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This scientific article analyses the arguments and opinions used by the US Supreme Court and the Supreme Court of Brazil about air pollution control and the influence of transnational legal foundations in times of populist governments. For the development of this research, the comparative method was used, operationalized by the operational concept techniques, bibliographic research, and jurisprudential analysis. The product of the succinct comparative analysis performed allows us to classify the decision-making standard in the case of West Virginia v. EPA completely uncharted to foreigner law, while the Direct Action of Unconstitutionality n. 6.148/2019, constantly mentions transnational legal agreements and, in the case of regulatory omission by the Brazilian State, indicates the prevalence of World Health Organization standards.

The essay deals with the theme of the con-fusion of powers caused by the undermining of State sovereignty both upwards and downwards: through the action of both the European Union (and, increasingly, the international order) and the regional autonomy (special, ordinary and, in perspective, differentiated). In an attempt to illustrate very complex phenomena, the discussion is structured in two distinct sections. The first one is focused on the connection between the State order and the European Union order (with some hints to the international order, in particular with regard to the hypothesis that the EU adheres to the European Convention on Human Rights). It analyses the contrast between the Court of Justice of the European Union and the Constitutional Court on the primacy of European law, as well as the position of the judges in the dialogue with both Courts, also in the light of the sentence of the Constitutional Court n. 269/2017, that re-opened problems apparently outdated. The second one is about the relation between the State order and the regional order. It examines the «regionalist» constitutional reforms of 1999 and 2001, the difficulties of their implementation, the risks involved in the differentiated regionalism promoted by Veneto, Lombardy and Emilia Romagna, and lastly the regional involvement in the production and enforcement of European law. Lastly, these two sections are briefly combined in a unitary perspective. It allows understanding, at least partially, the potential con-fusions resulting from the overall interweaving of European, national and regional dynamics. It emerges that both the relations between the European Union and the State, and the relations between the State and the regions (and, for those aspects in which they overlap, the relations between the European Union, the State and the regions) are only to some extent regulated by legal norms written in the European Treaties and in the Constitution. The remaining —very significant— part is the result of the jurisdictional interpretation of the Court of Justice of the European Union, of the Constitutional Court and of the judges (in connection with one or the other). The outcome is the increasingly marginalization of democratically elected legislators in favour of the judicial powers operating in the different legal systems, sometimes in opposition to each other, but more often in mutual dialogue.

I Ladini del Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol sono una minoranza etnica con una storia antica sviluppatasi sulle Dolomiti, una terra selvaggia dalla bellezza straordinaria. In accordo con la Costituzione italiana, i Ladini hanno acquisito diversi diritti collegati alla loro lingua e alla loro storia.La storia ladina ha inizio in epoca romana imperiale: localizzati in posti strategici, tra vallate alpine e valichi di montagna che collegano la penisola italiana all’Europa centrale, diversi popoli germanici, dopo la fine dell’Impero Romano, invasero la zona e lì si stabilirono,imponendo le loro usanze e le loro leggi. Le cosiddette ‘leggi barbariche’, insieme alle leggi carolingia ed ecclesiastica, diedero vita a un particolare sistema legale durante il Medioevo.In seguito i ladini divennero parte del Sacro Romano Impero e successivamente della casa d’Asburgo. Conseguentemente alla prima guerra mondiale, l’Italia ottenne la regione dall’Impero Austroungarico nel trattato di pace di Saint Germain-en-Laye del 1919. L’esperienza italiana con i ladini iniziò poco dopo la fine della prima guerra mondiale, con diverse pubblicazioni atte a comprenderne le origini della lingua e del popolo in generale. Da allora l’interesse per i Ladini non è più cessato. Nel 1998 la Corte Costituzionale hariconosciuto al popolo ladino il diritto ad essere rappresentato in istituzioni regionali, rispondendo alla realtà storica e sociale dell’Alto Adige/Südtirol. La resilienza legale dei Ladini testimonia quindi una lunga storia di vittorie pacifiche per i loro diritti associati alla loro lingua, in un contesto di procedure giuridiche, partecipazione politica e legislazione.In confronto a quelli del Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol, i Ladini residenti in altre regioni, quali ad esempio Friuli Venezia Giulia e Veneto, non hanno tuttavia raggiunto pari livelli di autonomia e di privilegi., The Ladins of Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol are an ethnic minority with an ancient history, located in the Dolomites Mountains, a place associated with extreme beauty and rugged land. Under the Italian Constitution, Ladins have acquired several legal rights connected with their language and history.Ladins have a history dating to the Roman Empire. Located in a strategic place, with Alpine valleys and mountain paths that connect the Italian Peninsula with Central Europe, several Germanic tribes after the end of the Roman Empire invaded and established themselves in the zone, enforcing their customs and laws. Those so-called “barbaric laws” together with Carolingian and Ecclesiastical law gave birth to a particular system of law during the Middle Ages.Afterward, Ladins became part of the Holy Roman Empire, and later, part of the House of Habsburg. During the aftermath of World War I, Italy obtained the region from the Austrian-Hungarian Empire in the peace treaty of Saint Germain-en-Laye of 1919.The Italian experience with the Ladins started soon after World War I with several publications taking the task of understanding the origins of their language and its people. Ever since, Italian interest in the Ladins has not ceased. In 1998 the Italian Constitutional Court recognized the Ladin people their right to be represented in regional institutions, answering to the historical and social reality of Alto Adige/Südtirol.Consequently, the legal resilience of the Ladins gives testimony of a long history of peaceful victories for their rights, associated with the Ladin language, in the context of judicial procedures, political participation, and legislation.In comparison, Ladins living in other regions of Italy like Veneto and Friuli Venezia Giulia have not reached the same level of autonomy and privileges as those in Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol.