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Fifty experts with a special interest in peace education (and representing 22 different countries) were confronted with the following set of questions (as part of individual interviews): "In many countries, questions related to disarmament and peace are highly controversial. Would you anticipate any difficulties, for example with parents or other members of the community, when introducing peace education in the schools? If so, what kind of difficulties? Do you see any way out of such problems?" This report documents and discusses the answers of the experts to these questions. Most of the respondents agreed that peace education often was seen as a controversial topic in their country, and a large number of illustrations and possible counter-measures were mentioned. (Author/RJC)

Fifty experts, representing 22 countries provide their comments and views on the use of terms such as "disarmament education" and "peace education" in international debates. Part 1 of the report presents a summarization of the major characteristics of the answers. Some of the interviewees emphasize that the terms are not interchangeable and that it is useful to be equipped with a variety of terms in dealing with this group of educational endeavors. Separate discussions present the view of the terms "education for international understanding,""disarmament education,""global education,""peace education," and other terms. Some of the experts indicate that there is a need for flexibility of terms and for new terms. Part 2 gives more detailed documentation of the 50 interview replies. (CK)

This document is the third in a series of biennial reports on the United States Institute of Peace. The Institute devotes itself to matters of international peace based on freedom and justice. Functioning as a nonideological educational resource for policymakers and officials, the Institute does not intervene directly in the formulation or conduct of U.S. foreign policy. Principal purposes of the Institute include: (1) expanding knowledge about international conflict and peace by sponsoring research, analysis, and training; (2) disseminating such knowledge; and (3) promoting understanding of the complexities of international conflict and peace among the U.S. public. The Institute promotes its goals through grants, fellowships, research, education and training, and library and information services. As Chapter 1 of the report indicates, the Institute undertook special initiatives during fiscal years 1990 and 1991 concerning the Middle East and Eastern Europe. In addition, according to Chapter 2, the Institute continued ongoing efforts in such areas as international conflict management, arms control, East-West relations, and sources of violence. Chapter 3 describes the Institute's education and training activities and has sections entitled "Helping Educate Secondary and Postsecondary Teachers and Students" and "Training for Other Professions." Chapter 4 discusses grants, fellowships, and research programs that the Institute sponsors. Descriptions of management and corporate affairs and biographies of Institute board members and senior staff comprise Chapter 5. A chairman's statement, message from the president, an overview, and three appendices regarding the United States Institute of Peace and its enabling legislation are attached. (SG)

Recent world developments have created an opportune time for nations to vigorously pursue a policy of converting the huge portion of their economies that traditionally have been devoted to military expenditures to more socially productive uses. This paper outlines a strategy for such a conversion, and discusses the issues that must be confronted in such a process. Specific aspects of conversion include: (1) misconceptions about lessening military spending; (2) building a conversion coalition; (3) the paths forged by China and the Soviet Union; (4) upheaval in Eastern Europe; and (5) grassroots initiatives in the West. It is concluded that the gathering pressure for disarmament suggests that conversion will be a topic gaining importance during the 1990's. A number of statistical tables, charts, and maps appear throughout this paper, and 127 endnotes are provided. (DB)

A study which explored the degree to which belief in a politically responsive/unresponsive world might be related to opinions concerning nuclear disarmament, the insanity defense, and women's rights is described. A total of 206 male and female undergraduates completed a 63-item questionnaire consisting of 46 Likert-format I-E items and 17 attitude items concerning nuclear disarmament, the insanity defense, and women's rights. The I-E items were factor analyzed and, in general, replicate Collins' (1974) four-factor structure of the I-E scale. Responses to the attitude items were compared to Collins' Belief in a Politically Responsive/Unresponsive World factor. Although several correlations obtained in the comparison suggested an interaction between the subscale and the attitude items, Collins' Belief in a Politically Responsive/Unresponsive World factor alone was unable to predict attitudes on nuclear disarmament or the insanity defense. (LP)

A course of direction is charted for the anti-nuclear movement. Concern over the growing nuclear arsenals has grown considerably over the last two years for several reasons, including the educational efforts of several anti-nuclear groups, and the publication of several books, such as Jonathan Schell's "The Fate of the Earth." Until now, the anti-nuclear movement has, for the most part, been a reaction to an increasing climate of fear. The participants in this movement need to inspire in people confidence to rise above the situation; they need to turn the movement into a force for positive change, into a movement for world peace. To do this, the movement would have to become a global movement--and there are many signs that it is emerging as such. The anti-nuclear movement must commit itself to a process that will bring civilization by degrees toward an ever-closer approximation of the ideal of peace. In the quest for peace, the art that must be practiced but that can never be perfected is nonviolence. The movement must, therefore, attempt to enhance the conditions under which nonviolence flourishes; it must call internationally for both justice and freedom. It must use education and the arts to encourage an understanding of peace. (RM)

A meeting of 30 China scholars and specialists in foreign affairs was held May 5-7, 1974, to explore the views and interpretations held by the group on timely issues of United States-China relations. This report outlines and elaborates the issues defined by the conference participants, provides brief background about each, and summarizes the range of opinions expressed on the subject. The issues reported on are domestic, political, and economic developments in China; the Sino-Soviet conflict; Chinese-Asian relations; international economic problems; and international arms control. Included are likely ways that these issues will affect United States relations with the People's Republic of China. One section of the report details the current state of United States-China relations, specifically covering the motivations of both China and the United States for the new relationship, the Shanghai Communique and the question of Taiwan, the view of the relationship from Taipei and Tokyo, and Sino-American trade relations. A list of conference participants is included along with a narrative of the Johnson Foundation programs in United States-China policy at the end of the report. (Author/ND)

This is a report of a conference held in Bermuda in 1981 to discuss a multilateral approach to disarmament. The conference was an informal, off-the-record exchange of ideas and opinions among 24 diplomats and scholars from 18 countries and two international agencies. Participants considered current disarmament concepts, assessed UN disarmament mechanisms and procedures, and explored new approaches to this issue. Significant highlights of the report include the following recommendations. A summit meeting between the heads of state of the United States and the Soviet Union should be organized as soon as possible, before the end of 1981. Discussions should include a wide range of political issues but principal focus should be on reaching general agreement on the framework of strategic arms limitation and reduction. An international group of experts should be created to determine whether parity in force levels between the Soviet Union and the United States exists. Nations should make stronger commitment to regional arms limitation and disarmament efforts. Existing multilateral disarmament machinery, both deliberative and negotiating mechanisms, needs to be streamlined and better coordinated. Greatly increased educational and public information efforts should be undertaken to build a more effective constituency for arms limitation and disarmament. Independent initiatives and temporary confidence building measures should be undertaken by nations to stimulate disarmament progress. (Author/RM)

The document presents a report of a conference to stimulate study, research, and education in the field of foreign relations. The report contains summaries of small group discussions of peace and security, economic order, development, resource/population balance, the environment, and human rights. It is presented in six sections. Section I summarizes discussion of non-proliferation strategy for the late 1970s. One major proposal was to create multinational nuclear power centers. Section II focuses on long-term strategies for human rights, action by the United States and international organizations to preserve human rights, and consideration of priorities for action in the field of human rights. Section III identifies problems of international security in outer space, including unavailability of scientific data, and the absence of an international space monitoring agency. Section IV examines ways to encourage social and economic development through technology. Section V describes United States government policies toward the United Nations' 1978 Special Session on Disarmament. Topics discussed include alternative security systems, the conduct of disarmament negotiations, and the role of public and private organizations in promoting peace. The final section reviews U.S. foreign policy options with regard to South Africa. A directory of conference participants concludes the document. (Author/DB)

The report discusses issues relating to arms limitation and disarmament. Leaders in U. S. government, professionals from a wide spectrum of disciplines, and other international statesmen participated in the conference in an attempt to define a more enlightened foreign policy. Six major topics were discussed. The first report considered five components of multilateral disarmament mechanisms (information, study, deliberation, negotiation, and follow-up). The second report analyzed present and future capabilities of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The third report considered the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) and suggested ways of making the SALT negotiations more effective. The fourth report examined international nonproliferation and plutonium management. Demilitarization of outer space was discussed in the fifth group report, followed by a consideration of weapons limitation in the Middle East in the final report. The format of each group report includes a brief overview of topics considered by the group, background information on American and foreign government policy regarding the issue, a synthesis of group discussion, and suggestions for solutions to issue-related problems. Speeches by the conference chairman, a U.S. Senator from Iowa, and the Director of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency are included. (Author/DB)

The report discusses issues relating to multilateral disarmament in the context of the Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly to be convened in 1978. Intended as a forum for the exchange of ideas of government leaders from the United States and other nations about the international peace-keeping role of the United Nations, the Conference ordered discussion topics so that they would parallel the agenda proposed for the United Nations Special Session. The four-part agenda is as follows: (1) review of the international arms race and examination of the relationship between disarmament, international peace, and economic development; (2) adoption of a declaration of disarmament which would entail a firm commitment to action by national governments; (3) adoption of a program of action on disarmament; and (4) review of the role of the United Nations in disarmament. Presented in outline format, the report is designed to reflect the essence of group discussions on disarmament topics, including arms limitation treaties, new weapons, escalating proliferation, the SALT talks, principles of disarmament, peaceful nuclear explosions, mass destruction, military budgets, world security, and international compliance with disarmament agreements. A directory of conference participants and comments by the conference chairman, Mexican government officials, and the United Nations Secretary General are presented. (Author/DB)

This document presents results of a survey studying the Japanese picture book, "Hiroshima No Pika." The story aptly captures how a family of three find their lives shattered in a matter of seconds when the atomic bomb is dropped on Hiroshima (Japan) in World War II. Issues presented in the story are: (1) immediate survival in the face of a nuclear holocaust; (2) long lasting effects of radiation sickness; and (3) the impact of nuclear war. Readers must understand these issues because the view of the author, Toshi Maruki, influenced the presentation of the values and the story. In order to ascertain whether upper elementary readers were capable of identifying the issues in the book, an informal survey was conducted to record literary responses to this book. Twenty fifth graders from a semi-rural Nebraska school district completed a general survey after hearing and looking at the book. The children were not given any historical or scientific background information prior to hearing the story. Later 15 veterans volunteered to listen to and respond to the book. Comparison of the responses of both groups to the survey showed the veterans' ability to call on background knowledge and experience to interpret the issues of the story. The paper concludes that children must learn the facts rather than become confused by the opinions and myths surrounding nuclear energy. While some of the moral issues may be beyond a concrete level of intellectual development of the upper elementary child, it is important that youngsters understand the processes employed when using nuclear energy. (DK)

This brief issues booklet provides basic information about the arms control issue in Europe, as of 1988. The table of contents includes the following: (1) "Trying Again"; (2) "Prelude to Arms Control"; (3) "The First Attempts: MBFR (Mutual and Balanced Force Reductions) and CSCE (Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe); (4) "CAFE (Conventional Armed Forces in Europe): The Political and Military Environment"; (5) "The Future of Conventional Arms Control"; and (6) "Western Concerns and Options." A list of discussion questions, an annotated reading list, and a key to abbreviations also are included. A map of the region and several tables highlight the booklet. (EH)

Contrary to public expectations, this study hypothesized that viewers of the television film, "The Day After," would have less intention to stop nuclear warfare after they watched it because the film would generate fear without providing a clear way for viewers to eliminate the threat of nuclear war. Questionnaires assessed whether viewers and nonviewers of the film would differ in their attitudes about nuclear war and how to deal with the possibility of nuclear war. Sixty-three undergraduates were given pretests and posttests of questionnaires, using semantic differential, Likert, and Rotter's locus of control items. In addition, questionnaires were given to 316 students who had not seen the film. Results indicated that viewers generally felt more negative about nuclear weapons after the movie than before. While viewers of the film did not become more pro-nuclear warfare over time, non-viewers did become more favorable toward nuclear warfare. A possible explanation is that programming and discussion associated with the movie led nonviewers to increase their thinking about nuclear war, even without seeing the movie, and that this thinking was less negative than thoughts generated by those who had seen the movie. While most data from other quasi-experimental studies of this film's effect do not show similar results, data from studies by Schofield and Pavelchek (1984) and Mayton (1984) seem to lend support to the results of this study. (IS)

An 18-item questionnaire was designed to investigate relationships between attitude towards arms control and beliefs about nuclear weapon effects, probability of war, Soviet goals, and the importance of nuclear arms superiority. Effects of the television movie, "The Day After," were also assessed by administering the questionnaire eight days before the movie was shown and ten days afterward. The subjects, 370 lower-division university students, were not informed of the study's purposes and were asked if they had seen the film after the second administration of the questionnaire. Results from the first questionnaire indicated that scores on arms control attitudes correlated with concern about nuclear arms superiority. Scores on opinions about Soviet arms control intentions, probability of nuclear war, and effects of nuclear war also correlated significantly with arms control attitudes. Only students who had seen the movie became significantly more anxious about nuclear war and more convinced about its harmful effects. However, the movie had no significant effect on attitude toward arms control because it neither addressed nor affected a number of other important components in the network of beliefs that influence attitude toward arms control. (Author/IS)

The effectiveness of two alternative attitude change strategies--a traditional persuasive strategy and a combined attributional/persuasive strategy--in altering attitudes toward nuclear disarmament were compared. Seventeen male and 39 female undergraduate students at a small university participated. A nuclear disarmament attitude pretest was administered. Two lectures, one advocating nuclear disarmament and the other designed to enhance a belief in personal political efficacy, were videotaped. After viewing one or both of the videotapes, subjects completed a questionnaire. The study had predicted that change would be greater among the subjects who viewed the combined presentation than among subjects who viewed only the pro-disarmament presentation. It was also predicted that this effect would be greater among initially pro-disarmament subjects than among initially anti-disarmament subjects. Study results failed to support these predictions. Although all subjects' disarmament attitudes tended to become more favorable toward disarmament over the course of the study, no differential attitude change resulted from the attributional manipulation. (RM)

While President Reagan and Secretary of State Shultz shared the same policy goals, content analysis shows substantial differences with regard to arms control and the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), not only between Reagan and Shultz, but also among Reagan's roles as a political leader, as chief executive, and as statesman to the world community. Political images are intimately linked to the definition of the issue and may have profound long-term impact. The use of content analysis in research on political imagery is useful as a supplement to conventional research methods focusing on policy arguments. Washington PressText is a computer readable database which provides the full text of White House and United States Department of State news releases, policy statements, background information, and comprehensive coverage of all major domestic and international news. This paper details how PressText may be accessed through DIALOG, and how the information captured may then be analyzed by a content analysis system for microcomputers (e.g., the software package WordCruncher). (AEM)

The relationship between opinions toward arms control and certain related beliefs was examined in two studies involving interventions designed to change those beliefs. In study 1, 131 college students who attended a "Psychology of the Nuclear Arms Race" lecture and 98 students who did not attend the lecture completed a 20-item questionnaire assessing arms control opinions and related beliefs. Study 2 used pre- and post-testing with the questionnaire to compare attitudes of 42 students who attended the lecture, 74 students who did not attend, and 18 students who took a "Psychology of the Nuclear Arms Race" 25-hour course. The results of the two studies revealed that students' opinions about arms control were related to their beliefs about: (1) the importance of nuclear weapon superiority; (2) Soviet arms control intentions; (3) the probability of nuclear war; and (4) the consequences of nuclear war. The students exposed to the interventions reported being more favorable toward arms control than did the control students. The findings suggest that students' opinions about arms control are affected by the number of beliefs held by them that are consistent with arms control, and that lectures and courses which address these beliefs from a psychological perspective have the potential to change students' opinions about arms control. Whether these conclusions can be generalized to other teachers, forums, and audiences deserves further study. (NRB)