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The study focuses on the preservation and transmission of Gannan Tea Picking Opera knowledge after the Cultural Revolution in 1949 using qualitative research methods such as interviews and observations with seven key informants. The following findings were obtained, which can be divided into three distinct periods: The tortuous development phase from 1949 to 1966 marked significant growth and development, with the establishment of specialized schools and the implementation of the "three reforms" contributing to knowledge transmission and preservation. The survival dilemma period from 1966 to 1976 during the Cultural Revolution imposed constraints on artistic expression, but the return of artists from rural areas and their role in recruiting apprentices supported the continuity of Gannan Tea Picking Opera. Finally, the Ganzhou Gannan Tea Picking Opera Troupe and educational institutions contributed to the revival of this traditional art form during the period of rebirth from 1976 to 2023. Retired artists continue to play a vital role in knowledge preservation and dissemination, reflecting the enduring resilience of Gannan Tea Picking Opera.

Following public outcry surrounding George Floyd's murder in 2020, President Blakeley Alexander of Small Midwestern College established the institution's first diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) committee. After nearly a year, the two cochairs and eight committee members found themselves split into opposing factions amid the remote work challenges of COVID-19. The committee reached a tipping point when one of the two committee cochairs - also the Vice President (VP) of student services - inadvertently sent an email to the DEI committee, resulting in broken trust and demoralized spirits. Significant intervention is now required to right the ship, create an environment of trust, and move the committee forward.

Despite the much-touted 'sexual revolution', during the 1960s-70s, at the time most Western education systems avoided sex education. This article identifies contradictory discourses about sex as manifested in two distinct cultural expressions that co-occurred in those years in the UK. The first represented mainstream social conservatism - in the form of short sex education films produced for schools and colleges. The second, more radical alternative was the British-Australian underground magazine "Oz," which expressed the sexual freedom of the counterculture. Both are discussed from the perspective of visual cultural history as competing agents of sex education - one reproducing the conservative paradigm, and the other aiming to dismantle it. While the films took a biomedical and preventive attitude to sex and embodied a patriarchal heteronormative approach , Oz supported sexual freedom and shattered taboos about such issues as abortion and sexual diversity, as well as celebrated women's sexuality. Nevertheless, male-dominant culture was also reflected on its pages, particularly in gratuitous images of female nudity. Despite this visual sexism, the article highlights the magazine as a countercultural entertainment medium educating for sexual pleasure and offering a creative, nonconformist perspective on sex that was way ahead of its time, and also of our own.

University institutional policy is poorly understood. While policy is required by law for universities to accept funding and is revered for articulating values, mitigating risk, and guiding practice, policy is frequently considered absurd and resisted in practice. This is the policy-practice divide. To gain a better understanding of this divide and the nature of the resistance, we asked policy actors to describe their experiences with policy development, implementation, enactment, and review. We asked: "If policy is absurd, what is the nature of the relationship between policy and university management, and how do those who enact policy deal with this absurdity?" We discovered that university management has an infinitely regressive self-fulfilling relationship with policy because they intentionally exclude the workforce from policy-making and see themselves as solely responsible for policy interpretation and implementation. However, when Kierkegaard's concepts of absurdity, faith, hope, and doubt are applied to policy actors' experiences, we see that resistance can be characterised positively as a "leap of faith," where those who enact policy overcome their doubts and reinterpret it to achieve some semblance of good. This is an unintended consequence for managerialism, as deliberately creating a policy-practice divide solicits resistive "good" practices from policy actors.

School integration and inclusion are important for educational equity, yet inclusionary educational policies often end up being exclusionary in practices. In this article I contribute to our understanding of school level mechanism underlying this process. I draw on 2 years of data collection in a progressive culturally responsive school implementing a voluntary students assignment policy to increase the share of low-income students of color in the school. I show how a conflict with dissenting mothers over gender-unlabeled bathrooms became a conflict over the meaning of inclusion when school leaders applied deficit thinking that saw low-income parents of color as less likely to support the program, despite heterogeneity in dissenting mothers' background, and how as result dissenting mothers felt excluded from the school community and the needs of transgender students were unmet. These findings have important implications for theory and practice and for creating inclusive schools.

The research aims to determine the relationship between public primary school principals' paternalistic leadership behaviours and teachers' organizational creativity and organizational dissent perception levels according to primary school teachers' perceptions. A quantitative correlational design was utilized in the research. The research sample consists of 1059 public primary school teachers selected by stratified sampling method in Mardin city center and eight districts of Mardin during the 2016-2017 academic year. The data of the research were obtained by using the "Headmasters' Paternalistic Leadership Behaviours Scale," "Organizational Creativity Scale," and "Organizational Dissent Scale." The data analysis revealed the following findings: There was a positive and significant correlation between the paternalistic leadership behaviours of primary school administrators and teachers' perceptions toward organizational creativity and organizational dissent. Also, paternalistic leadership behaviours of primary school administrators were found to be a significant predictor of teachers' perceptions toward organizational creativity and organizational dissent. The principals should exhibit benevolent leadership behaviours that enhance the teachers' organizational creativity perceptions, such as endeavouring to create a family milieu in school, being tolerant of teachers, and supporting teachers to take the initiative. [This study was presented as an oral presentation at the V. International Eurasian Educational Research Congress.]

Teaching democratic citizenship has never been more vital, particularly given the dismissive attitude and direct attempts to undermine democratic institutions exemplified by the Trump administration. In addition, traditional approaches to teaching citizenship foreground the underlying values of self-governance, knowledge of the different branches of government, and the skills for behaving within this system (i.e., voting) but lack a broader intellectual framework to guide those actions (Parker, "Teaching democracy: Unity and diversity in public life," 2003). Parker, a critical multicultural educator, argued that this approach has rendered participatory citizenship superfluous and ignores more central concerns, namely, how people can live together justly while honoring their multiple individual and group identities (i.e., gender, race, class, religion, etc.). This essay focuses on the task of living together justly and offers one example of how this might be promoted through the communication studies curriculum.

Despite having one of the largest and fastest-growing post-secondary sectors in the world, there has been increasing protest against the lack of academic freedom within HEIs in India in the past decade. This research study carries out a comparative analysis of academic freedom within HEIs in India and the U.S., with a specific focus on how the notion is formulated within key policy documents and the provisions to safeguard it. Preliminary data from the systematic review revealed that while policy documents within both the countries frame the notion along similar lines, various sections within the Indian Penal Code are used to criminalize useful dissent and freedom of expression within HEIs. The study recommends that in order to safeguard academic freedom in India, certain specific sections within the Indian Penal Code (Section 124A, Section-153A, Section-292, Section-295A) should be either repealed or reformulated so that they are not amenable to misuse by the government.

We integrated perspectives from achievement goal theory and expectancy-value theory to investigate how undergraduate students' (N = 475) achievement motivation might influence their instructional dissent. A latent profile analysis of students' achievement goals, performance self-efficacy, task value, and perceived cost revealed four distinct subgroups of students characterized by differences in their achievement motivation. Students between these latent profiles differed to some degree in their use of expressive and vengeful dissent but not rhetorical dissent. When examining instructor clarity as a triggering agent of dissent, lack of clarity was positively associated with all three types of instructional dissent; however, auxiliary moderation models revealed that latent profile membership did not moderate these effects. Our results suggest that although instructor clarity has similar effects on students' instructional dissent--regardless of their latent profile membership--students still experience some differences in instructional dissent which can be explained by their achievement motivation profiles.

Dissent has its own special place in art education. It has two stereotypical, polarized faces. The first is a classical institution modelled on Italian and French academies. As official places, they aimed at elevating art to the rank of science and making it an expression and instrument of power. The opposite image of the school is an oasis of intellectual freedom, a space for inventiveness, a place for applying unusual teaching methods and organizing the academic community. The most famous examples are avant-garde activities. This historical division is unreliable in fact. Dissent or even rebellion can be an instrument of morality and principles that could be followed. Quite unexpectedly, a peculiar anarchism can be found in the first art academy run by the Carracci. The name 'academy' popularized among the Italian humanists and Marsilio Ficinno, drew attention to the informal nature of scientific associations, opposing the fossilized formula of the university existing since the Middle Ages. It is surprising then that Joseph Beuys just created the Free International University. The very name of school and its understanding indicate a significant dichotomy not only in art education, but also in art theory. The point is not that the model of education has simply loosened over time. The above-mentioned facts reflect great disputes about the essence of art, about its relationship with science, everyday life, and practical application. An analysis of specific programs will allow us to see the sense of the mutual connections between rebellion and principles in modernizing artistic education.

The spatial turn in humanities and social sciences has contributed towards a significant discourse on the city and urban spaces, and street art is widely accepted to be one of the ways in which one can analyse and unravel the cityscape. The utilization of the public domain of the city, its entanglements with urban authorities and its diverse potential has sparked several debates, and I seek to engage in the same, and interrogate the role of street art in modifying the cityscape. Through the course of my paper, I seek to interrogate the changing cityscape of Delhi and the role that street art has played in the same, post the events of 13th and 15th December 2019. The walls of Jamia Millia Islamia serve as a canvas for the articulation of resistance against the State and its excesses, its personal testimony of the same, and the graffiti on the same covers a plethora of topics, ranging from assertions of revolution, encouraging slogans and ominous warnings by literary figures, and is a dynamic form of subversion of State Power, unlike the street art projects at Lodhi Art Districts that are aimed at gentrification. The murals have been painted by students but the anonymity of the artists is retained, and thus belongs to no one but the multiplicity. I seek to study the reorientation of the cityscape of Delhi by the protest sites of Jamia and Shaheen Bagh that is not just limited to street art but the rerouting and diversion of traffic, creation of temporary structures like classrooms and libraries outside the institution and on the roads through the works of Henri Lefebvre, and weigh the significance of this protest.

The essay looks into the pedagogical role of philosophy in shaping the practice of dissent. Drawing on Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari's radical understandings of philosophy as a machinic assemblage, it redeploys philosophy as a pedagogical tool which gathers traction from social events and remains invested in a dissensual politics. As a machinic assemblage committed to a dissensual politics philosophy works alongside collective modalities of enunciation that operate outside conventional structures of the academia. Such assemblages of enunciation often inhabit a zone of critical inarticulacy brimming with the promise of new kinds of knowledge. How does philosophy critically interact with spaces of dissent along lines of gender, caste, ethnicity and nationalism to enable novel critical interventions? Deleuze and Guattari's answer redirects us to a pragmatic engagement with philosophy which involves the manufacture of new pedagogical concepts as part of a schizoanalytic apparatus of protest. These concepts often emerge out of a visceral response to events unfolding around us. Needless to emphasize that such a philosophy which emerges out of a praxial encounter with life cannot be framed as an institutional staple, but takes shape as part of a visceral politics of the now. What then is the role of pedagogy in shaping an ethics of dissent and how can such a pedagogy mobilize plebeian acts of resistance in the sphere of the everyday?

In recent scholarship, a widely agreed upon definition of "post-truth" has proved elusive, particularly because the term is used in tandem with so-named alternative facts, fake news, misinformation, and references to an anti-expert, anti-intellectual climate. This paper will consider recent educators' efforts in the Australasian region to address the political and cultural disruption that post-truth has evoked, by inquiring into how their pedagogy mirrors or differs from that used in public spaces by protest movements. In the first section, scholarship on post-truth will be examined for how it constitutes a form of revisionist history, in which the present has been corrupted over time by comparison to a more idealised and distant past. The second section will focus on how theories about the construction of knowledge, such as Latour's notion of hybridised modernity and notions of historical consciousness, can be used to frame forms of activism as means to educate the public and disrupt the dominant political ideologies. The focus in the last section will be on examining how educators might enable learners' critical literacy so they can accommodate and overcome the negativity, cynicism, and disempowerment which characterises a post-truth paradigm.

"Learning To Live Together" (LTLT) has been proposed as one of the four UN pillars of education. Several Indian educationists including Aurobindo, Gandhi, Krishnamurti, and Tagore have emphasized equivalents like 'education of the heart' and founded schools that have pursued these goals, some for more than a century. This paper explores teachers' perspectives on conflict, satyagraha/dissent, and dialogue and their role in education for LTLT. The paper draws upon a three year-long, multiple-embedded case-study that studied 14 teachers at five Indian schools founded or inspired by the educationists through ethnographic observations and interviews. The paper finds that LTLT should be perceived as a form of active harmony, which includes disagreements, dissent, and conflicts. The findings suggest that teachers differentiated conflicts from violence, perceived disagreements and conflicts as forms of pluralism, and created space for voicing dissent and resolving conflicts. They drew on dialogue, empathetic understanding, democratic decision-making, and social action to leverage dissent as a tool for building an equitable and engaged community.

Putting into question its central presupposition of 'inner freedom', this paper deconstructs the 'resistance through culture' of the Paltinis School of dissident thinkers in Romania under communism in the 1970s and 80s. The philosopher Constantin Noica, and his follower Gabriel Liiceanu, argue that resistance to authoritarian repression and dictatorial regimes is best achieved by preserving culture by schooling selected individuals in that culture rather than through direct political action or publicly speaking out. Adducing precisely which cultural values underpin the arguments of these thinkers -- values such as purity, exceptionalism, individualism and genius -- I show that the culture propounded by them is essentially patriarchal and, further, that this culture is complicit with the very tyranny it seeks to resist: philosophically, ideologically and in practice. This is evidenced by the exclusion of women from the culture espoused. Additionally, by focussing on a fairly recent debate between Liiceanu and Nobel prize-winning author Herta Müller, herself an exile from communist Romania, I delineate two opposing philosophies of language which might best be described as "birth of the word is in the head" versus "birth of the word is on the page", effectively re-staging a problem going back to early defences of liberty, for example in Spinoza and Mill, the relationship between freedom of thought and freedom of expression. Only by understanding selves as linguistic bodies whose language is socialised and shared through affective relations to others and to oneself do we arm ourselves with the resources to resist censorship, repression and tyranny.

How does one teach dissent in a classroom which is a disciplinary space? As a pedagogue whose work is to instil philosophical and critical thinking in students, in this article I reflect on the modalities of teaching dissent versus teaching about dissent. While it is very possible that teaching about dissent may create a model for students to emulate, teaching dissent must involve a proactive learning process within the classroom that may depend on the ethical and compassionate stand of the teacher. I draw from Indian philosophical traditions of argumentation and the tradition of debate and teaching to posit a methodology of two forms of dissent called Vimati, intellectual dissent and Upeksha, performative dissent. One notes that conceptualisations such as doubt, questioning, evidence, and advocacy are some of the epistemic ideas from Indian philosophical systems that can be adapted to contemporary pedagogy. Additionally, a form of performative dissent that involves 'turning away' from norms becomes a form of performative dissent. Such dissent is described through texts as practices in the lived worlds of people in the stories of epics and folk traditions. Finally, I conclude with similar concepts gleaned from contemporary thinkers in India to emphasise the ethical values of compassion and love that make teaching dissent possible.

This multimethod study was conducted to explore students' decision-making to approach or avoid interactions with peers about instructors and investigate motivations for instructional dissent. Participants (N = 124 college students) responded to measures of instructional dissent behavior and motivations for social gossip, then responded to an open-ended question about the risks and benefits of talking about instructors with other students. Quantitative results indicated that expressive and vengeful dissent were related to the following motives for gossiping about instructors: information gathering and validation, group protection, negative influence and social enjoyment. Regression analyses revealed negative influence and group protection account for unique variance in expressive dissent, while social enjoyment and negative influence account for unique variance in vengeful dissent. Qualitative results suggest students' decision-making to engage in interactions with other students about instructors is informed by concerns for self and others, and reflects social motivations for gossip. The implications of these findings on instructor and student communication are discussed.

To maintain and improve our democracy, we must better prepare students for understanding, valuing, participating in, and responding to political dissent. This is especially the case in light of recent developments in political life that have made displays of public outcry more widespread, though not always well-done. This article reflects on recent growth in populism and youth activism to make a case for improved ways of understanding and teaching for good political dissent.

The global Occupy! actions gave some pause for thought. At first, some thought that this was a global movement that could change the way politics was conducted and maybe see the end of capitalism as we knew it. The hopes for Occupy! were high, but the highest hopes for the movement were short lived. This paper examines Occupy!'s legacy; what potential remains and where educators might go with it. An argument is presented that Occupy! became an empty signifier: a 'bucket' of discontent into which thousands of disjointed, dissenting voices and discontents were poured, ranging from the original Wall Street encampment to the Umbrella revolution in Occupy Central. The paper looks at the power of the 'empty signifier' as a galvanising mechanism and explores what this could mean for education. The notion of occupying the curriculum in HE will be explored as a unifying mechanism for multidisciplinary teaching and learning.

Trust is essential to success at both the school and district levels. While its presence provides no guarantee of organizational success, its absence reliably predicts failure. Trust in institutions including the government, the church, and the media has declined in recent years. This is certainly true of public schools as well. The purpose of this qualitative study was to better understand the lived experiences of exemplary superintendents in developing trust and credibility. Participants included 12 current or former school superintendents who had received statewide recognition from their peers for ethical and capable leadership. The findings suggest that board-superintendent relationships and superintendent-principal relationships can have a substantial effect on trust in the organization. The findings also point to the importance of networking, supporting employees, and valuing dissent. Furthermore, insights are provided regarding the restoration of trust once it has been broken.

While dissent is recognized as a necessary component of scientific knowledge production, in school settings, it is a double-edged sword that can disrupt and undermine social cohesion just as it can promote thinking and creativity. This pilot study explores patterns of dissent in a science education context. It uses a mixed-methods approach to analyze the discourse of five post-secondary student groups at a US university engaged in a collaborative, problem-based science activity. The authors track the ways in which dissent contributed to the development of group ideas, as well as the roles played by individuals. In particular, this study shows that a single student appeared to account for a disproportionate amount of each group's dissenting statements. The authors contend that dissent, while potentially detrimental to group cohesion, is vital for a group's intellectual advancement, and they investigate in detail how the manifestations of dissent are related to the idea progression of the different groups. Finally, implications for science pedagogy and student group work are discussed.

Speech at Australian universities is restricted in various ways. A few of them, such as student protests against visiting speakers, receive lots of attention. Others seldom do, such as defamation threats and cyber harassment. Self-censorship may be more significant than overt censorship. Those who want to raise awareness of hidden limitations on speech can learn from the methods used to raise the alarm about student protests.

In this study, academic self-efficacy perceptions and instructional dissent attitudes of teacher candidates have been examined and the findings have been evaluated in terms of classroom management. The population consists of 2409 teacher candidates from the Faculty of Education in Eskisehir Osman Gazi University in the fall semester of 2018. Descriptive statistics were used while evaluating their perceptions and attitudes. Non-parametric tests were applied in the analysis since the data distribution was not normal. Mann Whitney U Analysis was used to determine whether there was a significant difference in their academic self-efficacy perceptions and instructional dissent attitudes by gender, while Kruskal Wallis Analysis was used to determine whether there was a significant difference by departments. Spearman's Rank Correlation Analysis was used to determine whether there is a relationship between their academic self-efficacy perceptions and instructional dissent attitudes. According to the findings, it has been seen that the academic self-efficacy perceptions of teacher candidates are at a normal level and instructional dissent attitudes are at a low level. The total scores of teacher candidates calculated for the whole academic self-efficacy perceptions and coping subdimension were significantly different in favor of female candidates. There was no significant difference by departments. There was no significant difference in instructional dissent by gender and departments. It has been found out that there is a low-level relationship between the total scores of academic self-efficacy perception levels and instructional dissent attitudes of teacher candidates.

This article argues for using what I call the "three-C approach" to reestablish pedagogical normalcy while being fully cognizant of the impact of disruptions and the challenges of adapting to new learning environments. The " three-C approach" encourages faculty members to maintain compassion, communication, and consistency by devising plans and taking action to mitigate disruptions to traditional pedagogical methods and enhance faculty-student interactions in new learning environments. Specifically, this article uses the same course I taught during fall 2019 and spring 2020, "Introduction to Political Science," at a private university in Lebanon during a massive social uprising, an economic crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic to demonstrate the use of the "three-C approach." It also incorporates student feedback on modified assessment models and faculty-student interactions to highlight the benefits of the "three-C approach," especially during times of crisis.

Using a person-centered approach and guided by four mini-theories within self-determination theory, we investigated students' motivation for pursuing their doctorate. Specifically, we examined students' (N = 205) intrinsic and extrinsic motivation to persevere in their doctoral studies to ascertain if differences in the quality of their motivation would influence burnout symptoms and, in turn, tendencies to enact instructional dissent in their doctoral program. Results of a latent profile analysis indicated the presence of three profiles characterized by distinct combinations of autonomous and controlled forms of motivation. Doctoral students who indicated satisfaction with their autonomy and competence needs were more likely to be categorized into a highly motivated profile characterized by high autonomous motivation and moderate controlled motivation. Tests of mediation from latent motivation profiles on: (1) expressive dissent through exhaustion; (2) vengeful dissent through cynicism; and (3) rhetorical dissent through professional efficacy revealed that highly motivated doctoral students were less susceptible to burnout symptoms and, subsequently, engaged in less expressive and vengeful dissent but greater rhetorical dissent.

We report the results of a quasi-experimental study that tests the interaction between minority dissent and organizational openness to change on group creativity. In a sample of 199 professionals, organized in 57 groups we have manipulated minority dissent (groups with or without a devil's advocate) and openness to change (groups were informed that the company they work for IS versus it IS NOT open to change) and evaluated group creativity using two indicators: the creativity quotient and the peer-rated creativity on three dimensions (novelty, feasibility, and usefulness). Our results show that the minority dissent and openness to change have a positive impact on group creativity. However, the interaction effect of minority dissent and openness to change was only supported for peer-rated group creativity, rendering weak support for the moderating role of openness to change.

There was a lot of talk about both the fate of American democracy and American higher education in 2021, but not much consideration about how the two were deeply intertwined. The 1947 report "Higher Education for American Democracy" showed awareness of how race, sex, class, and religious discrimination thwarted the talents and ambitions of citizens and immigrants to the detriment of the country's democratic potential. The report's authors argued that far more was at stake than the country's or individual citizens' economic well-being. The very health, vitality, and future of American democracy hinged on a well-funded, genuinely inclusive academy. The report was both representative and radical for its time. It openly recognized the expense of a college education, highlighted nationwide discriminatory admissions practices, demanded an end to legally segregated schooling, called for investment in (what would eventually be called) historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs), insisted on federal funding for city and state campuses, and tied such support to equal opportunities to enroll. Those and other suggestions were meant to build and sustain a genuinely affordable, accessible mass higher education that the commissioners argued would make the Republic more democratic.

This study investigated whether familiarity and expertise of a dissenter would lessen the trust of a three-person majority among preschoolers in a Chinese sample. The results indicated that preschoolers preferred to trust a majority rather than a stranger dissenter. However, when familiarity and expertise of the dissenter were manipulated in the experiments, the majority was less endorsed by both age groups than the previous condition. Furthermore, the preference for the majority under conflicting conditions depended on age. Especially, five-year-olds trusted the expert more than the majority, and they trusted the majority more than the familiar person. However, three-year-olds did not show any significant preference. These results suggest that older preschoolers tend to value other factors rather than simply accepting the information shared among a majority. The study provided an enhanced understanding of the influences of a dissenter's expertise and familiarity in selective trust and extended the findings to Chinese preschoolers.

In this scholarly article, teacher researchers explore the disparity between modern classroom pedagogies and the almost complete absence of a key component of identity. It advocates for religious language inclusion, examines students' religious engagement during the study of Anne Frank and the Holocaust, and serves as a practical support for teachers to introduce this kind of discourse into the classroom. Classroom discourse influences future civic dialogue, and this article posits that welcoming faith-based rhetoric in schools, along with conversations that cause discomfort, holds the potential to prepare students for confident and considerate living in a pluralistic world. By engaging religious rhetoric, teachers explore the possibilities of welcoming all student voices, stepping back to encourage democratic dialogue, and empowering students for future civic life while developing rhetorical and listening skills that uphold the value of dissenting views.

Political dissent has played an important role in giving U.S. citizens a voice and promoting justice for all. But too often, Sarah Stitzlein argues, dissent is underappreciated, especially in schools. Stitzlein discusses the obstacles to teaching dissent, particularly political movements seeking to suppress curricula and ideas that are considered controversial. She suggests that, instead of silencing dissenting voices, teachers should seek out ways to foreground dissent, by teaching the history of political dissent, getting students to practice skills of disagreement, helping students discern which ideas and voices are worthy of consideration, and modeling respectful engagement with a variety of views.

The aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between organizational dissent and life satisfaction perceptions of public primary school teachers. This research is a descriptive study in relational survey model. The sample consists of randomly chosen 200 primary school teachers who are working in Diyarbakir city center during the 2013-2014 academic year. "Organizational Dissent Scale" which is developed by Kassing (2000) and adapted from English to Turkish by Dagli (2015) and "Life Satisfaction Scale" developed by Diener, Emmons, Larsen and Griffin (1985) and adapted from English to Turkish by Dagli and Baysal (2016) were used for collecting data. As for the results of the research, it is found that according to the gender there is significant difference in the dimension of "upward dissent" and for the union membership, monthly income significant difference was found in "lateral dissent" dimension among the perceptions of teachers. Another finding of the study is that teachers are dissenting "highly" in "upward" and "lateral" dissent dimensions and there is a significant, low, negative relationship between teachers' dissent and life satisfaction perceptions [r = -0.181 (p = 0.010)].

Rule violations are expected in schools, and assessments of the severity of those violations and the appropriate disciplinary responses are a significant aspect of educators' responsibilities. While most educators and policy makers reject rule violation as a permissible behavior in schools, is such a categorical rejection always a suitable response, and are there circumstances that might merit an alternative response? In this article, A. C. Nikolaidis and Winston C. Thompson argue that under unjust circumstances, noncompliance with school rules may be permissible and even desirable. Building on a contractual framework placing systemic injustice at the center of inquiry, they show that under unjust conditions schools forfeit their ability to hold students accountable for role-dependent violations.

Teaching the social contract tradition to students can be frustrating. Works by Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau may seem arcane, abstract, or irrelevant to students. Yet, it is important for students to think about what processes or mechanisms would make consent and dissent legitimate. To address this problem, this paper explains how to use a short story, "The Ones Who Walk Away from Omelas," to examine the procedures of obtaining consent and of engaging in dissent. This paper includes: a plot summary, two paths for integrating "Omelas" into syllabi, and a number of practical tools to use in the classroom, including discussion questions, learning objectives, and a classroom activity. After reading it, you should be able to decide if "Omelas" would be a good addition to your syllabus and, if so, how to use it in your classroom.

The purpose of this longitudinal study was to model student trajectories of instructional dissent over the course of a semester. Participants were 312 undergraduate students who completed panel surveys on their worst course of the semester at three time points: during the beginning, middle, and end of a college course. Latent growth curve modeling revealed that, on average, expressive dissent slightly decreased, rhetorical dissent remained unchanged, and vengeful dissent slightly increased each month during the semester. Above and beyond the dissent growth process, student anger and hopelessness were independent and contemporaneous predictors of expressive and vengeful dissent at each time point.

The integration of students from diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds in public schools has been an issue of educational policy concern for several decades. Most school desegregation programs implemented in the United States post-"Brown" that relied on student busing and race-based school assignment were discontinued by the 1990s. In Minnesota, these were replaced with an approach that encouraged voluntary school integration efforts, supported with funding provided through State Statute 124D.86 to districts with racially identifiable schools or whose schools were racially isolated relative to neighboring communities. A legislatively mandated Integration Revenue Replacement Advisory Task Force was convened from November 2011 to February 2012 to frame the role of the state's schools in addressing racial inequities and to recommend changes to existing policy. This article applies Fairclough and Fairclough's (2012) analytic framework of "political discourse as argumentation" to examine the revision of this statute as a site of ideological contestation. The appointed members of this task force included professional educators, former legislators, faith leaders, and lawyers, and presented distinct epistemological beliefs regarding the purposes and roles of schools and of policy. Two competing claims for action were identified, summarized as "Bipartisan Compromise" and "Conservative Dissent." This analysis reveals the effect of underlying values on developing particular claims for action made by Task Force members, and connects these values to divergent understandings of the purpose of state educational funding and the outcomes that public schooling should achieve.

This article examines the limits to children giving research consent in everyday school contexts that emphasises their conformity to comply with adult expectations, and highlights children's competence and agency in navigating this conformity through different practices of dissent. It draws on research into children's agency, using a multimodal ethnography of Year 1 classrooms in two English primary schools. The article includes a reflexive methodological focus, exploring the extent to which I counter the schools' emphasis on conformity. This includes creating visuals for children to practice consent; positioning myself as the researcher in a non-teacher role, as 'least adult' and the one who 'least knows'; and designing interview spaces markedly different from classrooms. The article examines how children navigate conforming discourses by finding different ways to dissent in the research. Firstly, children demonstrate a sophisticated awareness of the cultural norms of indicating refusals beyond saying the word 'No'. Secondly, children achieve unnoticeability, by which they absent themselves from the 'on-task' classroom culture, and by extension the research process. Thirdly, they engage in playful dissent, demonstrating their political knowingness of the classroom social order. The article discusses the implications for educational research when the values of consent are in conflict with a schooling focused on conformity. This includes emphasising the limits of consent procedures, paying closer attention to how researchers recognise and respond ethically to children's multiple practices of dissent, and using research to disrupt problematic power structures in education settings that limit possibilities for children's consent.

Within the past several years, parents, teachers, students, and community members have vociferously debated the value and importance of opting out of standardized testing. The debate has been sparked by an increasing number of parents, dubbed "opt-out activists," who refuse to have their children participate in federally mandated standards testing. However, an assortment of civil rights organizations and activists have challenged the opt-out movement. Quentin Wheeler-Bell argues that the debate between those in the opt-out movement and the civil rights activists is an example of neoliberal cynicism. While both groups acknowledge (to different degrees) the structural problems inherent to the current testing regime, they both also make educational demands that assume equal educational opportunity is achievable within a capitalist system. In making this assumption that equal educational opportunity is valuable within capitalism, Wheeler-Bell concludes, both sides ultimately reproduce neoliberal cynicism.

Dissent is conceptualized as a largely able-minded political expression. Ashley Taylor argues in this essay that educational philosophers, therefore, lack an understanding of dissent that can capture the politically relevant expressions of students labeled with significant disabilities. While traditional frameworks of dissent may capture many of the ways disabled activists and their nondisabled allies have challenged oppressive social structures, these models nevertheless rely on a conceptualization of dissent that fails to make sense of the political agency of people understood as having significant intellectual disabilities. Taylor reframes the embodied and localized refusals and transgressions of labeled students as forms of politically relevant dissent, drawing on her own observational data from the classroom as well as the ethnographic work of researchers in the field of disability studies in education. By developing a richer and experientially-based understanding of dissent, Taylor offers an alternative conceptual orientation toward dissent that has normative implications for theorists and practitioners alike.

This study investigates how student dissent behaviors are affected by student predispositions (i.e., math anxiety and self-efficacy) in supply chain related courses. The data support a model in which students' vengeful dissent behaviors are indirectly induced by these predispositions through the mediation of perceived immediacy. It is critical for instructors to understand the relationship between these variables to help improve the classroom environment for students, which this study helps to accomplish. Instructors of quantitative courses may need to engage students with predispositions in communication outside of the classroom to foster effective relationship building away from an environment that triggers students' anxiety.

Dissent is vital to the intellectual life of a classroom, just as it is to the health of a school, a school system, or a democracy, explains high school teacher Mike Miller. Rather than being silenced, healthy dissidence should be taught. Miller draws from his classroom experience to illustrate how educators can cultivate a climate that welcomes dissent.

Education is commonly considered to be a transformational practice that contributes both to forging the personality of individuals and to promoting social entanglements. For this reason, education always has a normative character that rests on a particular concept of what humanity and society should be. However, educational policies and practices are frequently unaware of these theoretical presuppositions, and for this reason, they frequently appear to act in a naïve and superficial manner. This is particularly the case for citizenship education, which, if superficially implemented, risks being distorted into a form of civic education that reproduces established norms and social relations, without promoting any meaningful social change. Thus, the first part of this article aims to deepen the notion of citizenship, in particular by studying what the concept of 'consensus' means, conceiving of it not as a synonym of social resignation, but rather as a collective conspiracy towards a common political project. Accordingly, the article defines the basic characteristics that education should always possess to effectively promote a democratic and participative citizenship education. In particular, it identifies five constitutive contrasts in relation to the ways in which information is transmitted, reasoned, emotionally perceived, and then discussed and countered both by individuals and society. The article therefore presents an overall theory of education, seen as a momentous practice of dialogue and common action that opens the way for a democracy in progress.

This study used rhetorical and relational goal theory to examine the different ways college instructors respond to disruptive behaviors by students in the classroom. Student participants provided and described a critical incident involving a disruptive classmate that either was or was not handled effectively by the instructor. Results identified differences between effective and ineffective instructors' responses. Although teachers responded to similar types of incidents, there were thematic differences between what students named as effective and ineffective responses, with effective teachers managing both rhetorical goals and relational goals successfully. These teachers facilitated an open discussion, provided explanations to students' questions, remained composed and respectful, and managed cumbersome issues outside of the classroom. In contrast, ineffective teachers insisted on their own view and/or dismissed students' voices, ignored and/or avoided students' concerns, escalated conflicts, or indulged students or issues for too long. They showed little attention to relational goals and did not pursue highly effective rhetorical goals. Furthermore, participants often had strong, negative lasting impressions when instructors handled issues poorly.

Is it important to hear positions opposing one's own from others who genuinely believe them? We examine whether the thinking of those who engage in discourse with peers who hold an opposing view benefit by hearing arguments favoring the opposing position expressed by individuals known to hold this position. We report on 131 young adolescents who were given access to identical relevant evidence, and engaged in dialogs on gas vs solar energy, in preparation for a whole class debate. In the (randomly assigned) experimental classroom, electronic dialogs were conducted with a series of peers who held an opposing view; in the control classroom, dialogs were confined to same-side peers. Differences in prevalence and types of functional evidence-based argumentive idea units in individual final essays on the topic favored the experimental group. Also, differences by condition in participants' choice of evidence to access during the preceding dialogs reflected differences in patterns of inquiry. Differences appeared as well in post-intervention essays on a non-discourse topic, suggesting the superior group had made gains in understanding argumentation itself. Extension of the study longitudinally to a second year with a new topic showed continued gains and condition differences, supporting this interpretation, with the experimental group surpassing the control group. Potential generalization to adults' discourse on topics involving higher affect and commitment is considered.

The nascent democracy in Nigeria is plagued with myriad of intrigues, discordant opinions of the political class. The reason is not farfetched. Every political party sees its manifesto and plans of action as the best for the citizenry. They elbow each other in the process of garnering political recognition and vibrancy. Their unhealthy rivalry only heat up the polity. How be it some Nigerians see these political dissent as a necessary tool to a sound democratic process. They argue that dissenting voices amongst the political class are necessary since a democratic process would never be devoid of antagonism and democracy would never thrive on rational consensus. This paper seeks to define democracy, explore the dissenting opinions of the political class which many say attempt to make or mar the democratic process in Nigeria. The study would further examine the role of the media in fast tracking the entire democratization process with a view to ascertaining whether the practice of democracy in Nigeria is in tandem with acceptable practices in the well recognized democracies of the world. Finally, the paper would proffer possible solutions and make necessary recommendations that would help deepen true democratic culture in Nigeria.

There are perennial debates in civic education regarding the definition, rights and responsibilities of citizenship while failing to address the issue of civic dispositions. Underpinning the discourse is a consensus that a democracy can only function when citizens are knowledgeable of and adept at exercising their rights (Weissberg, 2001). Yet the aptitudes and dispositions required of citizens in order to be active participants in civic life presents another dilemma for educators implementing a civic education regimen meant to stimulate sustained student interest in politics and society. By binding acts of dissent to a patriotic outlook, patriotism is defined according to more nuanced criteria and transcends national apologetics, triumphalism, and conflation between obedience and allegiance. By casting dissent as a manifestation of a patriotic framework, citizens can conduct their civic affairs unencumbered by political passivity, indiscriminate veneration for country, and a superficial sense of national infallibility. As such dissent is not abnegation, indignant nonconformity, uncouth activism or dangerous subversion. Civic education should be constructed around imbuing the classroom with an awareness of what the American ethos entails, how the country has struggled to achieve its social and political aims, and how dissent is a form of sociopolitical diagnostics to ensure the country acts in accordance to this foundational set of principles.

This paper presents detailed qualitative evidence from a case study of teachers in five Chinese schools in one city. It explicitly seeks to show how developments in government policy towards education have altered the management of teacher labour inside schools as well as the teacher labour process as expressed by the teachers themselves in interviews and questionnaires. In this paper, we explore supervision, work intensification, and the erosion of professionalism. We conclude that some changes have taken place as predicted by the labour process model, but that the reaction of the teachers to more extensive controls has been variable. In particular senior school managers did have greater control with high levels of supervision, but that was generally welcomed as preferable to the previous system of outside control and neglect. While workload increased overall, the teachers were more likely to have to work outside of normal duties rather than experience any increase in formal contractual obligations.

This paper, informed by a critique of traditional understandings of citizenship and civic education, explores the use of social media as a means of fostering activism and dissent. Specifically, the paper explores the ways in which the Idle No More Movement, which began in Canada in 2012 marshalled social media to educate about and protest Bill C-45, an omnibus budget bill passed by the Federal Government. The paper argues that Idle No More is demonstrative of young people's commitments to social change and willingness to participate in active forms of dissent. As such, it presents opportunities for fostering ethically engaged citizenship through greater knowledge and awareness of Indigenous issues in Canada, which necessarily requires an understanding of the historical and contemporary legacies of colonialism that continually position First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples as "lesser" citizens. Finally, the paper suggests that the example of Idle No More stands in contrast to the notion of a "civic vacuum" that is often used to justify the re-entrenchment of traditional civic education programs in schools and as such, can be used as a pedagogic tool to teach for and about dissent.

This paper reflects on a recent participatory installation by the artists' collective @.ac, entitled Messy Democracy, as a case study to raise questions concerning the 'distribution of the sensible' within the neoliberal art school. The project set up a quasi-autonomous artists' space within Hanover Project gallery 9 April-3 May, 2018 at University of Central Lancashire, Preston. This exhibition functioned as a space of collective pedagogy, co-labour and 'dissensus' situated in relation to the wider operation of the department of Fine Art. It also sought to operate as a critical alternative to contemporary models of the art school, rooted in notions of usefulness and romantic self-realisation, but re-structured in the service of 'commodification' and 'financialisation' in wake of the Browne Report (2010). Most importantly, Messy Democracy represented a 'theatocractic' 'undercommons' for alternate and counter-hegemonic subjectivities to emerge. However, hierarchical logics, resulting from the hegemonic 'distribution of the sensible' stubbornly persisted even within this nascent pedagogic democracy.