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RESUMO Um dos princípios da democracia digital é informar ativamente os cidadãos e mobilizá-los para participarem no debate político. Este artigo apresenta uma ferramenta de processamento de documentos políticos públicos para tornar as informações mais acessíveis aos cidadãos e grupos profissionais específicos. Em particular, investigamos e desenvolvemos técnicas de Inteligência Artificial para mineração de textos do Diário da Assembleia da República de Portugal para particionar, analisar, extrair e sintetizar a informação das atas das sessões parlamentares. Desenvolvemos ainda dashboards que mostram as informações extraídas de forma simples e visual, como resumos de falas e tópicos discutidos. O nosso objetivo principal é, mais do que caracterizar o comportamento político, aumentar a transparência e a responsabilidade dos eleitores e das autoridades eleitas.

ICTs enable the expansion of citizen participation. Thus, politics begins to involve new actors and practices, which provide new forms of influence in the political process (Araújo et al., 2015). Given the relevance of digital democracy, its multidisciplinary nature, and the need to advance studies in the area, in order to consolidate a field, this article presents the following research question: What are the scientific advances in the themes of digital democracy and e-participation in the scope of public policies? Thus, the objective of this work is to analyze the studies that address digital democracy and e-participation and its interface with the theme of public policies, in the international census, in the period 2013-2022. To achieve this, the article uses bibliometric research, based on publications retrieved from the Web of Science database and with the help of VOSviewer and Bibliometrix software. From the analyzes undertaken, it was found that digital democracy and e-participation constitute a contemporary and powerful possibility for strengthening the relationship between ordinary citizens and the State. It is an institutional innovation that changes the commonly passive behavior of individuals regarding politics. Social media proved to be a widely disseminated vehicle for expanding citizen participation, through more specialized contributions, based on argumentative debates. Through informed opinion and social control, government service levels begin to improve and also encompass new interactions with the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La presente investigación se centra en analizar el activismo digital en Instagram de jóvenes políticos influencers peruanos de la generación Y y Z. Éstos viralizaron mensajes en defensa de la democracia durante las manifestaciones en contra de la vacancia del presidente Martín Vizcarra en noviembre del 2020 en plena pandemia del Covid-19, así como durante la época de las elecciones presidenciales del 2021. Mediante la metodología del análisis de contenido de 124 posts, se buscó categorizar e interpretar los mensajes políticos relacionados al concepto de la defensa de la democracia. Los jóvenes defienden la democracia empleando un discurso polarizante, si su ideología es claramente de derecha o izquierda, mientras que los influencers de centro emplean un tono de comunicación más positivo y conciliador. Cabe resaltar que el concepto de democracia se mezcla con el de patriotismo a la hora de referirse a su defensa. Los jóvenes demuestran activismo por la democracia y ven a la corrupción como su mayor amenaza, pero no siempre tienen propuestas claras de cómo fortalecerla.

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Este artigo analisa as implicações das eleições antecipadas na internet no contexto atual brasileiro, destacando a evolução histórica da usabilidade online em campanhas eleitorais, desde suas origens até as estratégias atuais. Além disso, são analisadas as inovações normativas e o cenário da prática eleitoral na internet, sobretudo os desafios e oportunidades diante da regulação e das sanções relacionadas ao tema. Todavia, é possível que os efeitos das normativas restrinjam o direito à democracia digital? Para isso, a pesquisa foi elaborada à luz da metodologia dedutiva exploratória, estabelecendo-se a pesquisa através de artigos e legislações tratadas no contexto eleitoral. Por fim, a pesquisa corrobora a necessidade de uma regulação eficaz para garantir eleições justas e transparentes, promovendo a normalização da democracia digital e do processo eleitoral no Brasil.

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En este artículo se presentan los resultados de una investigación que analizó los desafíos de la democracia en la sociedad colombiana contemporánea a través de las prácticas de participación ciudadana en línea. Se llevó a cabo un estudio descriptivo transversal, con uso de técnicas de recolección cuantitativas y cualitativas orientadas a analizar las prácticas de participación ciudadana de jóvenes universitarios en la ciudad de Cali-Colombia. De una población de 1.233, se tomó una muestra representativa de 740 estudiantes a quienes se aplicó un cuestionario electrónico y, posteriormente, mediante un muestreo intencional, se desarrollaron grupos de discusión con 42 participantes. Se propusieron tres ejes a partir de los principios generales de la democracia digital (E-democracy): Consulta, control político y participación transformadora. Como resultado se encontró que las prácticas de ciudadanía en línea no se complementan con las prácticas ciudadanas fuera de línea, situación que se describe como un desafío para la democracia digital que se ve masificada en la información y altamente restringida en la acción. Por tanto, se concluye que la democracia digital no ha significado un mayor compromiso con la transformación socio-política de la sociedad por parte de los jóvenes que ejercen mecanismo de participación ciudadana en línea.

Gamification in digital design harnesses game-like elements to create rewarding and competitive systems that encourage desirable user behaviour by influencing users' bodily actions and emotions. Recently, gamification has been integrated into platforms built to fix democratic problems such as boredom and disengagement in political participation. This paper draws on an ethnographic study of two such platforms – Decide Madrid and vTaiwan – to problematise the universal, techno-deterministic account of digital democracy. I argue that gamified democracy is frictional by nature, a concept borrowed from cultural and social geographies. Incorporating gamification into interface design does not inherently enhance the user's enjoyment, motivation and engagement through controlling their behaviours. 'Friction' in the user experience includes various emotional predicaments and tactical exploitation by more advanced users. Frictional systems in the sphere of digital democracy are neither positive nor negative per se. While they may threaten systemic inclusivity or hinder users' abilities to organise and implement policy changes, friction can also provide new impetus to advance democratic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on data from the 2018 China Internet Survey, this article analyzes the channels through which Chinese citizens acquire political information and how such information changes people's political attitude and behavior. It finds that while many people particularly among the younger generations are using social media, an equally large number of people continue to rely on the officially controlled TV news for political and social information. As hoped by those who want to bring down the authoritarian regime through social media, the Internet contributes to questioning the government and developing liberal ideas among its users but fails to promote bottom‐up political participation. Interestingly, government‐controlled TV programming meets its goals of improving regime support as well as mobilizing mass political participation. The authoritarian government also seems effective in pushing social media into its orbit of political control. These findings suggest that techno‐Utopianism exaggerated the role of technology in liberal democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposal of digital democracy with the aim of making deliberative democracy possible in countries with huge populations, complex geographies and long distances, remains, for now, a theoretical gamble. However, at the local level and in a disaggregated manner, important achievements of digital democracy can be seen in spaces and moments that are vital in the construction of local democratic scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exercise of youth citizenship in Colombia implies the participation of young people in public decision making. This article builds upon the frameworks of the Youth Citizenship Statute and the Public Policy of Digital Government and presents the process and results of a pilot program on the formation of legal, political and ethical competencies of young people in Marinilla, Antioquia. The program aimed to, aid youth citizenship in real and virtual spaces in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. A multi-methodological model of digital research-action was implemented including Logical Framework Methodology (LFM), Technologies for Empowerment and Participation (TEP), and Digital Action and Local Political Advocacy (Adiplo). Twenty young people participated in the virtual course. As a result, the course qualified and contributed to the formation of the candidacy and election of five of the participants as municipal youth councilors of Marinilla. In addition, the participants provided their evaluation of public youth policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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La propuesta de la democracia digital de hacer posible la democracia deliberativa en países con poblaciones enormes y con geografías y distancias complejas, sigue siendo por ahora una apuesta teórica. Sin embargo, a escala local y de manera desagregada se podrían evidenciar importantes logros de la democracia digital en espacios y momentos que son vitales en la construcción de escenarios democráticos locales.

El ejercicio de la ciudadanía juvenil en Colombia implica la participación de la juventud en la toma de decisiones públicas. Este artículo presenta el proceso y los resultados de un programa piloto sobre formación de competencias jurídicas, políticas y éticas en jóvenes de Marinilla, Antioquia, para el ejercicio de la ciudadanía juvenil en espacios reales y virtuales, en el contexto de la pandemia de covid-19, desde los marcos del Estatuto de Ciudadanía Juvenil y la Política Pública de Gobierno Digital. Se implementó un modelo multimetodológico de investigación-acción digital: Metodología de Marco Lógico (MML), Tecnologías para el Empoderamiento y la Participación (TEP), Acción Digital e Incidencia Política Local (Adiplo). En el curso, en modalidad virtual, participaron 20 jóvenes. Como resultado se obtuvo la cualificación y el aporte a la formación de la candidatura y elección de cinco de los participantes como consejeros municipales de la juventud de Marinilla, además de la evaluación participativa de las y los jóvenes acerca de la política pública de juventud.

This article investigates the factors associated with the quality of transparency of the websites of Brazilian local governments. We also question the extent to which external control institutions have pressured municipal governments to improve their online transparency. Through multiple regression models, we discuss whether and how socio-demographic, political, and economic variables are relevant to explain the differences in e-transparency in 5,563 cities. The results show that, despite an institutionalization process of public transparency led by federal regulatory evolution, experiences at the local level remain heterogeneous. Population size, GDP per capita, education levels, and voter turnout are statistically important to explain the quality of e-transparency experiences. The main conclusion is that external regulators play a crucial role in shaping digital transparency due to the possibility of imposing legal penalties. Effective use of digital media to foster democratic practices involves pressure from external monitoring agencies willing to challenge a bureaucratic culture resistant to openness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral processes arise from the democratic establishment and it is common to understand them as one of the most faithful samples of popular sovereignty; but the fact of having its genesis in the political participation of the people is not a guarantee that the citizenry will accept it and shelter its conformity. This article is carried out with the objective of analyzing the validity of the current electoral code in terms of electoral processes and the confidence of the electoral population of the Department of Meta on the main mission of the National Registry of Civil Status. For this, a mixed study was developed, with an analytical approach, where the survey was the main instrument for collecting information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O objetivo deste artigo é buscar relacionar os direitos digitais, notadamente a inclusão digital, com os instrumentos da Democracia Digital no Brasil. Para tal incursão foram discutidos os diversos matizes sobre Direito Digital e a sua legislação. Em seguida foram discutidos os principais pontos da Democracia Digital, dando ênfase, aos índices de participação eletrônica, divulgados pela ONU (2018). Por fim, foram levantados desafios para participação popular através dos meios digitais no Brasil. Este artigo, do ponto de vista da abordagem do problema, foi tratado de forma qualitativa. Em relação aos objetivos foi utilizada a pesquisa descritiva. Do ponto de vista dos procedimentos técnicos foi realizada através de um estudo bibliográfico. No Brasil, o entendimento de Estado democrático é o mesmo que de democracia liberal representativa. O caminho para se atingir a Democracia digital, deve passar necessariamente pelo debate sobre o modelo de democracia que temos. Como são construídos os mecanismos institucionais da gestão pública, e qual o arquétipo coletivo-cultural da relação dos sujeitos sociais na construção da democracia.

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o ambiente institucional e a capacidade de interferência sobre o processo decisório governamental do Gabinete Digital – experiência de democracia digital desenvolvida no estado do Rio Grande do Sul entre 2011 e 2014 – de modo a contribuir com o debate a respeito da avaliação de iniciativas de democracia digital no Brasil. Para tanto, optou - se por uma abordagem sistêmica ao objeto, ao mesmo tempo em que foram analisados alguns dos aspectos que caracterizaram a instituição participativa em questão. A mobilização institucional, a transversalidade de temas e a adesão do corpo de servidores são destacadas a fim de se avaliar até que ponto a experiência obteve êxito em movimentar o aparato estatal para assegurar efetividade aos processos de participação.

Analisa o exercício da cidadania digital no Brasil por meio dos aplicativos cívicos disponibilizados entre os anos de 2012 e 2018. A metodologia consiste em pesquisa exploratória e descritiva, baseada em pesquisa documental e análise de conteúdo. A coleta de dados se deu entre os meses de junho de 2017 e dezembro de 2018 e lançou mão de quatro fontes principais de informação. Foram identificados 27 aplicativos cívicos e analisados documentos digitais referentes aos mesmos (em sites, blogs, matérias jornalísticas e redes sociais), sendo levantadas nove categorias ou unidades de análise dos aplicativos. Os aplicativos foram categorizados e foi realizada uma análise de gráficos visando compreender o exercício da cidadania digital no país por meio dos aplicativos disponibilizados. Conclui-se que o exercício da cidadania digital no Brasil apresenta um cenário por um lado condensado em alguns valores de categorias, como os autores e temas dos aplicativos cívicos, por outro lado disperso quanto as ferramentas cívicas que possibilitam a cidadania digital no país.

O objetivo deste artigo é situar o jornalismo na democracia digital. Por meio de revisão e discussão bibliográfica, propomos a abordagem da evolução da normatividade da transparência pública digital no Brasil até a aprovação da Lei de Acesso à Informação (LAI) e do uso e apropriação da informação na prática jornalística, à luz das noções de democracia digital e comunicação pública. Como resultado, identificamos um conjunto significativo de estudos que apontam que o jornalismo adotou, em especial, instrumentos de transparência passiva para acessar dados públicos e que essa prática tem se intensificado no país desde a aprovação da LAI.

This study mapped a set of empirical research on Digital Democracy, published in Brazilian journals, to identify the characteristics, patterns, and trends of this interdisciplinary field. This research analyzed 240 scientific articles published between 2002 and 2018 and retrieved from four platforms (SciELO, DOAJ, SPELL, and Google Scholar). A set of bibliometric indicators was applied via a quantitative-qualitative method based on content analysis. Among our main conclusions, we show the predominance of male first authors, although we found lesser gender inequalities than expected in this research area. Despite the evolution of this field of studies and the digital character of its research objects, we found no frequent use of automated data collection instruments. Political participation, transparency, and deliberation are the three most discussed topics. Websites and social media are the most studied technological objects. In methodological terms, content analysis significantly predominates in these articles, which indicates its low variety of analysis techniques and weak methodological sophistication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the use of digital social media platforms by voters in Salvador, in the ten administrative regions of the capital of Bahia, during the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections. Empirical data were collected through a household survey, with sampling stratified by sex, age and schooling and random selection of neighborhoods, streets and respondents. The quotas were defined and applied based on statistics of the Brazilian electorate, from the Superior Electoral Court (TSE), and on the distribution of the population of Salvador foreseen in the last Master Plan for Urban Development (PDDU). The results of the investigation revealed that the areas that concentrate populations with a higher standard of living registered a greater number of voters who used social media who liked, commented and shared content about politics. Thus, the use of these tools reproduced the dominant networks of power in the capital of Salvador, with the wealthiest and most educated participating more. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artigo foca-se nos usos digitais, em democracias da Europa e da CPLP, dos partidos políticos a desempenhar funções governamentais e da oposição num ambiente não eleitoral. Sob uma abordagem metodológica e teórica mista, os resultados mostram que os partidos da oposição usam mais o paradigma participacionista e os partidos do governo o paradigma informacional, que entre os partidos do governo e os da oposição as diferenças mais significativas residem no tipo de conteúdo, atores e temas enunciados e que, entre a Europa e a CPLP, as principais diferenças residem nos objetivos implícitos aos usos. A democracia revela tendências nos usos digitais.

This article aims to identify factors asso ciated with the use of social media by Paraguayan citizens in their relationship with the government. We gathered data using a vignette survey, which recorded the responses to four public service problems and collected scores on perceived effectiveness, capability, social influence, trust in government, trust in social media infrastructure, and social media anxiety. Multivariate analysis was used to test the hypotheses. Perceived effectiveness, social influence, and trust in social media infrastructures were found to be significantly correlated with citizens' use of such media to report public service issues. On the other hand, capability, trust in government, and social media anxiety were not found to be associated with citizens' social media use. The results urge further theorization to disentangle how perceived effectiveness, social influence, and trust in social media infrastructures affect digital citizen engagement and participation and under what conditions proprietary social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter contribute to a vibrant democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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O artigo se propôs à análise sobre inovações legislativas que objetivam o combate e tratamento dos atos ilícitos diante abusos do direito à liberdade de expressão nas redes sociais, considerando em particular, o PL 2.630 de 2020 que tem sido alvo de divergências na opinião pública e nas mídias em busca por soluções para os problemas recorrentes da disseminação de fake news e os seus efeitos negativos na internet para a democracia contemporânea. Todavia, é possível que os efeitos da nova Lei restrinjam o direito à democracia? Para isso, a pesquisa foi elaborada à luz da metodologia dedutiva exploratória, em que se estabeleceu a pesquisa através de artigos e legislações tratadas no contexto eleitoral. Ao final, constata-se a necessidade de alterações na proposta para melhor trato com os direitos fundamentais e possibilidade de debate livre na internet como meio de participação popular pela democracia digital.

O artigo traz uma análise da inserção das redes sociais nas campanhas eleitorais em 2016, tomando como objeto de estudo as fanpages dos principais candidatos à disputa pela Prefeitura de Belo Horizonte. Discute-se a relação simbiótica entre mídia e política e o impacto das mídias digitais nas disputas eleitorais. Foi realizada análise de conteúdo, a partir do recorte do primeiro turno de campanha, acionando as categorias conteúdo das fanpages e formatos utilizados.

It seems to be an established fact that social media multiplies the possibilities for civil society to express its points of view and intervene in the debate about matters of public interest. However, this greater social participation in political discourse through such platforms does not always translate into an improvement in the quality of democratic deliberation. The aim of this research is to examine the characteristics of comments and conversations on YouTube in a pre-election period to determine whether such discursive interaction contributes to strengthening the democratic system or if, on the contrary, is detrimental to it. Adopting a quantitative--qualitative approach, content analysis and critical discourse analysis are combined to examine 471 comments collected from the most viewed videos on YouTube in the month before the Andalusian elections held on 2 December 2018. Various aspects are considered, including the theme and typology of opinions, the use of foul language, and the modes that the conversation adopts. The results indicate a social discourse in which the exchange of opposing positions prevails, including comments with a strong emotional burden that tend to attack or criticize the ideology of the protagonists in the videos, and where rudeness is present (although there are exceptions), mainly as personal insults among the participants. The characteristics of the conversation taking place on this online video platform in the pre-election period do not meet the minimum standards for argumentation and civil behavior in digital political debate, thus far from contributing to an improvement in the quality of deliberative processes, it is deteriorated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Organizado por Sivaldo Pereira da Silva, Rachel Callai Bragatto e Rafael Cardoso Sampaio, o livro Democracia Digital, Comunicação Política e Redes – Teoria e Prática reúne artigos de alguns dos principais pesquisadores brasileiros debruçados sobre as temáticas de Internet, Política, Democracia e Estado Digital. Esta resenha apresenta brevemente os catorze artigos que compõem a obra. O exemplar é rico em estudos de caso e proporciona uma perspectiva transdisciplinar das discussões. A leitura é indicada para todos aqueles que desejam se situar no campo de estudos, trazendo as questões e desafios mais relevantes para a agenda atual de pesquisas na área.

O presente trabalho pretende refletir as implicações sociais das novas tecnologias informacionais sobre os direitos à comunicação e à informação, encarados como direitos humanos sob a perspectiva do Direito Achado na Rua. Trata-se de uma contribuição à discussão presente no volume 8. da obra Introdução Crítica ao Direito à Comunicação e à Informação - O Direito Achado na Rua. Como objetivo, propõe-se uma reflexão teórica principalmente a partir de Zygmunt Bauman (2008), Manuel Castells (2013) e José Geraldo Souza Júnior (2008), considerando ainda o direito à comunicação e à informação como direitos humanos construídos a partir dos movimentos de luta e do protagonismo popular, para além de sua dimensão formal.

Esta pesquisa realiza um levantamento da produção acadêmica no campo da Administração sobre democracia digital, governo eletrônico e termos afins. A prospecção envolve artigos que abordam gestão, políticas públicas e sistemas de informação, publicados em periódicos qualificados na área de Administração, entre 2002 e 2016. O estudo lança mão de uma análise de conteúdo, classificando as publicações de acordo com as seguintes variáveis: ano, periódico, autor, abordagem (gerencial, política, híbrida). Foram encontrados 49 artigos, distribuídos em apenas sete periódicos e majoritariamente produzidos por pesquisadores provenientes de apenas seis instituições brasileiras. Ademais, evidenciamos que o termo “democracia digital” era praticamente inexistente até 2011. Por fim, a abordagem gerencialista era predominante inicialmente, mas foi superada pela abordagem política nos últimos anos. Conclui-se que a área de Administração já foi capaz de superar uma visão excessivamente gerencial, mas que o tema ainda carece de maior atenção acadêmica.

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This study investigates the use of Facebook and WhatsApp by Salvador's voters during the 2014 Brazilian presidential elections in the process of civic engagement and political participation. It examines the most common forms of online and offline participation among voters using these two digital platforms and the correlation between sociodemographic variables, household income, frequency of internet access, political interest, and party preference in this process. Data were obtained through a household survey conducted in Salvador, January 2015, which investigated several variables on the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the electoral decision making process. The results showed that Facebook and WhatsApp were used in a complementary way, with the former contributing more to the mobilization of voters online and the latter offline, although their users also registered significant web participation. But there is no evidence that these tools can solve the problem of representativeness of participation, since sociodemographic differences persist as demarcations of the participatory process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]