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While the discussion in historical scholarship to date has focused undoubtedly on Wilson’s importance to the postulate of national self-determination, this paper shifts the focus and shows that the linchpin of Wilson’s thinking was democracy. First, in this article the devel-opment of Wilson’s positioning on democracy and national self-determination is unfolded in detail. Then, the discussion of the concepts of leading nation-state actors in Germany, Poland, and Czechoslovakia is summarized. In particular, it becomes clear that the debate aboutdemocracy and nationhood in these states was by no means first triggered by Wilson and his slogans. The following section examines the impact of Wilson’s postulates on the contention over disputed border territories. Specifically, it deals with an area of neighboring regions—Upper Silesia, Teschen Silesia, and the Orava River—that found themselves in a tri-border area between Germany, Poland, and Czechoslovakia during the transition period after World War I. The following section examines the impact of Wilson’s postulates on contested border areas. With regard to these regions, his ideas were by no means without effect. Along the lines of the core idea that peoples should be able to decide for themselves who governs them, and thus should also decide for themselves on their state affiliation, ref-erendums were scheduled in the three regions.

After the end of World War I, Eastern Europe entered a period of upheaval. The continental empires dissolved and new nation-states emerged. Following the ideas of Woodrow Wilson, democratization became the dominant political concept. But the meaning of “democracy” was unclear, and many different political groups claimed sovereignty over its interpretation. In this article, we want to take a closer look at the border regions between the newly emerg-ing nation-states of Germany, Czechoslovakia, and Poland, which were characterized by a high degree of ethnic, religious, and social diversity. These border regions were also charac-terized by different experiences with politics, especially with voting rights and political parties. Despite their relative geographic proximity, Upper Silesia, Teschen Silesia, and Orava had very different political histories, being part of Prussia, the Austrian Crown Lands, andthe Kingdom of Hungary. While voting rights in the Kingdom of Hungary were severely restricted, the Austrian Crown Lands had universal male suffrage since 1907. In many cases, the concept of national belonging was very different from the political centersand often had a strong regional connotation—with regionalist movements claiming the idea of “self-deter-mination” for themselves. Thus, the regional conceptions of democracy and nationality that emerged in the brief period of 1918/19 are often unique and overlooked.

This article examines the significance of the so-called “lootings” (rabovačky) in Upper Hungary in the autumn of 1918, when receding soldiers and broad sections of the population attacked the representatives of state power and Jewish innkeepers stereotyped as “usurers.” In addition to their anti-Jewish character, their symbolic content, in which revolt against the old order was accompanied by carnivalesque violent mockery of it, is elaborated upon. The greatest attention, however, is paid to the political instrumentalization of the “lootings” on the part of the representatives of the new Czechoslovak state. This instrumentalization ranged from appropriation (albeit hesitant, given their violent nature) to condemnation: the former for the “Czechoslovak revolution” in the post-war years, the latter as a prelude to Bolshevization at the height of the economic crisis in the early 1930s.

When the Habsburg monarchy lost its grip over the former Crownland of Galicia, sponta-neously organised committees moderated the shift of power from Austria-Hungary to the future Polish state. In four districts incentral Galicia however, Polish peasants sought to establish a new order that would primarily serve their economic and political interests. For a couple of months, the idea of a peasant republic challenged the central state. This republic was named afterthe town Tarnobrzeg, where every Wednesday thousands of peasants as-sembled to articulate their vision of a post-war order. This article explains the context of violence and social unrest in which the Republika Tarnobrzeska emerged, analysises how a priest and a former Habsburg officer became leaders of this peasant vision of democracy and self-determination. It also sheds light on the economic conflicts, societal ruptures and cultural clashes that the revolution of 1918 brought to the fore.

The terms “self-determination,” “democracy,” and “national autonomy” were omnipresent after the end of World War I. Yet it was not only actors with revolutionary or nation-state agendas who used these popular slogans. Representatives of the just-collapsed Empires in Eastern Europe also explained their actions in the violent phase of negotiating future state order with these terms and thus—intentionally or unintentionally—contributed to the estab-lishment of the corresponding vocabulary. Often, however, it remained unclear which con-crete political objectives were concealed behind the buzzwords.The article explores this question using the example of the West Russian Volunteer Army and its commander-in-chief Pavel Bermondt-Avalov. This army appeared for a short period in 1919 as an occupying force in Courland and in the north of Lithuania and represents a special example of an imperialist military enterprise in the civil wars of Central and Eastern Europe. The personnel composition of thisarmy and the political circles associated with it combined objectives that included the restoration of the Tsarist empire, the retention of re-gional self-government by the Baltic German elites, and the safeguarding of German war aims in Eastern Europe. Since the competition for regional state reorganization was foughtnot least with propa-gandistic means, the actors tried to communicate their own understanding of a right to national self-determination to the population of the occupied territory as well as to the inter-ested world public. The article examines both this communicative strategy and the way in which the political promises were institutionalized on the ground.

The First Balkan War separated Albania from the Ottoman Empire. In this historical context, the Albanian political elite’s separatist action must be viewed as a territorial defensive act. This is a consequence of Balkan developments. In the absence of a defensive capability of the Ottoman army, independence was declared in reaction to the military occupation of Ottoman territories inhabited by Albanians, from the Balkan Allies. In circumstances where independence and the establishment of a sovereign Albanian ethnicity were considered a crucial issue for the Adriatic Powers, Albanian nationalist activists visited Vienna and Budapest. They sought support within the context of ongoing Balkan developments. At the beginning of November, when Ottoman sovereignty in the Balkans weakened, Ismail Qemali an Albanian nationalist and scion of the Vlora family, held significant meetings with high-ranking Austria-Hungarian diplomatic and military officials. On the Ottoman side, the final reaction of the Albanian political elite to separation did not appear to be a decision agreed upon by the Ottoman Porte. Questioning the preservation of Ottoman sovereignty in the Balkans diminished cooperation between the Albanian periphery and the Ottoman center. This gave a separatist nature to the Albanian political elite’s action, accomplished in the National Assembly of Vlora. The latter’s decision-making carried a national and supra-religious character, fundamentally challenging the Ottoman model of state and social organization and opening the way for an alternative philosophy in the Albanian state organization.

The paper discusses the key problem of the Serbian artillery in 1914: the lack of ammunition. The focus of analysis has been placed on the different strategies the Serbian state used to find artillery ammunition and additional weapons. Special attention has been dedicated to the collaboration with France and its shipment of the ’wrong ammunition’ in November 1914. It has been shown that the ammunition crisis was overcome by combining a multitude of resources which included abundant assistance from the Entente, Greece, and the Serbia’s industrial capacities. The problem of the ammunition crisis has been treated as a global phenomenon, enabling placing Serbian theater of operations into a wider perspective.

In the years that preceded the World War I, the inhabitants of the rural areas of the west of Serbia, in Valjevo and Užice regions, died of natural causes, because of various accidents and wide range of non-epidemic diseases, but mostly of the consequences of local epidemic of different infectious diseases, primarily of pertussis, and then of scarlet fever and dysentery, as well as diphtheria, stomach typhus and measles, and during Balkan War II, in 1913, of cholera. At the beginning of the World War I, the situation did not change a lot, but diphtheria became primary cause of the death. Besides, it was expected to notice murdering the soldiers at the front, but, also, two widespread epidemics on the territories appeared: three kinds of typhus epidemics, stomach, spotted fever and a reversible type during 1915 and Spanish fever during 1918. On the basis of the death registers, it is noticed that in 34 villages of the analysed rural area, where 21483 peasants lived, the death was registered among 4852 of them, i. e. 22.59% of the inhabitants registered before the war, from January of 1914 to December of 1918. It is also noticed that 8.77% died of typhus and Spanish fever (5.27% of typhus, and 3.50% of the Spanish fever), 4.42% of other infectious diseases, and 9.40% of all other possible causes. If we exclude from the analysis two great epidemics, 13.81% of the inhabitants died, during five year war period, of all causes including local epidemics, while in the pre-war five year period, that was 12.95%. Regarding the fact that the results of the population census from 1910 and 1921, indicates that analysed territory had bigger demographic loss from the average for Serbia (18.47%:11.98%), it can be assumed Serbia lost about one fifth of the inhabitants during war years, from August of 1914 to November of 1918.

As a socially, politically, and economically complex community, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes faced numerous financial difficulties. In order to enable the state to function smoothly, revive and develop economic activities, and allow citizens to meet their daily needs, it was necessary to establish a unified financial system. The elements of this system, particularly the establishment (or redefinition) of a central bank, expanding its network by incorporating branches of the Austro-Hungarian Bank to facilitate payment transactions, controlling the kronen and replacing them with new national currency, and implementing measures to stabilize the dinar, will be examined by the authors through the analysis of literature and primary archival sources.

After the minority and terrorist action of the IMRO at the beginning of 1930, Yugoslavia decided to stop the rapprochement process with Bulgaria. At the same time, it took certain steps against this organization. One of them was the beginning of work on planning the incursion into southwestern Bulgaria and the liquidation of IMRO. In June 1930, the commander of the IIIrd Army District in Skopje, General Milan Nedić, received the order to start work on that issue. The idea was that the troops designated for this action would launch a surprise attack and quickly advance to the Struma River and Konjovska Planina, the area that represented the base for IMRO’s action towards the Yugoslav territory, and form a front there, while the border guards and gendarmes would clean the occupied territory in the background. The plan, together with the Ministry of the Army and Navy and the Main General Staff, was formulated until May 1933, when certain preparations were completed. However, at the end of the same month, the suspension of all further work on this matter was ordered. Despite this, the plan remained valid until July 1939, when, at the suggestion of the Chief of the General Staff, it was put out of force due to obsolescence and changed international circumstances.

The Chetniks of Kosta Pećanac are a military formation that experienced the greatest turning point during the occupation. In the tradition of the Serbian wars of liberation, they played a positive role in the defense of the Serbian people in the territory of southeastern Serbia against the incursions of Albanian and Bulgarian gangs during the first days of the occupation. Towards the German occupation forces they behaved in a hostile but passive manner. However, the emergence of other resistance movements led to an agreement with the Germans at the end of August 1941 and the establishment of open collaboration. This decision led to the separation of some commanders who did not support this agreement, such as General Novaković, Lieutenant Colonel Radojević and Major Keserović. With the suppression of the uprising in western Serbia at the end of 1941, the Pećanac’s Chetniks experienced their apparent peak and became the most numerous military formation after the occupation units. This increase in numbers was illusory, however, as many of the newly arrived Chetniks were in fact still members of General Mihailović’s organization, seeking temporary refuge from German repression. With the creation of the Serbian State Guard, which was to become General Nedić’s main military formation for the pacification of Serbia, Kosta Pećanac’s Chetniks lost their importance. Their unreliability, arbitrariness, indiscipline, disregard for hierarchy, and also open robbery of the population made them an element of disorder rather than order. For these reasons, General Nedić, but much more so the Germans, made attempts to disarm and disband this military formation since the spring of 1942. This process ended in December 1942, when General Nedić announced in the press that they had been disbanded and thanked them for their past service. Kosta Pećanac himself settled in Sokobanja with personal protection. In May 1944, he was liquidated by members of the Ravna Gora organization on the orders of General Mihailović himself.

Sreten Žujović (1899‒1976) was one of the leading collaborators of Josip Broz from the territory of Serbia in the period before and during the Second World War. The facts from his biography show that the Yugoslav communists prepared for the revolution and civil war well before 1941, and that the Comintern played a crucial role in their training and ideological formation. Through the life of Sreten Žujović, we can also see how factional struggles within the KPJ weakened the influence of the party in Serbia, and that the conflict between Broz and Gorkić was particularly fatal for their organization. It was shown, however, that Broz was ready to accept cadres who previously belonged to another current, so Žujović was included in the Politburo of the Central Committee of the KPJ, and in June 1941. he became the commander of the Main Staff of the NOP detachment in Serbia. One of the most important demonstrations of loyalty, on the other hand, was the constant reckoning with the ‘Greater Serbian bourgeoisie’, the political elite and the bourgeoisie class from among its own people. Furthermore, from 1942, Žujović held various leadership positions in the Partisan movement, showing how political institutions take precedence over military ones. He continued his political career even after the war in 1945, as Tito’s minister, deputy and close associate. But when there was a big turn in the relations between the USSR and Yugoslavia in 1948, this communist official showed that proletarian internationalism can be applied in relations with his compatriots, but not with the “first country of socialism” in which he was educated and formed. Not accepting the course of the conflict with the IB, Sreten Žujović was dismissed and sentenced to prison. With that, he became another symbol: the way in which KPJ treats dissenters from its ranks, but also how rehabilitation is possible after “revision of positions”.

The focus of the paper is on the fate of a special police unit and its members. Before World War II, the civilian response work in the present sense took place within the framework of the police in Hungary. Within the framework of the Budapest Metropolitan Police Commissariat, the task of the Political Police Department was to carry out the prevention work. By the end of the 1930s, it was clear that Germany, an ally on paper, was active in Hungary. Thus, when the Wehrmacht occupied Hungary on March 19, 1944, one of the first steps the invading SS and SD units have taken was to arrest the police officers working against the Germans. At the same time, many police officers have anticipated the continuation of their careers, moreover, a progress in it after the German occupation. The State Security Police, established at that time, served the occupiers and participated in the Holocaust. Typically, they continued to work in 1945 to wrap up an anti-state conspiracy. The mentioned German-arrested police officers were detained for weeks and then deported. In 1945, they were liberated by US troops and then entered the CIC to find the Hungarian war criminals. Finally, the study dealt with the post-war fate and career of the policemen featured in the article.

Kosovo and Metohija (KM) has been a territory inhabited by Serbs and Albanians for centuries. Like the entire Balkans, this territory found itself under different historical circumstances, especially by the arrival of Ottoman Empire in Europe, when ethnic situation changed to the detriment of the Serbian nation. During the period of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians/Kingdom of Yugoslavia, there was several proposals to correct this situation and the implementation of bringing in Serbian colonist began, but this project was neither thoroughly thought out, nor fully implemented. The Albanian question was used by Italy, which supported irredentism and separatism, in an effort to break up Yugoslavia. After the occupation in 1941, the territory of the KM was first assigned to Italian-German occupation zone, and after 1943 exclusive to German one. Common to all occupation authorities was strong support to Albanian radical politics, as a result of which up to 100.000 Serbs and Montenegrins were expelled from the territory of KM and around 10.000 were killed. Even the establishment of new, socialist Yugoslavia didn’t improve the described situation. The largest number of refugee Serbs and Montenegrins are not allowed to return to KM, which legalized situation created during occupation, with the aim of pacifying the Albanian population by not opening the issues of war crimes and appropriation of Serbian and Montenegrin property. On September 3, 1945, the National Assembly of Serbia passed the Law on the Organization of the Autonomous Kosovo-Metohija Region, which separated the region from the maternal Republic of Serbia in an organizational sense, while the small number of Serbian and Montenegrin returnees met with strong opposition from the Albanians who treated them hostilely. The difficult life for Serbs and Montenegrins continued during the following decades, which led to their mass emigration to larger cities, mostly to Central Serbia. Bishop Pavle of Raška-Prizren Bishopric, the latter Patriarch of the Serbian Orthodox Church, left detailed information about this state of affairs. On the other hand, the Udba also compiled numerous reports that surprisingly coincide with the testimonies of Bishop Pavle. The political-party leadership in the territory of KM, where Albanians were the majority, kept the migrations quiet, while leaderships at the level of Serbia and Yugoslavia paid little attention to the afore-mentioned. After Fourth Plenum of the Central Commitee of League of Communist of Yugoslavia, the so-called the Brioni Plenum in 1966, the state policy of reaching out to the Albanian population, at the expense of the Serbian and Montenegrins, in the territory of KM wad even more intensified. The significance of the Serbian question and the irredentist demonstrations of 1968 was also minimized by Josip Broz Tito, who justified the anti-Yugoslav sentiment of the Albanians. Thus, from 1948 to 1981, the number of Albanians in the territory of KM increased from 68,45% to 77,5%, while that of Serbs decreased from 23,62% to 13,2% and Montenegrins from 3,85% to 1,7%.

Yugoslav and German “questions” emerged in the early 1950s as specific issues in international politics marked by the Cold War. Through them, the strengths of the opposing blocs led by the superpowers, the USA and the USSR, were measured in various ways and with different intensities. This paper attempts to reconstruct and analyze the initial phase of the relationship between Yugoslav Communists and German Social Democrats, from the establishment of closer contacts to the change in the foreign policy situation after Stalin’s death. The paper is mainly based on research using unpublished archived materials from domestic sources and relevant domestic and foreign literature.

The representation of Yugoslavia and its populace in Life and Time magazines from the end of World War II until the rise of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in 1945 and the subsequent death of President Josip Broz Tito in 1980 was characterized by fluctuations that aligned with the volatility of relations between Washington and Belgrade. The accession of the communist regime to power was viewed as a foreseeable outcome, as the population of this region of Europe, due to their impoverished and uneducated state, was believed to be ill-equipped to comprehend and embrace the concept of democracy. Consequently, individuals were selectively chosen to be depicted in a positive light when Yugoslavia was once again considered an ally following the conflict with the Cominform in 1948. Nevertheless, the representation of the Yugoslav people was brief and superficial, lacking in any true endeavor to demonstrate empathy for their situation and hardships. In spite of efforts to showcase certain favorable aspects, the representation of Yugoslavia that evolved over time in the magazines was predominantly consistent with the Cold War preconceptions that Americans associated with communism. This representation was infused with elements of nineteenth-century imperial Balkanism, indicating that Life and Time were disinclined to deviate far from the predetermined framework and societal roles assigned to them.

One of the most difficult problems faced by socialist Yugoslavia was the activities of Yugoslav émigrés in the West. After World War II, organizations of émigrés fought against the Yugoslav regime in different ways. They organized propaganda campaigns, lobbying, demonstrations, but also terrorist attacks on Yugoslav interests in Yugoslavia and abroad. Prior to his escape to the FR Germany in 1982, Stjepan Đureković was one of the directors of the Croatian oil concern INA. In the FR Germany, Đureković connected with Croatian émigrés and published books in which he fiercely criticized the Yugoslav regime. He was killed in July 1983 in Wolfratshausen, not far from Munich. Considering Đureković’s political backgroung, the Western press, especially the West German media, paid great attention to his assassination in the summer of 1983. Most of the West German media made assumptions about the involvement of the Yugoslav secret police (State Security Service/Služba državne bezbednosti) in the assassination of Đureković and many other Croatian political émigrés in West Germany, thus damaging the image that the Yugoslav regime was persistently creating for itself. The largest part of the research is based on the analysis of documents from the Diplomatic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia.

This article is dedicated to the deepening crisis the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) had been going through after the Yugoslav-Cuban ideological showdown during the sixth summit in Havana in September 1979. This period of profound contradictions would last well into the 1980s, even though in the early years of that decade, topic of this article, which were truly the most intensive ones, it seemed as if the entire dire situation had been successfully resolved and the NAM had been brought back to its original positions. Soon enough, due to his advanced age and feeble health conditions, the long-standing Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito passed away, leaving the entire movement in a period of institutional paralysis, while facing an ideological void, particularly in the field of leadership, that both forces inside the organization, as well as the two superpowers, were trying to incessantly exploit as to either impose their will on others or make the entire endeavor totally irrelevant. These were also the times of the so-called Second Cold War, one of the most intensive periods of super-power confrontation both in Europe and around the Third World that would mark the first half of the 1980s, when the necessity for the NAM to take its principled stand and assist the peace-loving forces in the world for bringing back stability and predict-ability into the world situation would have been most needed. Unfortunately, due to a plethora of internal contradictions, bilateral conflicts, and conceptual breakdowns the NAM was more preoccupied with itself than with the problems of the world at large. This particularly frustrated the post-Tito Yugoslav leadership that understood well that reinvigorating the NAM and finding again its true essence were paramount tasks, however, without Tito and with so many escalating issues at hand, things seemed as being beyond reasonable repair. Nevertheless, since Yugoslavia’s own survival on the international stage was tightly connected to the protracted existence of both non-alignment and the NAM, Yugoslav officials, mainly assisted by their Indian allies, had managed to steer the movement back into its original position of old fundamental principles and strict equidistance towards both blocs. These efforts would be most recognizable during the preparations for the seventh summit that would eventually take place in New Delhi in March 1983, thus marking the apex of Yugoslavia’s engagement with the NAM during this crisis period.

Мета статті – реконструювати студентську аудиторію М. Грушевського Львівського університету неукраїнського походження, а саме з’ясувати її кількісні параметри, етнічний склад і дидактичні преференції. Наукова новизна дослідження полягає у першій спеціальній спробі комплексної реконструкції студентської аудиторії М. Грушевського Львівського університету неукраїнського походження. Висновки. Опрацьовані деканатські каталоги показують М. Грушевського як популярного викладача не тільки в середовищі українських студентів, але й молоді іноземного походження. При цьому серед етнічних акторів дидактичної сцени історика у Львівському університеті майже паритетно домінували поляки та євреї. Обираючи факультативні для себе курси українського професора, вони мотивувалися як на поглибленні фахових знань, так і, здебільшого, на з’ясуванні особливостей історії та культури рідних для них теренів, що у ментальній географії того часу маркувалися східноєвропейськими. Поряд із ними, курс М. Грушевського «Вибрані питання історії Східної Європи» відвідували й поодинокі росіяни, німці, чехи, а також білоруска і словенець. В їхній мотивації, з огляду на подальшу професійну кар’єру, домінували культурно-просвітницькі мотиви. Наразі складно сказати, наскільки переконливими для молоді іншоетнічного походження виявилися історичні реконструкції М. Грушевського, здійснені з погляду українського історичного інтересу. Та вже сам набутий на його викладах досвід деконструкції імперських наративів змушував їх як пізніших публічних інтелектуалів якщо не погодитися з політичними аспіраціями українців, то принаймні визнати їхнє право на власну історію і культуру. Таким чином, освідомлююча педагогічна праця М. Грушевського сприяла налагодженню міжкультурного діалогу українців з представниками інших народів. З’ясування впливу цього діалогу на міжнаціональні взаємини у Центрально-Східній Європі в першій половині ХХ ст. є перспективним сюжетом сучасної інтелектуальної історії.

Мета статті. Дослідити погляди відомого діяча української діаспори, історика та публіциста Романа Бжеського на причини поразки Української революції 1917-1921 років. Наукова новизна. Показано розуміння Романом Бжеським причин поразки Української революції 1917-1921 років і вплив цієї поразки на подальший розвиток України. Використані дослідницькі праці Р. Бжеського, спогади і теоретичні тексти, які ще не були об’єктом історичного аналізу. Висновки. Роман Бжеський був послідовником ідеологів українського націоналізму Миколи Міхновського і Дмитра Донцова. Його аналітика причин поразки Української революції та кожного з окремо взятих національних урядів, які діяли у 1917-1921 роках – Української Центральної Ради, Гетьманату Скоропадського та Директорії УНР, –кардинально суперечила поглядам на цю проблему більшості керівників цих урядів. Головною причиною цього був політичний антагонізм між самостійником Р. Бжеським і більшістю тодішнього українського політичного істеблішменту. У своїх спогадах та історико-публіцистичних працях Р. Бжеський прагнув довести, що Україна мала необхідно об’єктивні передумови для перетворення у незалежну, успішну європейську державу, і що цього прагнув український народ. Трагедія Української революції, на його переконання, полягала в тому, що її очолювали особи, які не мислили майбутнього України, як цілком європейської самостійної держави, незалежної від Росії в економічному, політичному та соціокультурному сенсі. Р. Бжеський був переконаний, що на жодні поступки українському руху російський політичний клас і російський соціум не погодиться. Категорична риторика, звинувачувальний тон висловлювань автора, які поєднуються з точними оцінками причин подій, особистостей і політичних процесів, є характерною особливістю його рефлексій.

The purpose of the study is to analyze in a substantive manner the circumstances in which Albanian-Italian and Albanian-Yugoslav relations have developed and in particular to reflect the causes and consequences of the Italian-Yugoslav rivalry for economic and political dominance in Albania. Although the objective and clear reflection of the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry affects the exact recognition of the specifics and challenges that these countries faced in extending their influence over Albania through the economy during the above-mentioned period. As a result of the essence of these challenges, we are able to create a clearer perspective in the development of more intensive economic and political relations between Albania and the former Kingdom of Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and Italy and the countries of the former Yugoslavia on the other. Though today Italy does not focus on the Albanian area due to the common European market, the countries of the former Kingdom of Yugoslavia continue to have tendencies for dominance in the economy of the Albanian state. The real reflection of the specifics and challenges in the period 1929-1934 and the analogy with the specifics of today, are another essential goal. Scientific novelty: it was concluded that the characteristic of the Italian-Yugoslav rivalry in the period 1929-1934 is the dominance of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the political and to some extent also the economic life of Albania, in particular in the years 1933-1934, although Italy was much more powerful and more present in political and economic life. But the reason for this favorable position of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia only in this period of time was the crisis in Albanian-Italian relations, as a consequence of the refusal of the Albanian side to renew the Pact of Friendship in 1931 and Italy’s request for customs union with Albania in 1932. The rivalry between these two countries was exacerbated by the geographical proximity of the two countries to Albania, and the small cost of benefits, so their interest was extremely high. Conclusions. In 1929-1934, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Italy had fierce competition for political and economic dominance in Albania. However, despite the temporary advantage of the first one and its constant efforts, Italy managed to be dominant and challenge its main competitor in Albania: the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. It even managed to remove Albania from Yugoslav influence, turning it in its entirety on its side. In addition to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s economic and military powerlessness in comparison to Italy, the Italians throughout the 1920s had invested a great deal of time and resources in establishing the state of Albania, which sought support from some power of the time, such as Italy, in its efforts to attain overall development. The political and economic life of Albania was also dominated by Italy due to its proximity to Albania and the fact that neither Greece nor the Kingdom of Yugoslavia had territorial claims towards Albania, at least not until the mid-1930s.

Метою статті є визначення внеску В.М. Білоконської у розвиток жіночого руху, його значення в зміні соціального становища жінок. Наукова новизна. Встановлено значення зусиль В. Білоконської у формуванні жіночого ліберального руху в Україні на початку ХХ ст., що полягало в об’єднанні жінок заради підвищення рівня освіти, посередництва при працевлаштуванні, залучення жінок у громадське життя міста, надання їм можливості поєднувати роботу та материнство. Висновки. Охарактеризовано діяльність В.М. Білоконської у Харківських Товариствах поширення грамотності (1900-1910) і взаємодопомоги працюючих жінок (1904-1910). Виявлено, що провідними напрямками роботи В. Білоконської були інформаційно-просвітницька діяльність і працевлаштування жінок, яким вона надавала систематизований, комплексний характер. Ці громадські ініціативи не відповідали передовим феміністичним ідеям початку ХХ ст., але були продовженням ліберального руху, спрямованого на допомогу жінкам у пристосуванні до існуючих суспільних умов. Намагаючись поширити та поліпшити жіночу освіту, в тому числі через влаштування професійних курсів, гімназії, ВЖК, Товариство взаємодопомоги, очолюване В.М. Білоконською, намагалось не тільки вивести жінок із приватного середовища, але й перетворити їх у конкурентоздатну соціальну групу на ринку праці. Влаштування Бюро праці, що надавало посередницькі послуги у працевлаштуванні, стало реальним кроком допомоги для жінок. Інші ініціативи Товариства – влаштування дешевого дитячого садку, що мав звільнити час жінок і надати їм можливість працювати та дешевої їдальні, здатної полегшити домашню працю, свідчать про усвідомлення необхідності соціального захисту жінок. Праця В.М. Білоконської у довідково-педагогічному відділі Товариства поширення грамотності і на посаді очільниці Товариства взаємодопомоги працюючих жінок доводить її прагнення поєднати власне світобачення, що ґрунтувалось на усвідомленні необхідності допомагати найбільш уразливим групам населення, і самореалізацію свого потенціалу та ініціативності з назрілими суспільними потребами. Ініціативи В.М. Білоконської у сфері поширення інформації чи влаштування Бюро праці випереджали час, а її діяльність сприяла консолідації жіночого руху та зміні статусу жінок.

Метою статті є історико-економічний аналіз зернових операцій в українських портах під час голоду 1921-1923 років. Наукова новизна роботи полягає у комплексній реконструкції експортно-імпортних і гуманітарних зернових операцій в українських портах, висвітленні процесу відновлення портової інфраструктури для потреб транзиту збіжжя під час голоду 1921-1923 років. Висновки. Проведений історико-економічний аналіз зернових операцій в українських портах протягом 1921-1923 рр. руйнує стереотипи про стале та стабільне функціонування портової інфраструктури, яке було направлене винятково на морський вивіз збіжжя з України. У 1921 р. українські порти були долучені до вивезення хлібу з українських губерній до РСФРР (внутрішній експорт). Ключову роль у цьому процесі відіграли річкові та невеликі морські порти. Їх інфраструктура використовувалася для акумуляції збіжжя та його перевантаження з суден до залізничних вагонів. У 1922 р. Одеський порт було долучено до прийому іноземного гуманітарного хлібу та купленого насіння (імпорт). Це було викликано поширенням голоду в Поволжі та нагальною необхідністю у додаткових місцях розвантаження допомоги з наступним її вивезенням до Росії. Крім того, з усіх портів тільки Одеський відповідав необхідним умовам прийому й обслуговування великих суден. Його залучення до транзиту гуманітарного збіжжя вплинуло на визнання голоду в Україні та на початок надання постраждалим губерніям закордонної допомоги. Інші азовські та чорноморські порти приймали менш тонажні іноземні пароплави. Також вони використовувалися як транзитні пункти, отриманого з Одеси допомогового хлібу та насіння з подальшою доставкою їх до голодуючих повітів України. Водночас із прийомом гуманітарного хлібу наприкінці 1922 р. комуністичний режим через українські порти відновив вивіз зернових (експорт). Домінуюча роль у цьому процесі закріпилася за Миколаївським портом, який мав відповідну інфраструктуру. Зрештою, орієнтуючись на наступну експортну кампанію, на початку 1923 р. розпочалась підготовка акваторії та інфраструктури всіх українських портів. Загалом, зернові операції були одним із головних чинників, що вплинули на відновлення функціонування українських портів під час голоду 1921-1923 рр.

The main goal behind this work is to examine how the armed anti-Soviet Lithuanian resistance was depicted in Soviet literature, and which meanings it created and conveyed to readers. The work will show which written methods were used in the formation of this approach, and how they changed in different periods. Specific topics will also be analysed where they were especially emphasised in Soviet publications. The scientific novelty. This is one of the few works which specifically presents the image of Lithuanian partisans which was created through Soviet propaganda. The Soviet attitude towards Lithuanian partisans was analysed mainly in works which were written in Lithuanian, so this also remains relevant to modern analyses in foreign publications. The Soviet image distorted the historical circumstances of the past. This image is not an irrelevant event of the past but a tool of modern propaganda, one which is constantly being modified to adapt it to the times. Conclusions. Soviet propaganda referred negatively and contemptuously to anti-Soviet Lithuanian partisans, and the terms ‘bandits’ and ‘bourgeois nationalists’ came into force to describe them. The authors of propaganda-related materials relied on the concept of class theory. The attitude which they expressed in their written work was characterised by tendency and uniformity, both of which reflected the official position of the Soviet government. During the most active periods of partisan fighting, the Soviet press published relatively little information about the partisans. The selected and published information – all of which was somewhat tendentious – was intended to intimidate resisters, would-be resisters, and their supporters. Between 1950 and 1990, the production and publication of materials was part of a propaganda enterprise which was firmly controlled and coordinated by the Soviet authorities. Their purpose in carrying out this industry was to portray the anti-Soviet resistance in the darkest colours and shades.. It was not possible to form a general picture of the resistance from such prints, written as they were with multiple errors and omissions. The image of the partisan movement as a non-autonomous phenomenon, an image which was formed through the use of propaganda, presents a negative social and personal image. The Catholic Church is considered to be a promoter and supporter of the partisan resistance.

The purpose of the research paper is to investigate the collaboration between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and African nations in the military domain, examining the impact of ideological, socio-economic, international, and other elements. Scientific novelty. Based on documents and historiographical materials, the study analyzes the stages of development, characteristics, and content of the PRC’s military cooperation with African countries. Conclusions. The PRC’s with African countries has gone through a long and complex path. The first stage (late 1950s – mid-1970s) coincided with the rise of national liberation struggles in Africa, and China’s involvement had an ideological character. The second stage, (late 1970s – 1990s) witnessed a transition to commercialization, but faced limitations due to resource constraints, low-quality weaponry, and concerns about relations with Western investors. However, cooperation with Western corporations to modernize the military-industrial complex and develop new weapons was disrupted by the events in Tiananmen Square in 1989. Instead, cooperation with Russia in the defense field intensified, which allowed China to update the military-industrial complex and develop new weapons systems. However, due to their low quality, they did not stand up to competition, particularly in the African arms market. From the mid-1990s, China involved European and American corporations in modernization process, under the condition of potential export opportunities. The third stage of cooperation began in the early 2000s and continues to this day. China has significantly expanded its military cooperation with African countries through various military training programs, participation in international arms exhibitions, arms loans, military equipment sales, and involvement in UN peacekeeping missions. Deepening military cooperation strengthens China’s position in Africa and increases its competitive advantage not only in the African arms market.

Мета дослідження: виявлення особливостей і демографічних наслідків голоду 1921/23 рр. у Запорізькій губернії. Новизна статті полягає у виявленні факторів та обставин, що призвели до масового голоду 1921-23 рр. у Запорізькій губернії та визначенні його регіональних особливостей. Зроблена перша спроба з’ясувати демографічні наслідки голоду в губернії та Мелітопольському повіті. Висновки. Наведено докази того, що загального врожаю в радянській Україні було достатньо для запобігання масового голоду. Але запроваджений Х з’їздом РКП(б) продовольчий податок був таким же непосильним для українського селянина, як і розкладка. Наступна посуха та неврожай спричинили масовий голод, насамперед на Півдні України. Але примусовий збір хліба тривав, і голод у республіці замовчувався. Натомість Кремль звернувся за допомогою до світу і подбав про харчування голодуючого Поволжя. Лише в січні 1922 р. більшовицька влада України визнала голод і звернулася по допомогу. Проте збирання продподатку в голодуючих губерніях України тривало до липня 1922 р. Водночас, щоб запобігти втечам голодуючих, встановлена збройна блокада. Уряд конфіскував продовольство в республіці та вивіз у 1921-22 рр. до Росії 70,5 млн. пудів зерна. Особливістю голоду на Запоріжжі було те, що губернія стала ареною запеклих боїв Червоної Армії із військами П. Врангеля і махновцями. «Червоні» війська грабували та тероризували махновські села, використавши голод як зброю проти повстанців. Цей фактор, разом із продрозкладкою, недосівом, вимерзанням посівів, посухою, перетворив Запоріжчину на епіцентр голоду вже взимку 1920/21 рр. План хлібозаготівель на 1921 р., визначений Наркомпродом РСФРР, перевищував врожай у цьому регіоні. Через повторення посухи, недосів і заготівлі зерна на експорт, голод в Україні, досягнувши апогею навесні 1922 р., тривав до врожаю 1923 р. Підраховано, що смертність у Запорізькій губернії від голоду та супутніх захворювань була найвищою в республіці і становила понад 200 тис. осіб. Більшовицький терор голодом в Україні досягав одразу кількох цілей: прогодувати населення Росії та її армію, підтримати промисловість, приборкати селянські повстання й отримати валюту із Заходу. Виявлено недостатню вивченість теми та необхідність її подальшого дослідження для усвідомлення суспільством системних злочинів Росії в Україні, одним із яких став голод 1921-23 рр.

The purpose of the research paper is to highlight the formation, development, and results of CELAC’s activities, as well as to define its place in international relations at both the regional and global levels. The scientific novelty is in the comprehensive analysis of the place and role of the regional international organization CELAC, its failures, and successful initiatives. The authors analyze the formation of CELAC as a representative body in relations with key world political actors – China, the EU, and Russia. Conclusions. CELAC continues to be an important factor in international relations, especially in the context of the desire of Latin American and Caribbean countries to strengthen cooperation and coordination. The establishment of CELAC was one of the vivid manifestations of the ‘left turn’ with its state-nationalist bias and emphasized interest in solving pressing social problems in domestic politics by the state from the top-down and ensuring its independence from global actors, primarily the United States. CELAC is not a replacement for the cooperation and integration groups – Mercosur, CARICOM, ALCA, etc. The desire for CELAC to be an alternative body – especially to the OAS (The Organization of American States) – does not enjoy regional consensus and it would be difficult to achieve with the resources this body currently has at its disposal. Although in general, CELAC’s activities were ineffective (most of the region’s problems had not been solved, including poverty, corruption, crime, etc.), there were examples of successful implementation of its decisions in 2013-2018. In recent years, we have observed the intensification of CELAC’s international activities, aimed, first of all, at establishing mutually beneficial and partnership relations with the key actors of world politics and economy – the EU, the USA, and China. But Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine, its desire for self-isolation, the sanctions of the Western world, and the condemnation of aggression by the UN – all this pushes the Caribbean countries away from Russia, although it does not completely negate their cooperation.

Мета статті – розкрити основні тенденції трансформацій методологічних підходів у вивченні аграрної історії України впродовж 1990-х – 2020-х рр. та з’ясувати їхній зміст. Наукова новизна полягає в отриманні нових знань щодо сутності основних тенденцій методологічних трансформацій і таких сучасних методологічних парадигм, якими послуговуються історики-аграрники: селянство «як природне явище», селянство як «уявна спільнота», реверсно-компенсаторна теорія, руралістика, аграризм. Висновки. Впродовж 1990-х – 2020-х рр. у методології вивчення аграрної історії України відбулися докорінні методологічні трансформації. Вони були зумовлені якісними суспільно-політичними та соціально-економічними змінами кінця 1980-х – початку 1990-х рр. Відбувся відхід вітчизняних істориків від методологічного монізму марксистсько-ленінської ідеології, вільним став доступ до раніше заборонених історичних джерел, що зберігалися в архівних фондах, можливим став діалог істориків, що представляли різні напрями і течії. Методологічні трансформації не були лінійними. Умовно нами виокремлено два етапи. Перший – кінець 1980-х – 1990-ті рр. – «методологічний шок» і «методологічна невизначеність». Другий – 2020-ті рр. – «методологічний ренесанс». Методологічні трансформації 1990-х – 2020-х рр. демонструють, що у новітній українській науково-історичній, методологічній думці представлено різні підходи до розуміння селянства, селянської культури / селянської цивілізації, селянського світу. Зокрема, його осмислюють як «природне явище», як «уявну спільноту», як природну форму цивілізації, з позицій руралістики та аграризму тощо. Відповідно у визначенні головного суб’єкта аграрної історії України констатуємо плюралізм методологічних підходів. Це засвідчує вихід українських істориків-аграрників із методологічної ізоляції, їхню інтеграцію до європейського та світового історико-аграрного наукового дискурсу. Фінансування. Стаття підготовлена за результатами фундаментального дослідження «Соціокультурний простір України другої половини ХІХ – першої третини ХХ ст.: селянський світ» (номер державної реєстрації: 0123U101600) за підтримки Міністерства освіти і науки України.

The purpose of the paper is to thoroughly investigate the intricate relationship between the United States and Azerbaijan from 1991 to 2020, considering diplomatic, political, economic, and security dimensions. Emphasizing the pivotal role of Russian Federation in the South Caucasus, the research seeks to provide a holistic understanding of the factors influencing U.S.-Azerbaijan relations, offering valuable insights into evolving geopolitical dynamics over the three crucial decades. The novelty of the paper lies in its in-depth exploration of three decades of U.S.-Azerbaijan relations, the study provides unique insights into the evolving dynamics, contributing a comprehensive analysis of the multifaceted relationship. Conclusions. The author identifies 4 periods of US-Azerbaijan relations in 1991-2020: 1) 1991-2001, 2) 2001-2007, 3) 2007-2015, and 4) 2015-2020. From 1991 to 2001, the United States underwent a transformative phase in its policy towards Azerbaijan, marked by an increased focus on regional stability and economic partnerships through energy initiatives like the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline. Security concerns in the South Caucasus also influenced policy decisions, while considerations of democracy and human rights were weighed against broader strategic imperatives. This period set the foundation for subsequent shifts in U.S. policy towards Azerbaijan. In 2001-2007, U.S. policy towards Azerbaijan underwent significant changes, prioritizing the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and intensifying efforts in combatting international terrorism. The Global War on Terror played a crucial role, leading to strengthened U.S.-Azerbaijan relations, though democracy promotion took a back seat to energy and security interests. The period from 2007 to 2015 saw a nuanced shift, with decreased U.S. focus on energy and security, increased attention to democracy and human rights, and challenges arising from Azerbaijan’s opposition to the Turkish-Armenian Rapprochement. Azerbaijan’s strategic concerns regarding Nagorno-Karabakh intensified, and U.S. engagement faced limitations in influencing regional outcomes. Between 2015 and 2020, U.S. policy towards Azerbaijan further disengaged across energy, security, and democracy promotion dimensions, influenced by factors like the unconventional oil and gas revolution, decreasing Central Asia significance, rising isolationism, and the Trump administration’s priorities. The U.S. response to regional dynamics, notably the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, showcased a trend of reduced involvement.

Мета дослідження полягає у з’ясуванні цілей і значення Проєкту Південно-Східної Анатолії (турецька абревіатура – Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi, далі – GAP), який є багатогалузевим інтегрованим регіональний проєктом розвитку на основі концепції сталого розвитку південно-східного регіону Туреччини. Важливою складовою GAP було те, що у ньому, поряд із розв’язанням питань суто економічного характеру, завжди малося на меті поліпшення соціального становища населення традиційно відсталих південно-східних регіонів. Наукова новизна визначається відсутністю спеціального комплексного дослідження, яке б торкалося витоків, територіальних обсягів і природних особливостей GAP. Не менше значення має те, що в силу прагнення Туреччини до вступу в Європейський Союз, відповідними інституціями Євроспільноти перед нею було поставлене пряме та конкретне завдання, яке передбачало вирішення цілого комплексу суспільно-політичних і соціально-економічних проблем, які торкалися умов життя найбільшої, на сьогодні, сталої етнічної спільноти, яка все ще не має власної державності – курдів. Висновки. Соціально-економічне та політичне значення GAP полягає у тому, що його реалізація дозволяє збалансувати розвиток східних і південно-східних регіонів Туреччини та привести рівень життя їх людності у відповідність до тих стандартів, які були притаманні населенню західних і північно-західних регіонів країни. Одним із найважливіших досягнень GAP є те, що його реалізація дозволить забезпечити виробництво гідроелектроенергії за рахунок використання водних ресурсів рік Тигра та Євфрату. Слід зазначити, що GAP дозволила створити достатню кількість робочих місць і тим самим ліквідувати хронічне безробіття місцевого населення, а отже значно зменшити соціально-економічну та суспільно-політичну напругу, яка ще донедавна мала місце на цих територіях. Значення GAP полягає також у тому, що його реалізація дозволить Туреччині відігравати роль регіонального лідера на Близькому та Середньому Сході, а також претендувати на місце «житниці Близького Сходу», особливо в арабському світі.

The purpose of the paper is to highlight the development of information-psychological warfare, its history, concepts, technologies and methods, which are one of the most important areas of work in the field of international relations. The concept of ‘information warfare’ has concentrated a number of phenomena from the sphere of mass communications and during the 20th century was called various terms, such as ‘disinformation’, ‘propaganda’, ‘psychological warfare’, ‘psychological operations’. Within the scope of the study, the importance of psychological warfare in today’s context has been examined using the example of Azerbaijan and Armenia. It has been emphasized how Armenia effectively employed psychological warfare tactics and propaganda to gain an advantageous position in the late 20th century. In the early 21st century, the significance of Azerbaijan gaining a superior position in psychological warfare and using propaganda effectively has been discussed. Additionally, the article delves into the importance of using white propaganda during psychological warfare and the drawbacks of black propaganda within the context of the psychological warfare between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The novelty of the paper lies in a comprehensive analysis of information and psychological warfare and operations in the context of the Azerbaijan-Armenian conflict. Conclusions. In the 20th century information and psychological warfare and operations became part of the military policy of states. Now, due to the current situation on the world stage, the methods and means of conducting information warfare are changing and every year they are reaching a higher level. It can also be stated that in the 21st century, information wars have become more widespread. In summary, the historical context and evolution of information warfare demonstrate its enduring significance as a tool for states to achieve their strategic and political goals. As technology and global politics continue to evolve, information warfare is likely to remain a key component of statecraft and international relations.

Мета статті – висвітлення та аналіз его-документів латвійських і литовських євреїв про своє перебування у прибалтійських міських гетто. Стаття не охоплює питання виживання депортованих євреїв з Рейху, організацію руху Опору (як один з методів виживання), допомогу неєврейського населення, оскільки вони є окремими темами дослідження. Наукова новизна полягає у можливості показати побутові умови виживання євреїв у міських гетто Риги, Даугавпілса, Вільнюса, Каунаса з широким залученням джерельної бази (щоденникових записів, спогадів). Висновки. Аналізуючи життя литовських і латиських євреїв у великих міських гетто можна дійти наступних висновків: виживання євреїв напряму залежало від посади, фахової спеціалізації, матеріального становища, побутових умов, наявності роботи, здоров’я, потрібних зв’язків. Для переважної більшості євреїв життя в гетто не було усіяно яскравими барвами, а мало сірий, буденний вигляд. Лише заможні євреї, які мали певні заощадження, порівняно з іншими почувалися більш-менш впевнено. Більшість євреїв голодували та просили милостиню, переважно малолітні діти. Найбільш складна ситуація спостерігалася у тих родинах, які не мали працездатних рідних і ледве виживали за рахунок власного господарства чи обмінної торгівлі. Значно гірше почували себе ті, хто мусив місяцями переховуватися у сховищах гетто. Побутові умови в міських гетто не можна назвати розкішними, оскільки люди протягом окупації жили в тісноті, але за наявності благ цивілізації. Опалення залежало від стану будинку, але переважно мало пічний характер. Однією з умов виживання в гетто стала наявність медичного обслуговування та можливість придбати ліки, а також непорушення встановлених правил. Найменший шанс вижити в гетто мали старі, немічні, хворі, інваліди, матері з малими дітьми, оскільки були визнані непрацездатними та першими потрапляли у «розстрільні» списки. А також родини втікачів, які теж були приречені на винищення.

Мета статті – доповнити та узагальнити відомості щодо внеску Полтавського товариства сільського господарства у науково-інформаційне забезпечення аграрної галузі наприкінці ХІХ ст. – початку ХХ ст., виокремити основні форми усного та друкованого пропагування знань, розкрити перебіг дискусій між членами Товариства та сільськогосподарськими фахівцями з даного питання. Наукова новизна – доповнено відомості про діяльність Товариства через призму їхнього науково-інформаційного забезпечення аграрної галузі, зокрема охарактеризовано основні чинники, які спонукали фахівців до відкриття своїх друкованих органів, роботу щодо популяризації вітчизняного та зарубіжного досвіду ведення сільського господарства як на сторінках своїх видань, так і на лекціях, проаналізовано рушійні сили започаткування галузевих читань і курсів для населення, тривалість і змістове їх наповнення. Висновки. Полтавське товариство сільського господарства одна з найстаріших наукових установ країни, що була створена з метою проведення науково-дослідної, організаційної, видавничої та популяризаторської діяльності. Встановлено, що Установа формувала та видавала низку журналів, зокрема «Хуторянин», «Праці Полтавської сільськогосподарської дослідної станції», «Календар», брошури тощо. Журнал «Хуторянин» користувався попитом серед читачів, про що свідчило постійне зростання кількості передплатників видання. Як одне з найкращих фахових видань його було відзначено золотою медаллю на ІV виставці садівництва. Велику роль щодо продукування та поширення знань відігравала бібліотека Полтавського товариства сільського господарства, фонд якої постійно поповнювався новими виданнями. Важливою для науково-інформаційного забезпечення сільського господарства була діяльність дослідних полів, результати якої подавалися у звітах, заслуховувалися на засіданнях Товариства та висвітлювалися на сторінках журналів. З’ясовано, що до організації народних читань і курсів члени Товариства підійшли системно, було сформовано спеціальну комісію зусиллями якої придбано літературу, ілюстрований матеріал, підібрано теми читань, визначено тривалість занять, запрошено лекторів, забезпечено відповідне приміщення.

Метою статті є деконструкція радянського міфу про підпільну молодіжну групу на чолі з Оленою (Лялею) Убийвовк (1918-1942), яка діяла у Полтаві впродовж 1941-42 рр., а також визначення її внеску в боротьбу з нацизмом у період Другої світової війни. Наукова новизна дослідження полягає у висвітленні на основі документів Галузевого архіву Служби безпеки України в Полтавській області деяких аспектів формування та розвитку Руху Опору в Полтаві, у спростуванні низки радянських пропагандистсько-ідеологічних міфів про діяльність підпільної молодіжної групи на чолі з Оленою Убийвовк у 1941-42 роках. Висновки. Підпільна молодіжна група «Нескорена полтавчанка» – цілком післявоєнний радянський ідеологічно-пропагандистський конструкт. Відповідно до матеріалів розсекреченої кримінальної справи, вона перебувала на стадії організаційного формування, ніякого штабу (у повоєнний час до нього включили шістьох страчених учасників) ще не мала. Джерела свідчать, що з листопада 1941 р. по січень 1941 р. лідерами групи були Олена Убийвовк і Сергій Ільєвський, а з січня по квітень 1942 р. функції керівника перебрав на себе Сергій Сапіго. «Подвиги полтавського молодіжного підпілля» не збігаються з документальними фактами. Та й сама назва «Нескорена полтавчанка» виникла у радянській пропагандистській публіцистиці та художній літературі. Досі контроверсійним залишається питання про особу зрадника підпільної групи. За офіційною версією, її учасників видала Валентина Терентьєва. Однак введені до наукового обігу донедавна засекречені матеріали дозволяють констатувати, що ненадійними виявилися родичі та найближче оточення підпільників. Найстарший учасник підпільної групи Сергій Сапіго нехтував конспірацією та своєю необачною і безвідповідальною поведінкою сприяв викриттю групи, а потім негідно поводився під час слідства.

Мета статті – комплексний аналіз єврейського сегменту громадсько-політичного життя Галичини у публіцистичній спадщині Осипа Назарука. Наукова новизна: проаналізовано життєвий шлях і громадсько-політичну діяльність О. Назарука. Виокремлено його візію щодо особливостей міжнаціональних відносин в Австро-Угорщині на зламі ХІХ-ХХ ст. Простежено позицію О. Назарука стосовно єврейського питання, антисемітизму та перспектив розвитку українсько-єврейських взаємин. Висновки. Аналіз єврейського сегменту громадсько-політичного життя Галичини у публіцистичній спадщині О. Назарука дозволив сформувати цілісне розуміння його світоглядних засад, особливо щодо міжнаціональних відносин. Важливим структурним елементом державницьких поглядів публіциста було намагання залучити прихильні політичні кола (зокрема єврейські) до співпраці з українськими. Доведено, що такі намагання були покликані забезпечити одночасне посилення позицій обох національних рухів. Визначено розрахунок О. Назарука щодо потенційної участі єврейського населення у розбудові країни. Встановлено його високу оцінку адміністративного потенціалу євреїв, що у взаємному сприянні могло прискорити зміцнення майбутнього державного утворення. Підкреслено, що О. Назарук періодично аналізував українсько-єврейські відносини на зламі століть. Він наголошував на відсутності будь-яких взаємних релігійних, етнічних та інших упереджень між українцями та євреями. Проаналізовано ставлення публіциста до окремих представників єврейського народу. Схвальні відгуки та позитивне сприйняття їхньої діяльності підкреслили незмінну позицію діяча щодо толерантного співжиття між українцями та євреями. Показовим у цьому плані є аналіз особистого листування О. Назарука.

In the collective memory of many European people, the Huns are perceived as one of the most violent gentes west of the Dniester, which might have committed many atrocities, acts of vandalism, and destructions in the territories they crossed. The image of these violent Huns influenced the archaeological research as well. One can often find mentions of a so-called „Hunnic phase” (Hunnenzeit), associated with levels of violent destruction in the Sântana de Mureş-Černjachov settlements and disruption of their behaviours: periods without burials, a new chronological phase of buried treasures, etc. All these create the image of a so-called „Katastrophenhorizont” (chronological disaster horizon). The spatial distribution of its traces should indicate the ways and directions the Huns entered the region. This study tries to discuss both the written sources related to the arrival of the Huns in the geographical space west of the Dniester and the archaeological traces associated with the Huns in the area inhabited by the SMCK culture. Among the main conclusions of the study, one may observe that we cannot speak about an invasion of a large Hunnic army. Rather, we can identify traces of many small-group invasions that led to the decay of the Gothic confederation. From an archaeological standpoint, it must be underlined that the field research shows a high level of significant destruction in the archaeological sites, mainly in the settlements, west of the Dniester. The nature of the archaeological discoveries rather indicates that the local population had already left the settlements before their destruction.

he presence of the Avars in Eastern Europe, particularly in the lands between the Carpathian Mountains and the river Dnieper, has so far been a matter of concern for historians. Archaeologists are skeptical: with the exception of a couple of finds from Budureasca, there are no Early Avar belt fittings anywhere to the north, east, and south from the Carpathian Mountains. In Poland, Avar-age finds cluster in the south (Silesia and Lesser Poland) and are dated after AD 700. The vast majority of those finds, however, are from the very end of the 8th or even the early decades of the 9th century. The sudden interest in things Avar in the lands north of the Sudeten and Carpathian Mountains may signal a desire of local elites to employ the modes of status (and, supposedly, power) representation inside the Avar qaganate. It is however truly surprising that such an interest coincides in time with what historians believe to be a period of decline of the Avar polity. The symbolism of the Avar belt fittings was also harnessed by members of communities who buried their dead in cemeteries excavated in southern Romania. By contrast, there are no Avar-age belt fittings anywhere in the lands to the east from the Carpathian Mountains. During the second half of the 8th and the early 9th century, this region experienced something of a demographic boom, as indicated by the large number of settlement sites. There are also hillforts, but a true concern with marking social status in the material culture cannot be dated before the mid-9th century. When such markers of social prominence became necessary, the language of representation was completely different from that employed earlier by elites in southern Poland who wanted to emulate the Avars. In Eastern Europe, after 850, elites emulated the Khazars, not the Avars.

Archaeological research in the site of PÄuca - Hungarian Church started in 2010, and between 2012-2023 has uncovered over 116 graves, some being simple cremation graves with a deposit of remains in the urn, others being double graves (with two urns) and one being a mixed double grave (incineration and inhumation). The dating of the five samples from the cemetery would suggest that the beginnings of the PÄuca cemetery is contemporary with the late Germanic period (Gepids) and the early Avar period. Admitting that it is more accurate to date closer to the upper limit of the range (7th century), the cemetery at PÄuca could be connected with historical events that occurred between 567 and 630, i.e. the establishment and consolidation of Avar power in the Pannonian-Transylvanian space. The C14Â dating of the cremated bones from the PÄuca cemetery (Sibiu county) reopens the discussion on the need for more samples of C14Â data from the cremation cemeteries attributed cemetery to the so-called MediaČ™ group and simultaneously may represent a turning point in the evaluation of the chronology of the period between 6th and 8th centuries A.D.

Rescue excavation from Pecica-Duvenbeck from the year 2018 unearthed 582 complexes related to various periods, among them two groups of graves datable in the 7/8‒9th centuries. In a grave, complex no. 20A, there has been identified a pot, which has under the throat an incised cross sign. The skeleton, partially disturbed at the time of its robbery, seems to have been a woman adultus/maturus, with an estimated age of over 30 years. Besides presenting this interesting discovery, we also proposed a debate on the problem of the radiocarbon dating of the grave, because the same samples of the skeleton were analysed in two laboratories getting antagonistic results. However, in the light of typo chronology and the results of the other 8 samples from other graves in this funerary site, we can conclude that the grave can be dated at the end of the 7th and the first half of the 8th century. Out of the ceramic pot of the grave from Pecica, in only two cases we have been able to document cross-shaped marks on the wall of vessels in the Avar funerary environment (7–8th centuries); even cross-shaped marks were found in such non-Christian funerary contexts. Therefore, we think that the cross-shaped mark on the Pecica pot – in an environment dominated by a cultural habitus entirely different from the Christian world – was not a Christian symbol, but an interpretation as an apotropaic, i.e. as a symbol adopted and transformed according to the pagan mentalities of the 8th century, is a more plausible explanation.

The research hereafter intends to establish how complex the Department of State Security (also known as Securitatea (DSS) was involved with the archaeological research in Romania during the eighties; this topic has been rather absent within recent historiographic studies. Having made this statement, it should be considered that some approaches have tackled the interferences of the official ideology in the interpretation of the archaeological data. The orthodoxy of some archaeologists can be justified by the continuous pressure from the DSS, or because of their status as collaborators of this institution of repression. The archaeological research from Caransebeș provides a relevant tool for understanding the mechanisms used by DSS to intervene in the middle of scientific debates, as a neutral judge; on the other hand, a series of documents from Arhiva Consiliului Național pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securității (ACNSAS) reveals further details that had been somewhat predicted by those archaeologists living within the respective period. The outcome of our research nevertheless overcomes all predictions the contemporary historians. The actual controversy regarding chronological and confessional ascriptions of Caransebeș disclosures was brutally altered by DSS, following its empirical principles of so-called historical truth. Those archaeologists refusing to obey and follow the principles established by DSS and of the official ideological framework had to face certain repercussions, from interdiction to proceed further archaeological prospecting to secret police surveillance, refusals to travel abroad, and close censorship for every study intended to be published in international magazines and other publications.

Book review, Andrea Popa, Managementul integrat al patrimoniului cultural mondial în România. Studiu de caz: Frontiera romană în Dacia. Siturile de epocă romană de la Brețcu, Comolău și Boroșneu Mare [Integrated Management of World Cultural Heritage in Romania. Case Study: The Roman Frontier in Dacia. The Roman sites of Brețcu, Comolău, and Boroșneu Mare] (Sibiu: Editura ASTRA Museum, 2023)

For over two decades, Romania’s fast-growing construction industry made an impact on infrastructure, landscape, and urban areas, contributing to an increase in preventive archeology research activities. The current study aims to explore public perceptions of both archaeology and preventive archeology. It was conducted online, on a convenience sample comprising both professionals within the domain of archeology and heritage safeguarding and research, as well as non-professionals. Its main aim is to shed light on the current situation, given the fact that public perceptions change over time and niche topics such as preventive archaeology pose a specific set of challenges when they have to be publicly addressed by various stakeholders.

The article examines official contacts between the Russian Tsardom and the Ottoman Empire in the Sea of Azov Region during the preparation of the embassy of Y.I. Ukraintsev to Constantinople in 1699. The parties were represented by officials who did not have diplomatic status: Admiral F.A. Golovin, who arrived in Azov and the Beylerbey of Kefe Tatar Murtaza Pasha, who was in Kerch. The Azov Palatine (Governor) participated in organizing communication between them, within the framework of the so-called border diplomacy. The Armistice of Karlowitz established in 1699 and the mutual hope for concluding a long-term peace served as a favorable background for the development of bilateral relations at the local level. It is shown that, largely thanks to successfully conducted negotiations, including through envoys and correspondence, the admiral and the beylerbey managed to organize a temporary stay in the Kerch Strait for a squadron of the Azov Fleet and the dispatch of a Tsar’s Envoy to Constantinople on a Russian warship. The source base for the study consisted mainly of archival documents, some of which were introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.

The article is devoted to one remarkable and dramatic, but still completely unknown combat episode from the history of the initial period of the Russo-Turkish war of 1768–1774, the battle at Migeya Tract in the summer of 1769 between two regiments of light cavalry of the Russian 2nd army and the vastly superior cavalry forces of the Crimean Khanate. As a result of the mistakes of their command and the fatal coincidence of a number of circumstances, the Russian regiments were surrounded by Tatars on the banks of the Southern Bug and tried to defend themselves in wagenburg. Despite of their fierce resistance, it was taken by storm, and most of the Russian detachment was destroyed. This was the last victory in history of the armed forces of the Crimean Khanate in a field battle. The tragedy at Migeya led to an official investigation of the surviving officers and lower ranks of the two defeated Russian regiments. The materials of their interrogations contain valuable factual and psychological details related to the events of that battle. The circumstances of the fighting at Migeya reflected both: some of the strengths of the armed forces of the Crimean Khanate in the last period of its existence, and natural shortcomings of semi-regular cavalry units guarding the borders of Russian Ukraine – Company Cossacks and settled lancers regiments. Also, the events at Migeya are a remarkable episode from the history of the command of General Count P.A. Rumyantsev of the Russian 2nd army in Ukraine in the campaign of 1769, and his reaction to what happened adds new details to his portrait as a commander and a human. The article is based on previously unpublished documents from the collections of the Russian State Military Historical Archive (RGVIA). The most important of them, Rumyantsev’s report and an extract from the interrogations of the participants of that battle, are published in the appendix to the article.

Research objectives: consider the activities of the Trade Unions of the Crimean ASSR in the interwar period in the context of national policy. Research materials: authentic editions of the 1920–30s, documents of the State Archive of the Republic of Crimea. Results and novelty of the research: the national policy of the Crimean ASSR was carried out, among other things, through the activities of the Crimean Council of Trade Unions (KSPS), which was an intermediary between the national peasantry and the VKPB. The korenization policy made changes to the KSPS itself, introducing a certain percentage of Crimean Tatars and representatives of other peoples into its structure. Trade unions have made a significant contribution to the eradication of illiteracy, school construction, and vocational education.

The article considers one of the most important periods of the Soviet history of the Crimean Tatar people. The process of realizing the right to self-determination in the form of the Soviet autonomous republic – the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic as part of the RSFSR. Purposeful actions of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Council of People’s Commissariat for Nationality of the RSFSR to prepare conditions for the declaration of autonomy of the Crimean Tatar people. The difficulties faced by the young republic in the initial period of its existence, land problems, the causes and consequences of the famine of 1921–1923. The implementation of the course on indigenization is Tatarization, as the purposeful actions of the state to involve the indigenous people in the management of autonomy, equalize their socio-economic situation, train personnel through the development of the system of general and professional education of the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.

The article is an analysis of specific status of the Crimea as a part of the Golden Horde and as it was reflected in the contemporary sources: notes of travelers, diplomats, merchants, missionaries, etc., correspondence of rulers, historical chronicles and hagiographic works based the information of eye-witnesses. Despite of the fact that the Crimean Peninsula was an integral part of the Golden Horde, its specific position, including the structure of population, international trade relations and the interest of the foreign states, caused the series of specific features in the legal regulations of different groups of inhabitants. The system of authorities in Crimea, taking into account the position of some cities (such as Sudak or Caffa), is observed as well as religious policy of khans towards different confessions, specific taxes and duties. The author finds out that although the Crimean Peninsula was completely in the field of the Golden Horde political and legal regulations, khans needed to take into consideration its strategic position, national and confessional structure of the population and these peculiarities were reflected in the Crimean legal realities.

Cemil Kermenchikli is one of the brightest Crimean Tatar poets of the early twentieth century, who played a significant role in the development of the national poetic word in the Crimea. On the basis of new materials recently discovered both in the central and in the repositories of regional libraries in Russia, the article reveals new facets of his work and introduces many clarifications into the development of the author’s scientific biography. Attention is paid to the rich journalistic component of his work. The appendix to the article contains unknown poetic works of the author relating to the period of the First World War.