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Problem setting. The functioning of the mechanism of public administration determines the need to establish the conceptual foundations of public policy, its strategic guidelines and directions for further development. There is no doubt about the social need for the humanization of consciousness, which is impossible without the introduction of the values of democracy and mutual respect in government.The relevance of modern gender research is due to the transformation of society, the emergence of new women's problems and the complication of existing ones, the need to understand the radical change in the position of women, strengthening and expanding the feminine principle in society.Thus, it is noticeable that in our time gender studies are especially relevant. All countries are faced with the task of developing a science-based policy on women. Without this, a realistic solution to many practical problems is impossible. Today, the women's issue is the focus of many social forces, it penetrates deeper into the consciousness of society and becomes a stimulus to social activity for both women and men.Recent research and publications analysis. At the present stage, Ukrainian researchers rely in their gender studies on the work of such Western authors as D. Butler, N. Khodorov, R. Bridotti, D. Dinerstein, D. Mitchell, E. Gross, K. Millet and S. de Beauvoir.In Russia, women's issues were developed by: A. Temkina, O. Zdravomyslova, O. Pushkareva.In Ukraine, the most famous are such researchers as I. Zherobkina, M. Alchuk, K. Karpenko, N. Chukhim and others.In Modern Ukraine, such researchers as Solomiya Pavlychko, Milena Rudnytska, Nila Zborovska, Maryana Rubchak and others have dealt with this issue.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Involving women in power and participating in politics (not just the right to vote) is the most important sign of a healthy democracy. Women's participation in politics is closing the gap that has so far prevented the formation of a truly democratic society and culture. And the parity of men and women in the adoption of state decisions is one of the prerequisites for democracy. Meanwhile, our women in positions of responsibility must constantly prove that they can act no worse than men, although at the same time they are forced to spend time caring for children and all housework.Paper main body. Realizing that humanity consists of two different but equal sexes, society must change its character in the public and private lives of men and women, because the worlds of public and private life are intertwined and interdependent. Now this balance is disturbed, women have en masse entered public life, but the organization of home life has not changed. This misunderstanding is based on the ancient tradition of neglecting the world of women and the unwillingness to bear some of the burden of women on the shoulders of men.Although scientific terminology is not yet fully established, so the words "gender" and "gender" and their derivatives are sometimes used interchangeably, their distinction is of fundamental importance. Gender is a natural physical phenomenon that allows for objective measurement. Gender is a historically, culturally determined category by which people group certain qualities, giving them a symbolic meaning.From all the above, the following worldview conclusions follow: the gender division of labor and norms of male and female behavior are not universal, but historically variable, they can and should be treated critically. The use of certain terms depends on the context. Thus, we see that the concept of "gender" means a complex socio-cultural process of society forming differences in male and female roles, behavior, mental and emotional characteristics, and the result itself - the social construct of gender.Modern gender theory does not try to deny the existence of certain biological, social, psychological differences between specific women and specific men. She argues that this fact of difference is not as important as her socio-cultural assessment, interpretation, and construction of a system of power based on these differences.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The Ukrainian intellectual space seeks to explore and use in socio-political practice the best achievements of world thought and civilization, among which a significant role belongs to gender studies, which are not losing popularity in the XXI century. acquiring new features and new meaning.Our state seeks to embody advanced democratic ideals, ensure the welfare of the people and the prosperity of the nation. And, as you know, a sign of culture and civilization of society is the attitude towards women, who in Ukraine are the majority of the population. Indeed, a democratic state cannot ignore the position and status of women in society, their right to self-affirmation in the private and public spheres, and the female voice in culture, politics, and society. The realities of today show the existence of serious problems in this area, and therefore the need for a thorough study of the situation of women in modern Ukraine.However, a significant part of Ukrainian society and even serious scholars are wary of feminist ideas, and sometimes hostile (as a danger to "real" women's interests, hatred of men or sexual dissatisfaction).It is feminism that offers a new alternative to women's choice, hard physical work or isolation in the private sphere and family responsibilities, and women need such an alternative not to make a choice without a choice, but to get all the opportunities of civilization. In this direction, feminism and gender studies are now humanizing the public consciousness.At the current stage of development of the civil service, it is necessary to develop mechanisms for implementing gender policy in the civil service, the formation and development of gender culture and gender education of civil servants of Ukraine.

This article discusses the role of social activism in the formation of civic consciousness of young people. Civic consciousness is a conscious understanding of the relationship between the individual, society and the state in terms of democratic values, ideals, rights and freedoms. The concept of civic consciousness is discussed in detail. Currently, the results of various surveys are used to determine the civil status of young people. Civic education needs to be strengthened to prevent young people from becoming victims of various political games and becoming a force against the interests of the state. As a topical issue, it is proposed to increase the social activity of young people, as well as the formation of civic consciousness. The issue of civic education is conceptually focused on increasing the social activity of young people.

Blockchains are typically named as democratisation technologies, however ever, their relationship with the law and general democratic establishments remains uncertain. First, it compares blockchain technology with the broader theory of transparency. Second, it examines the link between transparency and democracy, and asks how blockchain technology mediates these relationships. Finally, it studies blockchain however technology affects specific manifestations of transparency and freedom of information. The conclusion of this text is that the relationship between transparency and democratic ideals is complex, controversial, and extremely contextual; the “democratized” technical transparency embedded within the blockchain will simply be evidenced in its application. It's undemocratic. while not considering the political gatekeepers and also the legal, social, and cultural desires that support these goals, blockchain technology cannot bring home the bacon the broader goals of transparency.

The focus on this paper is the political history of Greece in the immediate aftermath of the ousting of the kingdom's first monarch, King Otto von Wittelsbach, and on to the first years of rule of his successor, King George I. After narrating the events that led to the installation of the new king, it specifically examines his cohabitation, inspired as he was by supposedly democratic ideals, with the fresh constitution of 1864; the challenges that the political and cultural landscape in the country presented for him, and the way he chose to respond in the first decade of his rule.

Central and Eastern Europe played an important role in British interwar international thought. This article contrasts the visions of the region found in three key texts written by British scholars in the interwar period. Two of these, Halford Mackinder’s 1919 Democratic Ideals and Reality and E. H. Carr’s 1939 Twenty Years’ Crisis, share a common approach based on an abstract understanding of the nature of international order, even while they disagree on their prescriptions for Central and Eastern Europe. Starting from abstract principles, they then apply their findings to Central and Eastern Europe. By contrast, in her 1938 Czechs and Germans Elizabeth Wiskemann works in the other direction. Through a detailed analysis of the politics of the Bohemian historic provinces she comes to conclusions that can be applied to ideas of world order. Wiskemann’s detailed analysis and Mackinder’s and Carr’s more abstract proscriptions provided different viewpoints on the international relations of interwar Central Europe, although ultimately all three visions were overtaken by events.

We here use list experiments to examine whether political equality is a central democratic ideal for citizens and whether political inequality is perceived as a major threat to democracy.

Legal education in India has undergone phenomenal changes in the past few years. Gone are the days when certain established universities had a monopoly over legal education, and when interest in professional legal education was surpassed by the likes of science, technology and medicine, which are essential for the industrial and social development of any country. Lawyers, characterized as social engineers, are equipped with the vision for social change, which is essential in a developing country like India. Lawyers understand the present and have a vision for the future. Social change can be brought about by change in law, which reflects the direction in which the country is progressing. Ranking systems portraying democratic and constitutional ethos will encourage law schools and related authorities to change; accordingly, that is when they will become equipped to bring about relevant social change. Hence, it only seems pertinent to analyse the ranking systems in accordance with the democratic ideals and ethos enshrined in the Constitution, including the Preamble, which is where we find the mention of justice, equality, liberty and fraternity, the Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles of State Policy, where we find the mention of the rule of law, social welfare and the values propounded by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the international convention on human rights. This will provide a better perspective for judging the quality of law schools and the law students, which will be essential in understanding the changes which need to be made to the current teaching and learning pedagogy. Students will be more equipped to deal with the challenges posed by the legal profession after graduation and will become harbingers of justice.

This article discusses the role of social activism in the formation of civic consciousness of young people. Civic consciousness is a conscious understanding of the relationship between the individual, society and the state in terms of democratic values, ideals, rights and freedoms. The concept of civic consciousness is discussed in detail. Currently, the results of various surveys are used to determine the civil status of young people. Civic education needs to be strengthened to prevent young people from becoming victims of various political games and becoming a force against the interests of the state. As a topical issue, it is proposed to increase the social activity of young people, as well as the formation of civic consciousness. The issue of civic education is conceptually focused on increasing the social activity of young people.

The modern democratic society must ensure the realization of the ideal democracy through the education of the youth with knowledge-skills and critical thinking and finally through the education of democratic citizens. A democratic citizen is defined as a citizen who is personally responsible, participatory, and oriented towards social justice and has the will to work for the realization of democratic ideals. The key issues the study focuses on are: What school practices contribute to the preparation of democratic citizens? What is meant by the open / positive climate of the classroom and how is it related to the strengthening of citizenship according to research data? The main purpose of the study is to reflect and raise awareness about the democratic conditions we must ensure in schools, to avoid the erosion of institutions and the rejection or loose commitment to the rules of democracy.

The article discusses the current problems of functioning democratic institutions in the United States. The consequences of presidential elections and their influence on public opinion are analyzed. In the face of growing tensions toward world democracy and democratic values, US citizens usually agree on the importance of democratic ideals and values that are important to the United States. The results of the study also demonstrate the awareness of American society of the objective existence necessary criticism. Most respondents emphasize their knowledge of basic facts about the political system and democracy in the United States. The majority of respondents said that “significant changes” are necessary in the fundamental structure of the executive bodies of the American government in order for it to work effectively at the present time.The article states the complexity of the ongoing domestic political processes in the United States, the existence of existing contradictions and the split of public opinion regarding the stability of democratic mechanisms of the functioning of the US political system. The complexity of religious, national, social and other contradictions of social development brought to the surface of public debate a complex of problems of the dynamics of political development and the state mechanism of government.

Democratisation theory has stressed the importance of active civil society participation (Schedler in J Democr 9: 91–107, 1998), (Diamond in Developing democracy: toward consolidation, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1999). This article uses Democratisation theory to argue that for civil society to have a positive impact on a state's democratisation process from a minimalist or electoral democracy to a pluralistic liberal system, it must have and exhibit a political culture conducive for supporting and promoting democratic ideals: a civic political culture (CPC). Welch’s conceptualisation of political culture (2013) determines that the latter manifests dualistically as discourse and practice. Therefore, this paper argues that to examine and test the extent to which a civil society’s political culture is democratic, a research approach that captures both the practises and discourses of political culture is essential. This article contributes to political culture research by advancing an effective application of Welch’s theory. Through a mixed-methods research design, this paper bridges the positivist-interpretivist methodological gap characteristic of political culture research. The application of the mixed-methods approach produces results with greater nuance and validity and provides evidence that post-2011 Tunisian civil society organisations (CSOs) are developing CPC.

From fact-checking chatbots to community-maintained misinformation databases, Taiwan has emerged as a critical case-study for citizen participation in politics online. Due to Taiwan’s geopolitical history with China, the recent 2020 Taiwanese Presidential Election brought fierce levels of online engagement led by citizens from both sides of the strait. In this article, we study misinformation and digital participation on three platforms, namely Line, Twitter, and Taiwan’s Professional Technology Temple (PTT, Taiwan’s equivalent of Reddit). Each of these platforms presents a different facet of the elections. Results reveal that the greatest level of disagreement occurs in discussion about incumbent president Tsai. Chinese users demonstrate emergent coordination and selective discussion around topics like China, Hong Kong, and President Tsai, whereas topics like Covid-19 are avoided. We discover an imbalance of the political presence of Tsai on Twitter, which suggests partisan practices in disinformation regulation. The cases of Taiwan and China point toward a growing trend where regular citizens, enabled by new media, can both exacerbate and hinder the flow of misinformation. The study highlights an overlooked aspect of misinformation studies, beyond the veracity of information itself, that is the clash of ideologies, practices, and cultural history that matter to democratic ideals.

The editorial discusses the relevance of analyzing some problematic aspects of online participation in consideration of events that happened during the preparation of this thematic issue. It critically challenges the eponymous ‘dark participation’ concept and its reception in the field, and calls for a deeper exploration of epistemological questions — questions that may be uneasy and difficult to answer, as they also refer to the issue of balance and scientific positioning in the face of threats to public communication and democratic ideals.

In their book Healthy Eating Policy and Political Philosophy: A Public Reason Approach, Matteo Bonotti and Anne Barnhill defend a conception of public reason centred on the notion of accessibility and advance an ethical toolkit public health policy makers can use to ensure they are reasoning publicly when designing healthy eating policies. Finally, they propose to institutionalise the process of public reasoning informed by their ethics framework by designing certain procedures of consultation and deliberation. This article focuses on their institutionalisation and raises some doubts and concerns by arguing that the procedures designed by Bonotti and Barnhill may be counterproductive to some of their aims, in particular with respect to citizens’ control, epistemic injustice, and the conception of citizens as free and equal.

PurposeHybrid organising faces a fundamental challenge in managing multiple and conflicting logics. Prior studies have evidenced the performative role of accounting within such a context largely in support of neoliberal hegemony and economic logic. Mindful of such conflict and the support towards economic logic, drawing on universal accountings, this study provides insights from counter accounting and its potential to serve pluralism and the emancipation of marginalised constituencies.Design/methodology/approachThe research examined The Great Exhibition of the North (GEOTN), England's largest event in 2018, which utilised themes of art, design and innovation to support a regeneration and economic growth agenda. This was led by NewcastleGateshead Initiative (NGI) a hybrid organisation combining logics for economic and social legacies, whose accounts are contrasted to counter accounts from a social movement; The Other Great Exhibition of the North, “OtherGEN”. The study involved 30 in-depth semi-structured interviews, detailed observation and documentation review providing account and counter account of the event.FindingsThe findings reveal that GEOTN promoted an agenda offering a duality of economic and social logics through the arts and culture delivering a lasting economic and social legacy. This employed traditional accountings and associated performance targets and measurement through a formal evaluation framework. Emergent tensions were apparent evidencing a more dominant economic logic. The purported use of culture was portrayed as artwashing by a counter account narrative enmeshed in a backdrop of austerity. This wider accounting highlights the need for reflection on logic plurality and enables challenge to the performative role of traditional accounting in hybrid organising.Originality/valueUniversal accountings, such as counter accounting, can be advanced to unpack “faked” logics duality in hybrid organising. This reveals the emancipatory potential of accountings and the need for dialogic reflection. Hybrid organising requires careful consideration of accounting as a universal praxis to support social and economic pluralism and democratic ideals.

Este artigo tem por objetivo contribuir com o debate acerca da representação e da estrutura de comunidade, elementos que estão no centro das formulações sobre teatro e democracia. Para tanto tentamos inserir a cena nas contendas éticas e políticas de contextos de emergência de ideais democráticos, de modo a investigar possíveis relações entre as formas de representação e as políticas do espaço na teatralidade e no Estado Democrático de Direito brasileiros e contemporâneos.

İngiliz Kültürel Çalışmalar Okulu’nun temsilcilerinden Raymond Williams, özellikle kültür, edebiyat, ve teknoloji gibi konularda önemli eserler vermiştir. Williams, bir taraftan kendisinin de beslendiği Marksizm’i eleştirerek geliştirmeye çalışırken diğer taraftan teknolojik determinizm ve kültürel seçkincilik dışında alternatif, demokratik bir teknoloji ve kültür kuramı geliştirmiştir. Williams, kültürel seçkinciliğin ve kültürel popülizmin dışında alternatif bir kültür sosyolojisinin imkanlarını ararken, teknoloji konusunda McLuhan’ın formalist determinizmine ve liberal kuramcıların naif iyimserliğine karşı teknolojinin toplumsal ve tarihsel olduğunu ortaya koymaya çalışır. Bu makalede Williams’ın iletişim ve kültürel çalışmalara yaptığı katkılar incelenmekte, bu konuları nasıl değerlendirdiği dönemindeki önemli kuramcılarla diyaloğu da dahil edilerek ele alınmaktadır. Makalede, Williams’ın kültür ve teknoloji hakkındaki kuramsal yaklaşımının, işçi sınıfı yanlısı demokratik siyasal idealleriyle uyum içerisinde olup soldaki kötümserliğe karşı bir umut arayışının ürünü olduğu ve tam da bu yüzden günümüzde yeniden tartışılması gerektiği iddia edilmektedir. Makalenin amacı Williams’ın medya ve kültür kuramını ortaya koyarak Türkiye’deki medya ve kültür çalışmalarına katkı sağlamaktır.

Citizen Participation (CP) produces instrumental benefits and realises democratic ideals. However, administrators are aware of its administrative and political downsides. This might lead administra...

As novas tecnologias possibilitaram a difusão de conhecimento, criação e inovação. Dentro desse ambiente destaca-se a Internet, apresentada como instrumento inigualável de liberdade de expressão, mas utilizada como mecanismo de controle e centralização de poder por atores econômicos e agentes estatais. O objetivo deste artigo é examinar a adaptação dos direitos da personalidade à nova realidade social, mais precisamente investigar como a liberdade de expressão vem se estabelecendo diante dessa ambivalência (liberdade e controle) determinada e orientada pela complexidade da sociedade. Desenvolveu-se pesquisa bibliográfica, com o método de abordagem dedutivo, partindo de análise genérica e confirmando, no caso específico, a proeminência da liberdade de expressão no contexto virtual. Concluiu-se que a preservação da liberdade de expressão é fundamental para a concretização dos ideais democráticos, entretanto, não serão necessários novos mecanismos de proteção, mas sim fortalecimento dos já existentes devidamente adaptados ao novo cenário informacional.

Challenges in attaining deliberative democratic ideals – such as inclusion, authenticity and consequentiality – in wider political systems have driven the development of artificially-designed citiz...

Current radical democratic politics is characterized by new participatory spaces for citizens’ engagement, which aim at facilitating the democratic ideals of freedom and equality. These spaces are, however, situated in the context of deep societal inequalities. Modes of discrimination are carried over into participatory interaction. The democratic subject is judged by its physically embodied appearance, which replicates external hierarchies and impedes the freedom of self-expression. To tackle this problem, this article seeks to identify ways to increase the freedom of the subject to explore its multiple self. Understanding the self as inherently fugitive, the article investigates participatory, deliberative and agonistic concepts of self-transformation. As all of them appear limited, it introduces a transformative perspective in democratic thought. Enriching the transformative perspective with queer and gender theory, the article generates the concept of a politics of becoming, which, through radical democratic practices of disidentification, advances the freedom of the subject to change.

Resumen El análisis de los impactos de modelos de identificación profesional docente, prescritos desde la política, en el contexto de la hegemonía de un discurso de la calidad educativa (Rodríguez, 2010; Buenfil, 2016), el cual se ha asociado con ideales democráticos como equidad e inclusión, requiere tanto una visión compleja que conciba la resignificación de forma procesual e histórica, como una noción de sujeto-actor educativo descentrado. En ese contexto, presento resultados de una investigación de carácter exploratorio y analítico, a partir de una metodología mixta, cuyo objetivo fue explorar una primera fase de resignificación, por parte de docentes de nivel primaria, de un modelo de identificación profesional histórico-prescriptivo. Desde una perspectiva discursiva e ideológica (Laclau y Mouffe, 1987; Zizek, 1992; Fuentes, 2015), desarrollo dos estrategias de análisis: la primera involucra el análisis discursivo de documentos oficiales del periodo de reforma 2008-2016 en México: la Alianza por la Calidad de la Educación (2008), la Ley General del Servicio Profesional Docente (2013) y el Modelo Educativo (2016); la segunda consiste en la reconstrucción de una orientación identitaria (Fuentes, 2010) con base en el análisis de los datos generados gracias a la aplicación de un cuestionario semiabierto a una muestra intencionada, constituida por 55 docentes de tres escuelas primarias de la Ciudad de México. En los resultados se encontró que: a) en el período de reforma 2008-2016 fue posible situar un modelo de identificación profesional docente prescriptivo definido como "docente idóneo", b) su resignificación, involucró la constitución de una orientación identitaria articulada por los significantes profesional, responsable y con vocación y c) estos últimos procedieron de distintas políticas y momentos históricos. Se puede concluir que el proceso identificatorio profesional docente, además de móvil, abierto y contingente, involucra distintos estratos de resignificación con diferentes niveles de funcionamiento ideológico. En el caso estudiado, si bien el discurso de la calidad educativa hegemonizó la prescripción de un nuevo modelo de identificación profesional docente, la resignificación de éste, por los docentes encuestados, recuperó el significante "con vocación", el cual había sido excluido de la normativa de política vigente. Abstract The analysis of the impacts of teacher professional identification models, prescribed by politics, in the context of the hegemony of an educational quality discourse (Rodríguez, 2010; Buenfil, 2016) which has been associated with democratic ideals such as equity and inclusion, requires a complex vision that conceives the resignification in a processual and historical way, as well as a notion of decentralized educational subject-actor. In this context, I present the results of an exploratory and analytical research, based on a mixed methodology, whose objective was to explore a first phase of resignification, by primary level teachers, of a historical-prescriptive professional identification model. From a discursive and ideological perspective (Laclau & Mouffe, 1987; Zizek, 1992; Fuentes, 2015). I developed two analysis strategies, the first one, involving the discursive analysis of official documents of the 2008-2016 reform period in Mexico: the Alliance for the Quality of Education (2008); the General Law of the Professional Teaching Service (2013) and the Educational Model (2016); the second, consists in the reconstruction of an identity orientation (Fuentes, 2010) based on the analysis of the data generated thanks to the application of a semi-open questionnaire to an intentional sample, constituted by 55 teachers from three Mexico City primary schools. Research results show that: a) in the reform period 2008-2016, it was possible to locate a prescriptive teacher professional identification model defined as "suitable teacher", b) its resignification, involved the constitution of an identity orientation articulated by the professional, responsible signifiers and with a vocation and c) the latter came from different policies and historical moments. It can be concluded that teaching professional identification process, in addition to being mobile, open, and contingent, involves different layers of resignification with different levels of ideological functioning. In the case study, although the discourse on educational quality hegemonized the prescription of a new model of teacher professional identification, the resignification of this, by the teachers surveyed, recove-red the signifier "with vocation", which had been excluded from the current policy regulations. Resumo A análise dos impactos dos modelos de identificação profissional dos professores, prescritos a partir da política, no contexto da hegemonia de um discurso de qualidade educacional (Rodríguez, 2010; Buenfil, 2016), associado a ideais democráticos como a eqüidade e inclusão, requer uma visão complexa que concebe a ressignificação de maneira processual e histórica e a noção de um sujeito-ator educacional descentralizado. Neste contexto, apresento os resultados de uma pesquisa exploratória e analítica, baseada numa metodologia mista, cujo objetivo foi explorar uma primeira fase de ressignificação, por professores do ensino fundamental, de um modelo de identificação profissional histórico-prescritivo. De uma perspectiva discursiva e ideológica (Laclau e Mouffe, 1987; Zizek, 1992; Fuentes, 2015), desenvolvo duas estratégias de análise: a primeira envolve a análise discursiva de documentos oficiais do período de reforma de 2008-2016 no México: a Aliança pela Qualidade da Educação (2008), a Lei Geral do Serviço de Ensino Profissional (2013) e o Modelo Educacional (2016); o segundo consiste na reconstrução de uma orientação de identidade (Fuentes, 2010), com base na análise dos dados gerados, graças à aplicação de um questionário semiaberto a uma amostra intencional, composta por 55 professores de três escolas primárias da Cidade do México. Nos resultados, verificou-se que: a) no período de reforma 2008-2016 foi possível localizar um modelo prescritivo de identificação profissional do professor definido como "professor adequado"; b) sua ressignificação, envolveu a constituição de uma orientação identitária articulada pelos significantes profissional, responsável e com vocação e c) estes vieram de diferentes políticas e momentos históricos. Conclui-se que o processo de identificação profissional docente, além de móvel, aberto e contingente, envolve diferentes estratos de ressignificação com diferentes níveis de funcionamento ideológico. No estudo de caso, embora o discurso da qualidade educacional hegemonizasse a prescrição de um novo modelo de identificação profissional dos professores, a ressignificação pelos professores pesquisados recuperou o significante "com vocação", excluído dos regulamentos de políticas atuais.

Este ensayo se propone, con las limitaciones propias de quien analiza un fenómeno tan vivo, apuntar algunas ideas que ayuden a aclarar los alcances de la Comunicación Popular y la importancia que ella tiene como precondición de la actividad política. Para esto, se reflexiona sobre las nociones de pueblo y lo popular, los procesos de subjetivación y la relación que entre ellos establecen los ejercicios populares de comunicación, consideradas prácticas esenciales para sociedades que persigan ideales democráticos. El trabajo se basa en la idea de la Comunicación Popular como ejercicio conflictivo toda vez que, a través de la instalación de contradiscursos que hacen frente a una oficialidad comunicativa institucional, profesional e ideológica, se cuestiona la configuración del espacio público y se litiga con los procesos dominantes de identificación, permitiendo la existencia de desacuerdo y, en definitiva, haciendo posible la política. No se trata de una descripción de la Comunicación Popular, ni mucho menos de una enumeración de sus elementos constitutivos: más bien es un intento por defender el lugar que ella debe ocupar en nuestra vida en sociedad y en el espacio de lo común.

Materiality has been largely left out of the study of Muslim life in Europe, and limited to an etic rather than emic approach. In this paper, I analyse a conservative London mosque community (the East London Mosque) that depends on the material––what I term “ethical substance”––to reinforce its ascetic rejection of the world. Drawing from five months of ethnographic research in this mosque, I examine three aspects of materiality––clothing, the mosque building, and technology––in order to explore how the community negotiates its position in the city at hand, as well as more broadly vis-à-vis modernity. The mosque emerges as a site of discursive-material tension where ethics and locale intersect, and where intention (niyya) matters more than the constitution of objects. It elucidates European modernity as broader than liberal democratic ideals (i.e. in a community stressing a returns towards, rather than away from, tradition).

In the Geographical Pivot of History paper (1904), Halford Mackinder suggested that four powers might strive for control of Eurasia: Germany, Russia, China, and Japan. In Democratic Ideals and Real...

We examine the implementation of governance arrangements to extend ownership and control to employees and community stakeholders in social enterprises. Evidence from a sample of newly created public service social enterprises in England shows how the realisation of democratic ideals involves a gradual and often challenging process. Different outcomes are explained in terms of an interplay between the legal forms and representational mechanisms adopted and the enabling role of organisational culture. The paper contributes an analytic framework that captures the range of possible outcomes in terms of stakeholder versus stewardship forms of representation, and the cultural-psychological dimension of ownership. Organisations may find themselves at different stages in the journey towards the realisation of democratic ownership and governance. Conclusions are drawn for the field of social enterprise and non-profit research.

PurposeIn the rational model of the democratic governing chain, intervening spaces at all levels are neglected in relation to the policy process. An intervening space is a group of persons with the power and responsibility to interpret policy at their level in an organization. The research question is as follows: How are democratic policy ideas visible in the intervening spaces of a governing chain in public schools?Design/methodology/approachThe study is based on two municipalities representing the 25 most populated cities in Sweden. The data are based on interviews with 66 informants with leadership roles on the district level and two schools in each municipality.FindingsLeadership is obviously more than making decisions. It is also about facilitating and creating trust, engagement, motivation and willingness to take responsibility. In this process, intervening spaces are central. They exist at all levels from the national ministry to the classroom. The empirical examples show the importance and challenges in how different leadership roles, relationships and interaction transform policy intentions to practice on the local level.Originality/valueThe authors contribute by highlighting the parallel interpretation processes that take place at various leadership levels locally. There are possibilities and challenges in aligning the intervening spaces into a rational governing chain. The findings indicate that intervening spaces and policy drift is vital to support, control and use professional competence in the process to transfer political ideas to classroom practice.

This introductory chapter lays the ontological and epistemological groundwork for this book, by providing a review of its key themes and concepts, and outlining the book’s theoretical and methodological position. More specifically, the book’s topic is introduced based on a number of data points from the contributing chapters. These point to the ubiquity of participation, engagement and collaboration, but also to the tension they potentially create, including in the context of newsmaking. To understand the key concepts in this central argument, two bodies of literature are discussed. We first delineate how we understand newsmaking, and focus on a number of recent changes in this domain that are relevant for our central argument, such as that newsmaking is increasingly engaging with a number of communities and professional stakeholders, and that user-generated content and audience feedback have become central. Second, the literature on participation, engagement and collaboration is reviewed, exploring how predominant these concepts have become in many realms of life, and how they are often related to democratic ideals. Subsequently, we argue for the relevance of a postfoundational perspective, and for the value of fieldwork approaches.

"History, Religion, and American Democracy" provides a fundamental review of four major themes: naturalism and supernaturalism in an American context; issues in the history of Judaism; American social philosophy; and the teaching and learning of democratic ideals in a pluralistic postmodern environment. This book provides a naturalistic context for the deep analysis of religious, theological, as well as social and political themes.

This study provides a comparative survey of policy-making discourse in the United Kingdom and the United States from 2016 to 2020 around digital threats to democracy. Through an inductive coding process, it identifies six core ideals common in these two countries: transparency, accountability, engagement, informed public, social solidarity, and freedom of expression. Reviewing how these ideals are constructed in policy-making documents, we find differences in each country's emphasis, inconsistencies in how some democratic ideals are evoked and promoted, conflicts between different democratic ideals, and disconnects between empirical realities of democracy and policy-making discourse. There is a lack of clarity in what social solidarity, engagement, and freedom of expression mean and how they should be balanced; conceptions of an informed public are deeply fraught, and in tension with other ideals. We argue that policy-making discourse is often out of step with the growing literature which suggests that political conflicts between social groups, right-wing extremism, and antidemocratic actions increasingly taken by elites and parties are at the root of growing democratic crises. This state of policy-making discourse has important implications for attempts to pursue regulation and suggests the need for further reflection by policymakers on the democratic ideals they are solving for.

Performance theory is one of the methods that can explain dynamic and unpredictable social phenomena. The basics of our research are to be found in the artistic practices that destroyed previous classical patterns in art, while overcoming its boundaries. Accordingly, performance as a practical phenomenon has become the basis for a theoretical explanation of different political processes with carnival nature that influence and change social reality. This article proves that the Maidan in Kiev had a performative nature as well, which developped spontaneously due to its active involvement of the human body and the release of unconscious elements. It is claimed that the use of performative practices inside the Maidan allowed to overcome the totalitarian vertical logic of power, realizing democratic ideals and overcoming nihilism. Therefore, we suggest that performative theory can be applied to similar carnival political, social, and cultural phenomena, revealing their procedural and creative substance.

The article explores the connection between politics of democracy and current communication medium. Color revolutions, particularly the one experienced in Ukraine, raise an issue of the present day relation between public and political spheres in the new global communicative context. Following the detailed analysis of the modern formation of public sphere done by Charles Taylor the author concentrates on the influence of communication on democratization processes. Amongst others, he focuses on such principle features of the public sphere as domination of rationality in its formation, its claims for providing accountability norms for power, and particularly on its extra-political status. In its turn, these key characteristics of the sphere include everyone as its potential legitimate participant. The field experience gained during the Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity make it possible to correct the view on interrelations of politics and the public sphere. Recent developments do increase dependence of powers that be on the public’s day-to-day feeling of their legitimacy. To elucidate the new state of interpenetration between two given spheres the author examines the issue of specificity of discourse that unites both. It allows to establish that it’s precisely the democratic ideals, concerning each and every one, that expand the frameworks of the sphere of political beyond its traditional meaning through inclusion of a broad spectrum of people’s cultural experiences. The author links current co-existence of liberal and conservative values within liberal democracies with people’s experiencing of their cultural identity. That conclusion gives the basis to clarify a phenomenon of rising conservatism inherent in today’s politics.

In the middle of the twentieth century, bureaucratic organizations that aimed to appear democratic began using expert groups as a kind of decision-making technology. I call these groups ‘declarative bodies’ and funding panels are one example. Declarative bodies are distinctive types of groups because they have the power to make things in the world through declaration: their words bring new objects into being. Building on philosophy of language, this article theorizes and explains the unusual structural constraints that members of funding panels labour within by virtue of being part of a declarative body. The article argues that these constraints stem from three democratic ideals: impersonality, objectivity and truth. When put to work through declarative bodies, these democratic ideals create paradoxes that have fundamentally shaped how funding panellists labour together. Further, I argue that organizations use funding panels formally and intentionally to create the appearance that decisions were made by a disembodied actor to sanctify the legitimacy of the organizations’ choices. Declarative bodies, such as funding panels, have actively altered the processes of knowledge-making, the contours of scientific communities and the products of knowledge itself. By the twenty-first century, it can be hard to imagine other acceptable methods of making decision in science, despite growing worries about the unintended, undemocratic outcomes they produce. This article encourages a critical curiosity to imagine new ways of making decisions, to declare new futures and to bring other worlds into being.

This article analyzes selected classic art that influences contemporary images. The basis of this study is an analysis of the transformation of long-established and internationally-recognized artwork through digital technology and social media. This investigation also highlights the symbolic meaning behind the representation and reproduction of media images concerning the political impact of global visual culture. Visual culture consists of images of reality that are constantly being reconfigured. Thus, the visual arts develop consensually, based on democratic ideals and freedom of expression. Nonetheless, transgression occurs due to a lack of universal reference criteria and a dissolution of common human values. This situation explains why visual culture is often misunderstood and remains unassimilated. In addition, actual tragedies in life even become confused with art due to the fact that art so often closely imitates reality. Visual arts, a significant area of concern for media outlets, involves deciphering the meaning of images that have been manipulated and instrumentalized according to particular political and ideological interests. The objective of the current proposal is to help people discern fact from fiction and to look at and understand society’s emergence and relationship to democracy. Therefore, visual arts will be analyzed through a historical and iconological lens to investigate it as a form of communication and current social effects of political images. Finally, it is also considered the artifice of images and the absolute reference values of human existence on visual arts in the face of technological progress and their effects on social networks. Article received: May 14, 2019; Article accepted: July 6, 2019; Published online: October 15, 2019; Original scholarly paper How to cite this article: Wagner, Christiane. "Artworks and the Paradoxes of Media-Transmitted Reality." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 20 (2019): 71-85. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i20.324.

The field of community development is challenged in the current political culture where polarization and incivility impact democratic ideals and practices. The role of the community development pra...