consumption motivation, pro-environmental self-identity and sustainable consumption behaviours. This paper contributes to knowledge by examining the mediating role of pro-environmental self-identity to more fully explain consumers’ (non)sustainable consumption behaviour. An international online panel survey was employed in the UK (n = 1037) and China (n = 1025). Findings show that pro-environmental self-identity partially or fully mediates the relationships between materialism, environmental concern, social consumption motivation and sustainable consumption behaviours. Important cultural differences also emerged, for example, the positive effect of materialism on Chinese consumer’s sustainable consumption, which is contrary to Western evidence. We suggest bolder, culturally informed and more reflexive marketing strategies are needed to significantly advance sustainable consumption, thus effectively helping to redress the crisis facing our planet. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

China's industrialization is reshaping its younger age generation toward increased materialism and social visibility. This is problematic because materialistic social status consumption can undermine a deeper commitment to sustainability. We evaluate this phenomenon by examining sustainable consumption buying in China, through the theories of crossvergence (valuing modernization) and stickiness (valuing traditions). Specifically, we examine the moderation effects of Chinese age generations, in three socio‐historical periods, on this sustainability behavior. Namely, the post‐50/60s consolidation, post‐70s revolution, and post‐80s social reform age generations. Utilizing an online panel survey (n = 981), we investigated the direct and indirect effects—via pro‐environmental self‐identity—of materialism, social consumption motivation, and environmental concern on these generations sustainable buying behaviors. Importantly, we found the positive direct effect of materialism on sustainability buying was significantly higher for the younger post‐80s cohort, in contrast to the post‐50/60s and post‐70s generations. Social consumption was higher among the post‐80s and post‐70s generations. Environmental concern was insignificant for the post‐80s but a significantly higher influence on the post‐70s generation. This suggests a new younger consumer generation is emerging, who in juxtaposition to current notions of consuming sustainably, appear to mix materialism and sustainability together to consume as green materialists. We have named this consumer group "enviro‐materialists." These enviromaterialists raise important questions about the currently under‐researched generational underpinnings of sustainable consumption and the macrosystems within which this takes place. We propose interconnected governmental and corporate marketing interventions. These have potential to increase the sustainability behaviors of China's enviro‐materialists, while reducing their materialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an empirical study of young partisans’ and non-voters’ processing of attack ad messages utilised in the 2010 British general election. Expanding understanding of how these messages are processed is important because they can aid electoral and civic engagement, which is declining amongst youth. Currently, there is limited understanding of how youth process these ad messages and how they influence their engagement. We applied motivated reasoning to explore this in a national survey in England with 18- to 22-year-old British first-time voters, with data from 646 respondents presented in this article. Overall, our young partisans and non-voters employed motivated reasoning – (de)selection and critical appraisal – in their ad processing, thereby advancing understanding of how youth process attack election advertising. Concerns surrounding the use of attack election advertising emerge, suggesting the need for greater appraisal of the relevance of marketing in the development of election campaign strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this special edition, the editors have asked us to consider how political marketing has been used in the 2010 British Election, how it is evolving, and the prospects for its future use. We do this with specific reference to the attack advertising employed. Having empirically investigated British Election advertising campaigns since 1997, we also offer contrasts with 1997, 2001, and 2005. In evaluating the use of attack advertising in elections, we reveal how its future needs to be significantly different from its past. In this paper, we begin by examining some of the central contextual issues that were purported to inform the campaigns, and that also influenced public opinion towards parties, leaders, and voting itself. We then present the core arguments that both support and reject the use of attack advertising in election campaigns. We then move on to present detailed accounts of the advertising campaigns for the Labour, Conservative, and Liberal Democrat parties - using a combination of primary interview and secondary data. Our evaluation of these campaigns focuses on the consequences of attack advertising for political engagement and trust, and thus the reputation of political marketing. This analysis will also include comparisons with the 1997, 2001, and 2005 elections. The paper will conclude by considering the future of political advertising in British elections - as it is theorised and practised in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the growing prominence of embodiment within the agenda of consumer research, theorisation of the embodied self has yet to explore the imminent mortality ingrained within the lived body. In this paper, we seek to contribute to this important area by exploring the notion of 'mortal embodiment' within the context of cadaveric organ donation. We consider how the embodiment of mortality shapes ambivalent perceptions surrounding the dispossession of body parts in late modernity. Using a hermeneutic approach, multiple active interviews have been conducted with potential female donors, aged 21-30 who claim to harbour ambivalent perceptions towards organ donation. Through our 'rich and thick data' we reveal how potential donors actively weave personalised narratives of their embodied self by drawing on socio-cultural constructs of the body. We propose that the current organ donation promotional message of the "gift-of-life" should build on these 'embodied life themes and projects.' Through a hermeneutic perspective, our paper seeks to contribute to the growing appreciation for an alternative ontological perspective, thereby challenging the dominant influence of Cartesian philosophy in marketing. Finally, we highlight the wider applications of 'mortal embodiment' to explore other marketplaces and consumption behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the advertising created for the 2005 British general election battle - specifically the national advertising campaigns for the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties. Rich accounts of their advertising campaigns are given and contrasted with their 2001 advertising campaigns. Our analysis indicates that even though the 2005 election was set against a backdrop of low public trust in politicians and political parties, the advertising was not designed to build trust, principally because of the focus - by Labour and the Conservatives particularly - on denigrating the opposition through attack advertising styles. The paper concludes by reflecting on the increasing use of attack advertising by British political parties and the potential consequences of this on the British democratic process. This article forms part of our wider study on the 2005 election advertising, details of which can be obtained from the authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a preface to the November 2005 issue of the "Journal of Marketing Management."

A study analyzes data from the 2005 British general election to examine the effect of trust, political cynicism and efficiency on young peopleEs voting/non-voting behavior. Results reveal that young people are generally distrustful and cynical about politicians, which might lead to their political alienation, but they may also be an interested and critical citizenry who would vote in an election.

This article presents an empirical investigation of young partisan first-time voter attitudes toward the use of negative attack advertising in a British general election. Partisanship, particularly in relation to negative advertising and third-party effects, is significantly under-researched, yet it advances understanding of youth electoral interaction. Our study confirms that young British partisans are not passive recipients of information, but are actively involved in information processing, interpretation, and counter arguing. Our findings also highlight a third-party effect among young partisans in their evaluation of the attack advertising. Overall our young partisans broadly reject image-attack election ads, which raises a “health warning” on its use in future election campaigning. The findings of this study are of significant interest to election campaign strategists in their planning for future elections and to political researchers striving to advance understanding within the field of political marketing. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]