Search

Hejwosz-Gromkowska Daria, Kapitał i zaufanie społeczne a aktywność obywatelska w Anglii i Polsce – implikacje dla edukacji obywatelskiej [Capital and Social Trust vs. Active Citizenship in England and Poland – Implications for Civic Education]. Studia Edukacyjne nr 56, 2020, Poznań 2020, pp. 85-109. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 1233-6688. DOI: 10.14746/se.2020.56.5The aim of the paper is to analyze the tendencies of shaping both social capital and social trust in England and Poland. The analyses of aforementioned categories allow to explain the patterns of conventional civic participation. The social capital and social trust are also important factors influencing citizenship education. Therefore, analysis comprises policies towards citizenship education in English and Polish schools.

W angielskim dyskursie politycznym wielokrotnie ogłaszano już koniec wielokulturowości jako idei łączącej więzy społeczne. W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę analizy dyskursu debaty publicznej wokół problematyki wielokulturowości w Anglii oraz implikacji dla edukacji obywatelskiej. W artykule zostały przedstawione – po pierwsze – założenia edukacji obywatelskiej w kontekście budowania spójnego społeczeństwa w ramach kategorii Britishness, co było fundamentem działań laburzystów po 1997 roku. Po drugie ukazana została koncepcja idei Big Society w kontekście wielokulturowości, zaproponowanej przez Torysów po przejęciu władzy w 2010 roku. Ponadto podjęto próbę znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy istotnie nastąpił koniec polityki wielokulturowości, czy też przybrała ona inną formę i jakie znaczenie ma ona dla przyszłości edukacji obywatelskiej. In the English political discourse the end of multiculturalism has been announced many times. The aim of the paper is to analyse the discourse of public debate on multiculturalism in England as well as the implications for citizenship education. The paper focuses on the foundations of citizenship education in the context of social cohesion and Britishness under the Labour Party government. It also provides the analysis of the policy toward citizenship education and multiculturalism under the Tories. Moreover, the author of the paper also tries to find the answer to the question whether there is the end of multicultural policy or this phenomena has been transformed and what is the future of citizenship education.

Edukacja obywatelska w Anglii została wprowadzona do szkół, jako odrębny i obowiązkowy przedmiot w 2002 roku. Jej implementacji – poza celami merytorycznymi wyrażonymi w tzw. Raporcie Cricka (1998) – przyświecały również cele polityczne wyrażone w programie Partii Pracy. Szkolna edukacja obywatelska stała się przedmiotem zainteresowań rożnych aktorów społecznych: naukowców, komentatorów, polityków, nauczycieli. Od momentu jej wprowadzenia następowały zmiany w programach nauczania, będących konsekwencją zarówno transformacji politycznych, jak i zmian na szczeblach władzy. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba analizy i rekonstrukcji politycznych i społecznych uwarunkowań edukacji obywatelskiej w systemie szkolnictwa obowiązkowego w Anglii. Rozważania zawarte w niniejszym artykule zostały podzielone na cztery kluczowe okresy, obejmujące lata (1998–2020), w których rządy Laburzystów, a następnie konserwatystów dokonywały reform w programach kształcenia mających znaczenie dla szkolnej edukacji obywatelskiej. Citizenship education was introduced as compulsory subject in English schools in 2002. Its implementation was followed by Crick Report (1998). Citizenship education has become the subject of interests of various social actors: academics, commentators, politicians and school teachers. Since its introduction, there have been changes in the National Curriculum as a consequences of both political transformations and changes in the government. The aim of the article is to analyze and reconstruct the political and social determinants of citizenship education in English schools. The considerations have been divided into four key periods, spanning the years 1998–2000 during which the Labour and then the Conservative goverments reformed National Curriculum of citizenship education.

The main objective of civic education nowadays—in most Western countries—is to overcome social apathy among young people, and to educate engaged and responsible citizens who will be ready to take up activities for the local, national, and global community. From this perspective, citizenship ceases to be considered not only as a relation of an individual with the state (individual rights and duties), but it becomes a more spacious conceptual category, also taking into account the issues of identity. The concept of citizenship is a transformable social construct, and therefore, civic education is also fluent and contextual. From this perspective, the school becomes an important place in the process of shaping responsible citizens. In this article, an attempt is made to analyze civic activity, as well as to understand the category of citizenship presented in selected school textbooks on the subject of civic education (pol. Wiedza o spoleczenstwie) at lower secondary education in Poland. The analysis allows to conclude that the strong discourse of civic education in the school system has not yet developed in Poland. In addition, the subject “Knowledge about society,” as the name suggests, is oriented mainly on the transfer of knowledge, not on shaping civic competences and attitudes.

Europeanism exceeds the political and social mindset, it also provides the way of thinking about Europe, the Europeans, their identity, culture and homogeneity, which is paradoxically constituted on the basis of heterogeneity (“unity in diversity”). One may distinguishes two contrary approaches towards the UE: Euroscepticism and Euroenthusiasm The first orientation is very vivid in the British society and it is reflected not only in the words of politicians but also in the mood of the nation, expressed in the Brexit referendum. The latter orientation is common among Poles who enjoy the privilege of joining to the exclusive club. The European and citizenship education reflect these antagonistic approaches. The aim of the paper is an attempt to reconstruct and analyse the contemporary debate on citizenship education in the perspective of European Union. The analyse of educational trends about Europe and Europeanism is significant if Brexit is taking into the consideration.

Over the past decade, Facebook and Internet-based technologies have become a central part in the social lives of many young people around the world. Social network sites such as Facebook are often conceived of as purely social spaces while there is growing evidence that they may serve as a powerful tool in communication and creating digital citizenship. Moreover, studies show that Facebook can be used in mobilising social participation. In this paper I will try to answer the following questions: does Facebook help make good citizens? Does it help to understand democracy? Is Facebook a real or only a virtual community? How to work with students to give them clear guidelines on how to be responsible digital citizens? 35 179 198 10 Studia Edukacyjne

Some academics claim that history education is a vital component in citizenship education, others say that its role is overestimated. In the postmodern perspective there is “the end of the past” which is, to some extend, a product of consumption society and globalization. The contemporary societies are future-oriented and the rituals, myths and the need of belonging have nearly disappeared. In this context the questions about the purposes of history education and its relation to citizenship education are posed: should history education be nation-orientated to build loyalty and commitment or should it develop skills and knowledge for better comprehension of the present? Is history education oriented towards consensus or con ict? How to talk about history in multicultural societies, without marginalizing particular groups and without imperious imposition of the only version of “the Truth”? In order to answer to these question the reconstruction of the western debate has been made.

Some academics claim that history education is a vital component in citizenship education, while the others say that its role is overestimated. In the postmodern perspective there is “the end of the past” which is, to some extend, a product of consumption society and globalization. Global education and global concerns are the part of school curricula nowadays. In this context the questions about the purposes of history education, citizenship and its relation to global education are posed: how to teach history in order to develop national identity and sensitivity towards global problems at the same time? Is it necessary to find a balance between national-state orientation and global orientation in teaching history? How to talk about history in multicultural societies, without marginalizing particular groups and without imperious imposition of the only version of “the Truth”? In order to answer to these question the reconstruction of the western debate has been made.

Faith institutions play a vital role in shaping social structure, social capital and social cohesion. Both religious and citizenship education can contribute to making good citizens. The latter is more political oriented, while the former is focused on faith, spirituality and morality. The English model of religious education is oriented towards a multi-faith dialogue, without the aspects of worship and confession. The phenomenological approach assures that every child, regardless of their religious background, is obligated to attend religious education. Today, the UK is facing many challenges, including secularization and cultural differentiation of the society. Thus, the educational institutions revise curricula and aims of learning. The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the main premises of educational policy in the context of religious education in public schools in England. I will also attempt to reconstruct the social and political ongoing debate on the aims of RE. 43 43 60 3 Studia Edukacyjne

The author assumes that popular culture plays a powerful role in the process of socialization of young generation. The author tries to present that the conventional national symbols are being replaced by pop symbols and thus become the sources of national identity. The concepts of banal nationalism put forward by Michael Billig or Tim Enderson’s idea of everyday life’s practices in the development of national identity are being used. In the text, the phenomenon of James Bond is used to analyze the contemporary debates on British identity (Britishness). The author assumes that James Bond is a great example of Englishness that serves as a complex manifestation of a British hero which may, in turn, play a crucial role in political, civic, and patriotic education.