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The condition of the Anglican elite in eighteenth-century Ireland has been the focus of some debate by historians. Members of the Protestant Ascendancy class have been variously cast as a community under constant threat, or as a self-confident group secure in their control of the country's political and economic systems. Various contributions to this dialogue have been made through the study of popular movements and civil disorder. Rather than further comment on such phenomena this article seeks to examine the reactions of the Irish political elite to them. Although the country had no general Riot Act on the English model until 1787, legislative initiatives were made on several occasions prior to this. While these initially tended to be unsuccessful in parliament, local in their application, and to impose relatively lenient punishments, attitudes began to change in the 1770s. The political elite then moved comparatively rapidly to general legislation that created riot as a felony. Such developments suggest that prior to the last quarter of the eighteenth century civil disorder was not seen as a real threat to Protestant ascendancy, though Protestant fears finally culminated in legislative action in 1787. Arguably it was this event that marked the first great nadir in Anglican self-confidence in eighteenth-century Ireland.

This paper uses a well-known twentieth-century monument to examine contradictions in the material record and how they might be accommodated in protection and interpretative schemes at this and similar sites where contested space is represented. The archaeology of the later twentieth century at, and immediately outside, Greenham Common Airbase (Berkshire, England) is described as unconventional and atypical in its associations, mysterious and disquieting in its later Cold War context, as well as outlandish and unorthodox in what it can hope to achieve in terms of public perception and interpretation. Protest is the stuff of everyday life, yet it is rarely and barely recognised in heritage interpretation, particularly where opposition was directly aimed at the establishment view or government policy. This paper explores these related issues. Keywords: Greenham Common Airbase; protest; heritage; interpretation; Cold War archaeology; incomplete narratives.

Carl Browne and Jacob Coxey planned a mass march of unemployed people to Washington D.C. in 1890. The march gathered 500,000 men and it generated the most newspaper coverage since the the Civil War. Both men recognized the power of newspaper and telegraphy as tools of democracy. Reporter Ray Stannard Baker wrote about the events and the two bills Coxey had written proposing unemployment relief.

This paper revisits the question of food riots, a form of popular protest held to have been common since the seventeenth century and until the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Charles Tilly, among others, argues that the food riot disappeared in the mid-nineteenth century with the emergence of the centralized nation-state and of national markets in basic foodstuffs. It is generally assumed that strikes and other association-based protest, either regional or national in scope, replaced it. However, a review of the literature pertaining to food riots reveals the existence of numerous riots in the twentieth century of a nature similar to those of the eighteenth, a fact which challenges some of the key assumptions of the body of theory explaining the rise and demise of the food riot. This paper reviews and evaluates the theory of popular protest in light of these twentieth-century riots, by considering the implications of their existence for our understanding of the nature and shape of popular protest in general., This paper revisits the question of food riots, a form of popular protest generally held to have been common between the seventeenth century and the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. [...]

Paris The students who in May 1968 briefly took over the center of Paris, defying their elders from behind makeshift barricades, are now middle-aged citizens worried about jobs, mortgages and [...]

Seattle, WA, is discussed with emphasis on its history of militant labor disputes and anarchist actions. In 1999 demonstrations against the World Trade Organization led to a four day closure of part of the city.

* On August 25th, 1992, Rosebud Abigail Denovo broke into the campus home of Chang-Lin Tien, Chancellor of the University of California. Denovo, aged nineteen, a member of the People's [...]