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Objective/context: This study aims to evaluate the relevance of the category of populism when characterizing a party of the "new right," such as the Republican Party of Chile. Methodology: A discourse analysis of a corpus of texts representative of the ideology of the Republicans was carried out, considering four analytical dimensions: ideological description schemes, collective identification terms, populist statements, and the populist discursive style as embodied in the rhetorical ethos of the enunciator. Conclusions: Even though the Republican Party has been typified as radical, right-wing, and populist, neither the ideological schemes, the vocabulary, the utterances, nor the discursive style evidence a marked populism. In sum, other ideological frameworks better characterize the discourse of this party-in particular, conservative, authoritarian, neo-liberal, and neo-patriotic motives, framed with the signifier of a certain republicanism. Originality: The research allows a divergent interpretation of the parties of the new right, usually characterized as radical populist right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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An administration worthy of the adjec- tive “public” must incorporate the cons- truction and guarantee of Human Rights into its organization, resources, and purpose. In fact, Human Rights serve as the glue or connecting element between citizenship, politics, and administrative organization. The perspective of radical populist right-wing ideology regarding ad- ministration and Human Rights, anchored in its winning formula (xenophobia, authorita- rian and conservative orientation in values, and neoliberalism in economic matters), allows for several conclusions: first, there is a preference for strengthening the national level of government, impacting the system of intergovernmental relations; second, a national management of major global processes and threats, fueled by distrust in international institutions; third, a reinforce- ment of policies and areas related to internal order and the restriction of illegal immigration; fourth, a negative bias towards public management of welfare policies, seen as costly and demobilizing for the citizenry; fifth, an excessive trust in the market as an instrument for generating social well-being; and, finally, a preference for the public guarantee of some individual rights with a relative disregard for the guarantee of social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With its emphasis on anti-immigration rhetoric and actions, protectionism, as well as populism, Donald Trump has transformed the Republican Party into a party that closely resembles populist radical right-wing parties in Europe. In this article, we first illustrate how the Republican Party has transformed into a radical right-wing party. Second, we examine the degree to which the Trump voter has the same or similar characteristics as the prototypical radical right-wing voter. To do so, we compare some key features of voters for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Trump voters. Through original survey research, we find that the two voter types are alike. Both AfD and Trump voters espouse anti-immigrant sentiment, reject globalization, and position themselves on the right on a left-right ideological scale. This implies that, both from a supply and demand side perspective, the Trump Republican Party has become a prototypical radical right-wing party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Gran parte de la bibliografía especializad subraya que el crecimiento exponencial de la derecha radical populista que se experimentó en las últimas décadas se relaciona con una emoción en particular, el resentimiento. Sin embargo, hay un escaso desarrollo conceptual en torno a este sentimiento. Nuestra intención en el presente escrito es acercarnos a una fenomenología de esta emoción. Para lo cual en primer lugar rastrearemos las lecturas históricas de este concepto, las distintas interpretaciones que a lo largo de la modernidad ha suscitado, para luego señalar las capas que estarían caracterizando la política del resentimiento de la derecha radical populista contemporánea. Por último, nos detendremos en reflexionar en torno a una de las consecuencias más nocivas de la política del resentimiento, la transformación de la incorrección política en la gran virtud política, incorrección política que junto a la polarización afectiva son los mayores peligros para nuestra democracia.

Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Between the end of the franquism and our days, the spanish extreme-right has suffered a resource and influence capacity depletion in society, and has been forced to renew their program and the way of making policy. The right-wing extremism was the srongly defeated during the transition from Franco’s dictatorship to democracy. As a consecuence of the economic and cultural changes and the weakness of spanish nationalism, the neofranquists and neofascists’ programs garnered a resounding rejection at the polls. The failure of 23-F coup attempt plunged the neofranquism into a crisis from which it has never recovered. The growth of the xenophobic extreme-right in Europe, something that had not occurred since the end of World War ii, has been a determining factor, long overdue, for the renewal of programs also in Spain that are now based on the uptake of the xenophobic vote. No extreme-right party has achieved between 1982 and 2012 representation in the spanish legislative assembly. This situation contrasts with what happens in other European countries and that is what we are trying to explain. However, the increased receptivity to the xenophobic discourse has allowed a political party that copied le Pen’s program and is specialiced in the islam rejection, to obtain representation in several municipalities of Cataluña. That way (municipal elections, to try to jump into the regional ones) is the one that cur-rently offers more possibilities of growth to the extreme-right in Spain.

This article analyzes the main elements of the discourse of the Spanish political party, España 2000, conceived as a formation attached to the current "radical populist right". For this, the methodology of content analysis is used and the model of "Ideological Totalism" proposed by Robert Jay Lifton, which describes the elements that characterize radical ideologies, is applied. As sources of information the statements of the leaders of the formation during a conflict happened in the city of Valencia (Spain) are used. The research shows the totalitarian particularities of the discourse of the Spanish formation and its main ideological axes, which like other Europeans, is based on the question of immigration and national identity and with which they generate xenophobic attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Spain is one of the few European countries which, until now, have not experienced the emergence of a populist radical right party to the forefront of its political arena. That is, a party that basis its political discourse on the rejection of migrants and traditional political parties. However, in recent years there have been some signs that point to the possible end of this Spanish <. Along with changes in the populations' attitudes towards immigration and traditional political parties, there has been a political breakthrough at the local political arena by the Catalan party Platform for Catalonia (PxC). Based on the achievement of social and electoral strongholds in certain municipalities, this party is trying to make a leap to the front line of the political system that could have profound political implications for both Spain and Catalonia. This article examines the development of Platform for Catalonia and presents an explanation of the successes it has achieved so far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]