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Turkey is a historically important regional actor and is trying to contribute to the establishment of a peaceful and secure environment in the Balkans. The region has had a salient place in the Turkish foreign policy agenda in the last two decades. In the 1990s Ankara started to play a considerable role by developing initiatives that aimed at contributing to the end of the conflicts there. This paper analyses Turkey's regional policies in the last decade in order to understand the main continuities and changes. The main research question of the study is as follows: Has there been any considerable change in Turkey's relations with the Balkan countries? The study has two fundamental arguments: First, although the main aims of Turkish foreign policy remain the same, there are now different instruments that have been implemented to an increasing degree. Second, relations have been transnationalising thanks to the spillover effects of globalisation.

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Many of the Western countries have radically changed their system of conscription in the recent decades. Turkey that enthusiastically takes the West as a model in many fields continues, however, to ignore developments in the Western military systems and sticks to its traditional understanding of military institutions. The present study seeks to examine the rationale behind Turkey's conscription system and its reluctance to reform. Why is the Justice and Development Party (JDP) still stuck to the same conscription system that remained untouched in its fundamentals for 85 years? The basic argument of the article is that although the discourse in Turkish foreign policy changed considerably under the JDP, Turkish decision leaders still have a security understanding dominated by the realist approach.

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This thesis aims to examine the interaction between Turkish and German state identities and energy security perceptions, and reflections of this interaction to foreign policy behaviors in the context of social constructivism. In this direction, the two countries' energy policies, market structures and relations with international organizations were examined based on their state identities in the post-Cold War period. The study is based on two basic questions: What is the interaction between state identity and energy security of Turkey and Germany? And what is the interaction between energy policy and foreign policy of these countries? In this thesis, process tracing and critical discourse analysis methods were used. In this context, it was seen that Germany adopted a norm-oriented energy policy within the framework of the state identity and this energy policy was reflected in a similar way on its foreign policy. On the other hand, Turkey's energy policy is shaped around the realist power parameters and in this sense the two countries' energy security perceptions differ. This thesis consists of seven chapters. Following introduction, second chapter will include conceptual and theoretical framework, then methodology will be introduced. Chapter four and five will examine Germany and Turkey in terms of state identity, energy security and foreign policy. In chapter six the two countries will be compared and last chapter will summarize the main findings., Bu çalışmanın başlıca amacı, Türkiye ile Almanya'nın devlet kimliği ve enerji güvenliği algıları arasındaki karşılıklı etkileşimi ve bu etkileşimin dış politika davranışlarına yansımalarını sosyal inşacılık bağlamında incelemektir. Bu doğrultuda iki ülkenin Soğuk Savaş sonrası enerji politikaları, piyasa yapıları ve uluslararası örgütlerle ilişkileri devlet kimliği etrafında incelenmiştir. Çalışma iki temel soruyu temel almaktadır: Türkiye ile Almanya'nın devlet kimlikleri ile enerji güvenlikleri arasındaki etkileşim nedir? Ve bu ülkelerin enerji politikaları ve dış politikaları arasında nasıl bir etkileşim vardır? Bu tezde süreç takibi (process-tracing) ve eleştirel söylem analizi yöntemleri kullanılmış ve Almanya ile Türkiye karşılaştırmalı olarak tartışılmıştır. Bu bağlamda, Almanya'nın devlet kimliği çerçevesinde norm odaklı bir enerji politikası benimsediği ve bu enerji politikasının dış politikasına benzer bir şekilde yansıdığı görülmüştür. Öte yandan, Türkiye'nin enerji politikası güç parametreleri etrafında şekillendirilmektedir ve bu anlamda iki ülkenin enerji güvenliği algıları farklılık göstermektedir. Bu tez yedi bölümde incelenmiştir. Girişin ardından, ikinci bölüm kavramsal ve teorik çerçeveyi içerecek, daha sonra metodoloji tanıtılacaktır. Dördüncü ve beşinci bölümde Almanya ve Türkiye devlet kimliği, enerji güvenliği ve dış politika açısından incelenecek, altıncı bölümde bu iki ülke karşılaştırılarak ve sonuca geçilecektir.

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The Turkish foreign policy towards the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia was carried out in cooperation with its Western allies. However, as different from its policy during the Bosnian War, Turkey assumed a more careful attitude with regard to the Kosovo issue. During the Kosovo War, Turkey did not undertake any guardianship role for the Kosovo Albanians to the extent that it had done for the Bosniaks during the Bosnian War. Different dynamics had an impact on Turkey's Kosovo policy, its internal problems, the Cyprus issue, Balkan diaspora in Turkey and the presence of the Turkish minority in Kosovo. The presentation will provide an analytical overview of Turkey's approach towards Kosovo based on the proceedings of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. During that period Turkey was mostly governed by coalition governments. How the governing parties and opposition parties reacted to events in Kosovo during the parliamentary sessions will be analysed through conceptual frameworks. The perceived Ottoman history, the existence of "relative communities" and the Turkish minority, and the fear of the spread of the Kosovo issue to neighbouring countries became important factors affecting the construction of the Turkish foreign policy. The presentation will examine the proceedings of the Parliament in 1998-1999 focusing on concepts like "Ottoman legacy", "identity", "interest". It will analyse how Turkey's commitments to the Western alliance, how its identity construction as a regional power and how its political, economic and cultural interests became effective in the formulation of Turkey's attitude towards the conflict in Kosovo.

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The perception of Turkey as a model of attractive country in the region has started to change in the recent years. In the first decade of the JDP rule Turkey was seen as an emerging power with its strong economy, improving democracy and inspiring foreign policy. However, the developments since the Arab Uprisings in the neighbourhood, Gezi movement at home, end of the Kurdish peace process, as well as coup attempt and subsequent de-democratisation harmed the soft power of Turkey. This study argues that the JDP's understanding of democracy and democratisation has been full of flaws from the very beginning of its rule. The Turkish example shows that countries can experience subsequent processes of de-democratisation and de-democratisation if governing parties did not endogenise the basic norms of democracy. Therefore, it is argued that the reverse wave of de-democratisation characterises Turkey more than the "selective" processes of democratisation. It is also argued that JDP elite via its discourse has been constructing the West as the 'Other'.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the notions of being a refugee and the right to work within the framework of Hannah Arendt's "the right to have rights". It is assumed that the possibility of a refugee having a vitality (vita activa), as in the definition of human in Arendt's Human Condition, depends on whether a refugee has the right to work. When Refugees have the right to work would be visible in the public sphere. Certainly, the main question here is to what level this visibility is possible and to what extent nation states allow it. In this thesis, starting from this question, it is aimed to test the relationship between refugees and "the right to work" by using the example of Syrian refugees in Turkey. The first chapter lays out the theoretical background of Hannah Arendt's vita activa and "right to have rights" concepts. The next chapter analyses "right to have rights" concept in terms of international law from Arendt's perspective and looked into the case studies in nation states. The last chapter is focused on "refugee" concept in terms of Turkish law and the right to work of Syrian refugees in Turkey. By investigating case studies and regulations, it is concluded that fundamental rights that are also accepted as human rights are actually citizenship rights created by states. Refugees, having had to leave their countries, most of the time do have to leave their rights as well. Keywords: The Right to Have Rights, The Right to Work, Refugees, Syrians, Turkey, Bu tezin amacı; mültecilik ve çalışma hakkı kavramlarını Hannah Arendt'in "haklara sahip olma hakkı" kavramı çerçevesinde incelemektir. Bir mültecinin, Arendt'in İnsanlık Durumu adlı eserindeki insan tanımında olduğu gibi bir canlılık (vita activa) gösterme ihtimalinin, o mültecinin çalışma hakkına sahip olmasına bağlı olduğu düşünülmektedir. Çalışma hakkına sahip olan mülteciler, kamusal alanda görünür olabileceklerdir. Buradaki asıl soru, bu görünürlüğün ne kadar mümkün olabildiği ve ulus devletlerin buna ne ölçüde izin verdiği üzerine kuruludur. Bu tezde de bu sorudan hareketle mülteciler ve çalışma hakkına sahip olma hakkı arasındaki ilişkinin Türkiye'deki Suriyeliler üzerinden test edilmesi amaçlanmıştır. İlk olarak Hannah Arendt'in vita activa ve haklara sahip olma hakkı kavramlarının teorik arka planı açıklanmıştır. Bir sonraki bölümde ise uluslararası hukukta bu hakkın nasıl düzenlendiği yine Arendtçi bir yaklaşımla incelenmiş ve ulus devletlerdeki uygulama örneklerine bakılmıştır. Son bölümde ise Türkiye'deki hukuki düzenlemeler çerçevesinde mültecilik kavramına ve Suriyeliler özelinde çalışma hakkına odaklanılmıştır. İncelenen hukuki metinler ve uygulama örnekleri göstermiştir ki insan hakları olarak kabul edilen temel haklar aslında ulus devletin yarattığı bir kategori olan vatandaşlık haklarıdır. Kendi ülkelerini terk etmek zorunda kalan mülteciler çoğu zaman sahip oldukları bu hakları da terk etmek zorunda kalmaktadırlar. Anahtar Kelimeler: Haklara Sahip Olma Hakkı, Çalışma hakkı, Mültecilik, Suriyeliler, Türkiye

In the recent years there is an increasing number of academic works on the state of the International Relations (IR) discipline and education in the field all over the world. This article aims to discuss the historical background of the emergence of the IR in Germany, the stages of its development and its current state. Analyzing the state of the IR in the German context is important not only because Germany has played a pivotal role in the emergence of the European integration but also it will have a fundamental impact on the political and future shape of the European Union. Germany is also characterized by its non-traditional foreign policy. The article argues that the scholars of the German IR follow the global developments, mainly those in the US closely, is well integrated in it as well as provide original contributions mainly in the post-positivist field. Though the IR first emerged in Germany thanks to US efforts in the aftermath of the Second World War, today it has some clear original contributions., Son yıllarda Uluslararası ?lişkiler (U?) disiplininde yapılan yayınların ve verilen eğitimin geldiği aşamayla ilgili çok sayıda akademik çalışma yapılmaktadır. Bu makale, AB’nin hem bugün geldiği aşamada hem de siyasal ve ekonomik geleceğini etkilemede başat rol oynayan ve pekçok Avrupa ülkesinden farklı bir dış politika çizgisi izleyen Almanya’daki Uluslararası ?lişkiler disiplininin ortaya çıkışını, geçirdiği evreleri ve bugün geldiği aşamayı tartışmayı amaçlamaktadır. Alman Uluslararası ?lişkiler’i, ABD’dekiler başta olmak üzere küresel U? tartışmalarını yakından takip eden, onunla içiçe geçmiş, ona özellikle post-pozitivist alanda katkılar sağlayan ve bunu yaparken bir yandan da kendi farklılıklarını da ortaya koymaya çalışan bir alandır. Her ne kadar ?kinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dönemde doğrudan ABD’nin etkisiyle ortaya çıkmış olsa da bugün gelinen noktada kendi özgün katkılarını ortaya koymayı başarmıştır.