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The rapid decline of global biodiversity has engendered renewed debate about the social, economic, and political factors contributing to it. Specifically, there is little understanding of the role that political ideology within a country (e.g., nationalism, conservatism, socialism) plays in determining biodiversity outcomes. We used negative binomial generalized linear models to investigate the importance of national regime ideology in predicting threatened animal species and protected area establishment compared with other factors that affect biodiversity outcomes, such as gross domestic product, inequality, and democracy. For threatened animals, the model with the highest Akaike weight suggested adverse biodiversity outcomes arose from larger gross domestic product (β = 0.120, p < 0.001). However, nationalism (β = 0.371, p < 0.01) and socialism (β = 0.293, p < 0.05) were also significantly associated with increased proportions of threatened species. For protected areas, the model with the highest Akaike weight suggested increases in democracy (β = 0.880, p < 0.001) led to a rise in relative protected area estate. Conservative regime ideology was also associated with greater protected area estate, although this did not increase the weight of evidence in support of the best models. These findings highlight the relevance of political ideology for predicting biodiversity outcomes at a national scale and illustrate opportunities to tailor policies and advocacy to promote biodiversity conservation more effectively. By targeting appropriate messaging and political advocacy, conservationists can improve the likelihood that politicians and their nations will participate in positive biodiversity actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To speak of citizen participation in public policies implies discussing the different ways in which society can have access to or interfere in the content of administrative decisions made by the Public Power. When it comes to access to information, it can be said that this element belongs to the field of passive transparency, which takes place, in Brazil, primarily, through the Access to Information Law (LAI). This paper sought to investigate how passive transparency occurs in the sphere of the Judiciary, specifically about the socio-educational measures of admission and substitution for measures in the open environment, due to the pandemic caused by the SARS-CoV-2 Coronavirus. Through documentary analysis and a survey application, compliance with CNJ Recommendation 62/2020 was analyzed, which determined specific rules about the socio-educational measures of admission during the pandemic. For this purpose, questions were developed with the LAI support and forwarded to the Brazilian Courts of Justice through their websites, aiming to understand how compliance (or lack thereof) with the resolution in question has occurred. The results show that there are still challenges to guaranteeing passive transparency, with barriers that weaken access to information, making it difficult to monitor the Judiciary's actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conceptual article explores the relationship between stakeholder theory and electoral processes, focusing on the contemporary challenges and ethical implications of applying this theory, rooted in accountability, to the political realm. Drawing on an extensive literature review to develop the theory within the political field and elections, the analysis uncovers the factors and multifaceted issues that shape stakeholder engagement in electoral contexts, and the pervasive influence of political money on the sway of tribal affiliations and identity politics—which can result in misaligned representation and unfair policy outcomes that may harm the long‐term interests of stakeholders themselves. This underscores the need for regulatory reforms to enhance transparency and accountability in elections, advocating for ethical governance to balance broader public interests against narrow stakeholder interests. Ultimately, the research provides insights into improving global electoral processes and governance, calling for policies supporting equitable, accountable, and sustainable governance practices. Related Articles: Adegboye, Alex, Kofo Adegboye, Uwalomwa Uwuigbe, Stephen, Ojeka, and Eyitemi Fasanu. 2023. "Taxation, Democracy, and Inequality in Sub‐Saharan Africa: Relevant Linkages for Sustainable Development Goals." Politics & Policy 51(4): 696–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547. Akwei, Cynthia. 2018. "Mitigating Election Violence and Intimidation: A Political Stakeholder Engagement Approach." Politics & Policy 46(3): 472–504. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12256. Sohn, Hyodong. 2023. "Policy Agenda Trade‐offs for Sustainability: The Compositional Change of Attention about Energy in Legislative Hearings." Politics & Policy 51(6): 973–1007. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12563. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment and maintenance of an effective democracy, characterized by its popularity, representativeness, and accountability, are fundamental elements in the process of consolidating a republic. Despite inherent challenges, such as antidemocratic coups that have left their mark on the country, perpetuating the use of force, it is imperative to chart a course toward democratic stability. The evolving definition of democracy over the years has given rise to diverse perspectives in the 21st century, emanating from individuals, institutions, and nations. Ecuador, as a republic, has experienced fluctuations in democratic stability throughout its history. This study focuses on analyzing the levels of democratic stability in Ecuadorian society, employing neutrosophic statistics to address the variability of the variable in question. The research results underscore that the deterioration of civil rights, evaluated from a neutrosophic perspective, emerges as a critical factor in the stability of democracy in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we aim to address neoliberal rationality as a form of antidemocratic governmentality, operating through and for inequality. Subsequently, we will explore within the Argentine political theoretical tradition the possibility of delineating an alternative governmentality. To achieve this, we have divided the article into three paragraphs and a final reflection section. In the first paragraph, we seek to reconstruct Foucault's problematization of governmentality as presented in the late 1970s. In the following paragraph, we utilize Foucault's framework to elucidate how the promotion of inequality and the formal reduction of democracy are interconnected from the perspective of neoliberal rationality. In the final paragraph, we explore the possibility of articulating an alternative governmentality to neoliberalism based on the way Argentine philosopher Conrado Eggers Lan problematized Peronism in the early 1970s. Finally, we propose some considerations and draw conclusions based on the intersection between Foucault and Eggers Lan's perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Se sintetiza y comenta un artículo reciente del filósofo y constitucionalista Ignacio Giuffré intitulado Ampliando las fronteras del constitucionalismo deliberativo. El artículo de Giuffré brinda un panorama claro e informado de la compleja discusión contemporánea en torno al lugar institucional de la deliberación en la comprensión de la Constitución y pautas que formula.

La evolución del presupuesto participativo constituye un tema clave de estudio dado que es una de las innovaciones participativas de más larga trayectoria y de mayor expansión en los últimos veinte años a lo largo del mundo. Asimismo, España es territorio que se presta a la observación de los cambios en el presupuesto participativo, dado que fue uno de los países donde desarrolló con fuerza cuando comenzó a impulsarse en Europa. El objetivo del presente estudio es conocer las experiencias de presupuesto participativo en la actualidad en España, en términos del marco institucional de los procesos, las reglas de participación y los roles y posibilidades de acción ciudadana en las mismas. Para ello, se trabaja con datos de 297 presupuestos participativos municipales. Los resultados muestran una expansión notable del presupuesto participativo, aunque la vida media de las experiencias sigue siendo corta. Los presupuestos participativos presentan nuevas características en relación con estudios anteriores: la diversificación de las metodologías empleadas, el reducido peso de la participación ciudadana en su diseño o el intensivo componente digital. También se identifican rasgos de continuidad, como la condición vinculante de las decisiones ciudadanas o la necesidad del cumplimiento de determinados requisitos administrativos para poder tomar parte.

A obra busca estabelecer um diálogo construído entre Bauman e Mauro proporcionando a construção de uma Babel atual, na qual as relações estabelecidas na rede impossibilitam o diálogo, distanciando-nos da Babel contemporânea que habitamos. Dessa forma, Bauman e Mauro concluem o trabalho destacando a necessidade de recuperação. O trabalho pode contribuir para novas formas de o ser humano se relacionar, principalmente quando os autores estabelecem a ideia de rede, propondo um "diálogo sério, com disposição favorável, buscando a compreensão mútua e o benefício mútuo" entre todos.

RESUMO A democratização na América Latina pode afirmar um novo paradigma de desenvolvimento para a região. Essa hipótese é considerada a partir da análise dos desafios econômicos externos e internos e das potencialidades econômicas da democratização. O maior desafio é transcender aquelas modalidades de organização econômica, social e política que deram origem ao autoritarismo e suas diversas modalidades. Analisam-se as potencialidades intermediárias e longínquas da democratização no circuito da inovação social, criatividade, gestão pública e integração regional, excluindo as concepções neoliberais no “Cone Sul” para sugerir novos caminhos e meios para o progresso.

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Copyright of Retos: Nuevas Perspectivas de Educación Física, Deporte y Recreación is the property of Federacion Espanola de Asociaciones de Docentes de Educacion Fisica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El presente trabajo tuvo como propósito elaborar un acercamiento teórico a la noción de contrarrelato político. Ante la novedad de esta técnica narrativa, primero se abordaron sus causas: absolutismo moral, polarización afectiva, caos informativo, incertidumbre y tribalismo digital. Luego, se definió el contrarrelato como una estructura semántica que, sin importar la temporalidad, intenta destruir el capital simbólico del adversario. Acto seguido, se detallaron sus principales rasgos –reactividad, negatividad, emotividad, estereotipación y permanencia– y funciones –enlazar voluntades por oposición, trazar fronteras identitarias nítidas, recompensar emocionalmente y simplificar la realidad–. A modo de cierre, se trazó un repaso de los principales hallazgos y se plantearon diversas líneas de investigación, tales como observar la resonancia y aplicación de esta técnica por parte de la ciudadanía y la posibilidad de realizar un análisis comparado, a través de casos prácticos, entre el contrarrelato y su némesis, el relato político.

El objetivo de este trabajo es documentar las dificultades del quehacer docente en España, desde la Ley General de Educación de 1970, para la puesta en práctica de una educación en y para la democracia bajo el paradigma conceptual de bien común. La problemática se analiza desde tres ámbitos: la legislación, la relación de escuela y sociedad y las metodologías de aula. El método es cualitativo, con la técnica de la entrevista, desde el testimonio de nueve docentes de Magisterio. Los resultados evidencian el interés de los docentes por la formación de valores democráticos y los obstáculos que enfrentan para alcanzar dicho objetivo —consecuencia de la separación entre la finalidad política y la finalidad sociocultural de la educación, la influencia de cada contexto ideológico y el no entender la educación como bien común.

No corresponde.

Este ensayo abordó la grave problemática de violencia que enfrentaron las mujeres periodistas y defensoras de derechos humanos en México durante el periodo comprendido entre 2020 y 2023. El argumento central sostuvo que la alta incidencia de agresiones, tentativas de homicidio y feminicidios está relacionado con la impunidad y la falta de protección por las autoridades, lo que pone en riesgo su derecho a ejercer la libertad de expresión. Se derivaron tres premisas: la imperante necesidad de visibilizar la impunidad generalizada que atenta hacia un de los principios básicos de la democracia; el incremento progresivo en la vulnerabilidad a sufrir agresiones y ataques violentos debido a la falta de protección efectiva por parte de las autoridades y; por último, la vulneración de la libertad de expresión de estas mujeres, la cual no sólo menoscabó su capacidad para contribuir al debate público, sino que también puso en riesgo su propia vida. El aporte de este trabajo radicó en analizar la intersección entre la violencia de género y la libertad de expresión, vulnerando uno de los principios básicos de la democracia. Un aporte crucial para abordar la violencia contra las mujeres y avanzar hacia sociedades más justas e inclusivas.

O presente artigo pretende efetuar uma análise comparativa entre a Revolução de 25 de Abril de 1974 e as suas duas antecessoras no Portugal Contemporâneo (1910 e 1820), procurando compreender a importância relativa de cada uma delas, apreender os traços comuns a todas elas e as características distintas que as permitem individualizar e detetar os legados que estes fenómenos revolucionários deixaram à sociedade portuguesa.

El artículo pretende evaluar la crítica de Robert Talisse a la noción de democracia de John Dewey según la cual dicha noción sería incompatible con el pluralismo razonable de corte rawlsiano y devendría opresiva pues se funda en el ideal moral del crecimiento. Para ello, se reconstruye la “objeción pluralista” de Talisse. Posteriormente, se consideran los argumentos centrales con que Dewey sostiene su perspectiva, a saber: el argumento experimentalista y el argumento formativo. En este marco, se sostiene que la idea de democracia como cooperación social y la idea de crecimiento como fin moral, comprendidas en términos deweyanos, dan lugar al pluralismo por derecho propio.

Este artigo analisa as categorias de violência, juventude e reincidência em jovens no México, no âmbito dos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável da Agenda 2030 da ONU. O foco está no objetivo 16: Paz, Justiça e Instituições Sólidas, para abordar, a partir de um quadro teórico conceitual, o conceito de democracia e governança, aspectos que atualmente são concebidos como mecanismos mensuráveis ​​de sistemas políticos e agendas governamentais. É realizada uma análise reflexiva sobre alguns indicadores relacionados à violência no México, no caso dos jovens em conflito com a lei e a fraca estratégia do Estado para enfrentar de forma abrangente a situação deste grupo. Com uma metodologia que inclui a análise de pesquisas institucionais realizadas no México, o cruzamento de informações e conteúdos gerados pelo Latinobarómetro, mostram-se resultados que não favorecem os esquemas e discursos da democracia e da governança eficaz para o cuidado de jovens em conflito com a lei, mas são mostradas como uma área de oportunidade para os governos locais. Concluímos parcialmente argumentando sobre a necessidade de fortalecer as instituições responsáveis ​​pela administração da justiça e sobre o papel que os cidadãos, as empresas, as organizações e as instituições têm nos processos de transformação social.

Las redes sociales de internet han influido en la política y concretamente en la democracia. Asimismo, pueden cambiar muchos aspectos de manera que contribuyan a una democracia más plena y efectiva. En este estudio comprobamos si la existencia y optimización de las redes sociales de internet influye en la efectividad democrática en los países latinoamericanos. Realizamos un estudio estadístico, cuantitativo e inferencial con datos de 2023, utilizando encuestas representativas, para demostrar que el internet y las redes sociales inciden en la democratización de los países antes mencionados. Partimos de la hipótesis propuesta por Lipset: la prosperidad económica de una nación contribuye a fortalecer la democracia.

La formación ciudadana es un tema de interés ético y político, con notable presencia dentro de las discusiones universitarias, que tienen como fin hacer frente a escenarios asimétricos presentes en el siglo XXI. Partiendo de estas premisas, el artículo fija como objetivo analizar la dimensión ético-política de la formación ciudadana en la educación superior, considerando los siguientes aspectos: Una breve síntesis sobre el significado conceptual de ciudadanía; señalar la dimensión ético-política de la educación superior, lo que incide en la formación del ser humano integral, que incluye la capacitación axiológica, deontológica y el carácter político de la acción participativa dentro de la colectividad; e indicar la relevancia de la formación ciudadana en la educación superior, reconociendo la importancia que tiene para el progreso material de los pueblos. El diseño de la investigación es de tipo cualitativo, aplicando el método hermenéutico-documental. Entre los principales resultados, se distingue que la formación ciudadana impulsa los encuentros comunitarios, fomenta la inclusión, el respeto, activismo político, teniendo en miras la transformación de la sociedad. Se concluye en la urgencia de replantear la dirección de la educación superior, encaminándole hacia la lucha contra contextos sociales adversos, homogeneización del saber, velando por la formación de ciudadanos libres.

RESUMO O artigo analisa os riscos de legitimidade do exercício do poder com o uso das novas tecnologias, em uma possível tecnocracia que faz uso político das tecnologias enquanto instrumentos de controle das atividades dos indivíduos de uma sociedade. Em um primeiro momento, debate o sentido de tecnocracia e tecnototalitarismo, apresentando o contexto em que a discussão sobre esse novo arranjo de poder se insere. Em sequência, ao definir o conceito de tecnototalitarismo, argumenta como ele tem ameaçado os sentidos de democracia e as liberdades individuais da nossa tradição liberal ocidental. Por fim, apresenta algumas propostas de proteção do sujeito em ambientes digitais como um dos principais instrumentos para a limitação do uso do poder e como um dos pontos nodais para o resgate do seu sentido de legitimidade democrática.

I will present some of Raymond Aron's texts as a contribution to the debate on human rights between Claude Lefort, Marcel Gauchet, and Pierre Manent (three authors who have an intellectual dialogue with Aron). On one hand, Aron will be presented as a source of inspiration for Gauchet's and Manent's critique of the "politics of human rights". The core of this critique consists in the effort to think together the points of view of power and law, in contrast with the dissociation between power and law seen by Lefort in the modern democratic revolution. On the other hand, I will argue that Aron comes close to Lefort, and distances himself from Gauchet and Manent, by his refusal to assimilate human rights to an individualistic philosophy. Both Aron and Lefort emphasize the critical dimension of human rights: they express a critique of modern society in the name of the ideals of that same society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from an approach based on the risks that the processing of biometric data and biometric AI systems imply for human rights, the protection of human rights is analysed in the legislation on the protection of personal data and in the Proposal for a Regulation on Artificial Intelligence of the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article proposes a analysis of the limits of the concept of participation and its eventual political instrumentalization in a democratic environment. The thoughts of Arnstein (1969); Carpentier (2018); Sharp (2017) and Melo et al. (2019) form the basis of the literature review. The research adopts na empirical approach and presents a descriptive case study focused on the participation of people on X in the actions of denouncing the coup attempt on January 8th in Brasília. While the results of the literature review point out that the variety of historical, social and political conjunctures is an obstacle to a unique understanding of participation and its relationship with the media; the case study suggests that the participation of Brazilian citizens on X is complex, presenting traits of interaction, power sharing and negative participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines in particular two writings of Wendy Brown about the vocation of the public university: The Vocation of the Public University (2017) and Nihilistic Times: Thinking with Max Weber (2023). They will be analyzed in relation to neoliberalism diagnoses developed by the author since the publication of Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism's Stealth Revolution (2015). It will be shown how Brown's critique of contemporary antidemocratic and nihilistic culture captures the existing tensions in higher education: while contemporary public universities are oriented by the dominant neoliberal rationality, it is also possible to think about ways to counter such hegemony. This possibility relies mostly on ascribing a vocation to public university that builds up the conditions for democracy, threatened by neoliberalism, which implies rethinking the notion of freedom, as well as reconfiguring the spheres of politics and science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the extent of involvement of religious political leaders and their apparent, rather reluctant, acceptance by the Pakistani public seen in recent times. The study also analyzes the role of religious leaders in giving way to right‐wing extremism or Islamic militarism and how this challenges the writ of the state. I hope to shed light on the state‐religious scholars' nexus, forging a lasting impression in the minds of the public of their coexistence. Religious leaders have been seen to support or gain currency at the time of autocratic rulers, which is evident in the history of the martial law regimes of General Zia ul Haq and General Pervez Musharraf. This study also examines the compromise of weak democratic parties in the intervening period between the two dictatorships as well as the recent rise of political as well as religious extremism. I examine the coexistence of the state‐religious scholars' nexus where religious sentiments, often leading to extremist views, are being played for political gains by the religious political leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious sentiments have become a potent tool for political elites, altering national identities and citizenship criteria. This manipulation, driven by majoritarian ideologies, has marginalized religious minorities, leading to discrimination, violence, and legal persecution against them. Hindu, Islamic, and Buddhist nationalisms seem to collectively erode secular democracy in South Asia. Moreover, right‐wing populist leaders, notably Modi in India and the Rajapaksas in Sri Lanka, have merged religious nationalism with authoritarian political orientations posing a challenge to democratic foundations and impacting significantly on the dynamics of state and societal relations. This is the context in which this World Affairs 2024 special issue delves into the relationship(s) between religion, politics, and authoritarianism in the South Asian region. It examines the evolving "religion‐politics" nexus or "complex" to explicate the relationship between religion and authoritarianism, particularly with respect to authoritarian governments mobilizing religion as a readily available resource for popular political mobilization, legitimization, and power consolidation. India's BJP employs Hindutva ideology to marginalize minorities, Bangladesh's regime uses Islam for political legitimacy, and Sri Lanka's Sinhala‐Buddhist nationalism fosters exclusionary policies. By fostering social and cultural polarization, this fusion of authoritarianism with religious nationalism poses a serious challenge to the secular state. The articles in this special issue explore these themes comprehensively, delving into the ideological foundations of political decisions and their consequences for marginalized communities. By shedding light on this multifaceted interplay, the collection offers valuable insights into South Asia's sociopolitical landscape, serving as a vital resource for scholars, policy makers, and global observers seeking to understand the region's complex dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This third article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the intricate interplay between secularism, religious sentiment, and authoritarian politics in postindependence Bangladesh. Despite being founded on secular principles in 1971, the notion of Bangladesh as a strictly secular state is challenged. This article contends that while secularism was enshrined as a foundational state principle, its imposition occurred top‐down, diverging from prevailing societal ethos. The immediacy of the public backlash following its inclusion compelled ruling elites to adopt religion‐sensitive policies. I assert that the widespread religiosity among the populace steered subsequent political decisions. Notably, the shift from secularism to state‐sponsored Islam, the elevation of Islamic figures to cabinet roles, the recognition of Qawmi madrassa credentials, and the proliferation of Islamic rhetoric ensued. Analyzing a blend of archival data and field interviews, the article argues that the current authoritarian regime, emerging from an unconsolidated democratic framework, strategically exploits Islam as a political tool for legitimacy. By tapping into the prevailing Islamic sentiment, the regime aims to solidify its hold on power and navigate the complex political landscape of contemporary Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One vital constant in pedagogical narratives is the link between children's play and education. Study of their relationship from a philosophical perspective is marked by paradoxes and tensions that have often raised the implementation of their use in educational practice in differing and even opposing ways. This article seeks to set out new ways of interpreting the relationship between play and education from a conciliatory approach. This relationship is explored from the works of three contemporaneous pragmatist thinkers of the late nineteenth: Jane Addams, John Dewey, and George Mead. The results suggest that the possibility of a relationship between children's play and education is not so much found in the development of potentially educational materials, an extraordinary teaching method, or strictly teaching the curriculum. Rather, the significant contribution is concentrated in the conviction that play could be crucial for the cultivation of democracy. Pragmatists such as Addams and Dewey relied on the aesthetic experience of play as one of the most powerful possibilities for not only keeping democracy alive but also cultivating a cosmopolitan citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the regime of State secrets in Portugal, emphasizing the imperative need for greater transparency and its alignment with the democratic principles of accountability and civic participation. From a historical perspective, the study traces the evolution of the concept of State secrets from the Estado Novo period to the post-April 25th democratic consolidation, highlighting how political and social transformations influenced legislation and governmental practices related to the classification and management of sensitive information. The research pays particular attention to the modifications introduced by Law No. 2/2014, of August 6, highlighting the challenges that persist in reconciling national security with the rights to information and administrative transparency. Through a critical analysis of current legislation and its practical application, the article debates the adequacy of the current State secret regime to the demands of a society that increasingly values transparency and public scrutiny of governmental activities. It proposes a reflection on the inherent tensions between the protection of classified information and the growing demand for open and accountable governance. The study concludes by underlining the need for legislative reforms and administrative practices that promote an effective balance between State security and the strengthening of democratic pillars of transparency and citizen participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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