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In 2014, French voters living abroad participated for the first time in consular elections and could choose to vote in the consular venues or via the Internet. 43.21% of them decided to use the dedicated online platform to fill in their ballots. With the help of an analysis of the election outcomes for all the lists competing in these elections, this short paper aims at exploring whether ballot box and Internet voters display different voting behavior. It concludes that both types of voters tend to vote for the same lists and candidates, even if right-wing lists receive slightly more votes among Internet voters.

Internet voting has been available for French citizens living abroad since 2006, and 43.21% of them filled out their ballots online for the first election of their consular delegates in 2014. Using a multivariate analysis of turnout figures at the district and country levels, this research note explores if ballot box and Internet voters differ in their electoral participation patterns. It concludes that turnout must be understood based on the voting modality that French voters choose. While the characteristics of the electoral district (community size, geographical, and historical proximity with France, and party competition) impact ballot box voter turnout, Internet voter turnout is most influenced by the host country’s economic and infrastructure development.

Les Français résidant à l’étranger ont élu en 2014 pour la première fois leurs conseillers consulaires, correspondant aux représentants locaux des émigrés. À l’aide d’une analyse des résultats des élections consulaires au niveau des circonscriptions et des listes, cet article vise pour la première fois à interroger les formes et modalités de cette élection. Nous nous focalisons tout d’abord sur l’offre et la demande électorale d’une élection qui se révèle plus politique qu’affichée, et déterminons les variables structurelles de la participation électorale. Puis nous comparons plus spécifiquement les différences entre vote à l’urne et vote par Internet. Cet article enrichit donc notre connaissance de la vie politique des Français de l’étranger, mais aussi de l’influence d’Internet dans un scrutin local déterritorialisé et plus largement les caractéristiques des votes extraterritoriaux.

info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The literature on external voting overlooks why some political parties campaign abroad while others remain focused on the national territory. This article investigates the determinants of the strategic entry of political parties in overseas districts through analysing legislative elections in Ecuador (2007–2017). Based on a study of the incentives and constraints of political party presence abroad, we find that parties are more likely to compete for elections in overseas districts displaying a weaker party competition as well as when they account for previous electoral experience in these districts., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

info:eu-repo/semantics/published

On 26 May 2019, over 7 million voters went to the booths to elect 21 Members of the European Parliament, 150 Members of the Belgian (federal) Chamber of Representatives, 124 Members of the Flemish Parliament, 75 Members of the Walloon Parliament, 89Members of the Parliament of the Region of Brussels-Capital and 25 Members of the Parliament of the German-speaking Community. Of the total 484 MPs directly elected, 72 were from a green party, compared with 41 greens elected in 2014.

info:eu-repo/semantics/published

On 26 May 2019, over 7 million voters went to the booths to elect 21 Members of the European Parliament, 150 Members of the Belgian (federal) Chamber of Representatives, 124 Members of the Flemish Parliament, 75 Members of the Walloon Parliament, 89Members of the Parliament of the Region of Brussels-Capital and 25 Members of the Parliament of the German-speaking Community. Of the total 484 MPs directly elected, 72 were from a green party, compared with 41 greens elected in 2014., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Une des caractéristiques du style populiste est la critique du système politique, institutionnel et partisan dans lequel les partis populistes tentent d’émerger et/ou de se développer. Les commentaires et propositions anti-establishment visent à mobiliser les électeurs déçus par l’offre partisane traditionnelle et qui se sentent éloignés d’une élite politique, socio-économique et culturelle qui ne les comprendraient pas. Ces propositions des partis populistes visent non seulement les élus des partis traditionnels, les médias, les acteurs socio-économiques, etc. mais également les réformes du système politico-institutionnel. Ce chapitre étudie les positions des principaux partis populistes de droite radicale en Belgique sur les thématiques liées à la démocratie dans leurs programmes électoraux. Les positions de ces partis sur des thématiques telles que l’immigration, la criminalité ou l’avenir de la Flandre ont été étudiées par de nombreux chercheurs, mais on connait moins leurs promesses électorales en matière de démocratie.

On dit souvent que les partis et les candidats « mènent campagne », mobilisant ainsi une métaphore guerrière. Mais quel impact la campagne électorale a-t-elle sur le vote ? Ce chapitre offre une synthèse des différents aspects d’une campagne électorale traités dans cette partie en les étudiant sous l’angle du résultat électoral. Dans un premier temps, il propose des éléments de définition et de contexte pour mettre en perspective l’impact du financement des partis, de l’accès aux médias et des sondages sur les comportements électoraux. Dans un deuxième temps, il présente deux études empiriques. D’une part, les relations entre dépenses et performances électorales des partis et des candidats sont analysées. D’autre part, les liens entre couverture médiatique et résultats électoraux sont examinés.

Belgium has often been considered as an example of a stable country characterized by consociational politics, heavy pillarization and a party system dominated by cleavage-based parties. Over the last decade, Belgium witnessed important changes and events that reshaped its institutional, electoral and societal structures. This chapter aims to investigate the challenges Belgium has faced that have strongly impacted its party system since the 2000s. The revival of the institutional conflict between French- and Dutch-speaking parties threatened the dominance of mainstream parties and led to the re-emergence of strong regionalist parties. In addition, the economic crisis and growing anti-establishment sentiment among large portions of the population fostered the rise of parties at the periphery of the party system, mostly radical-left and right-wing populist parties. More recently, the terrorist attacks in Brussels and the wave of political scandals put further pressure on the established parties. Along with the weakening of traditional alignments, these major changes have had significant impact on different aspects of the Belgian political system, such as voter’s volatility or coalition building. The political crises of 2007 and 2010–2011 around the formation of the federal cabinet exemplify this new era of political instability in Belgium.