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Gelugpa is the most influential extant religious sect of Tibetan Buddhism, which is the spiritual prop for Tibetans, with thousands of monasteries and followers in Tibetan areas of China. Studies on the spatial diffusion processes of Gelugpa can not only reveal its historical geographical development but also lay the foundation for anticipating its future development trend. However, existing studies on Gelugpa lack geographical perspective, making it difficult to explore the spatial characteristics. Furthermore, the prevailing macro-perspective overlooks spatiotemporal heterogeneity in diffusion processes. Therefore, taking monastery as the carrier, this study establishes a multi-level diffusion model to reconstruct the diffusion networks of Gelugpa monasteries, as well as a framework to explore the detailed features in the spatial diffusion processes of Gelugpa in Tibetan areas of China based on a geodatabase of Gelugpa monastery. The results show that the multi-level diffusion model has a considerable applicability in the reconstruction of the diffusion networks of Gelugpa monasteries. Gelugpa monasteries in the Three Tibetan Inhabited Areas present disparate spatial diffusion processes with diverse diffusion bases, speeds, stages, as well as diffusion regions and centers. A powerful single-center diffusion-centered Gandan Monastery was rapidly formed in U-Tsang. Kham experienced a slower and more varied spatial diffusion process with multiple diffusion systems far apart from each other. The spatial diffusion process of Amdo was the most complex, with the highest diffusion intensity. Amdo possessed the most influential diffusion centers, with different diffusion shapes and diffusion ranges crossing and overlapping with each other. Multiple natural and human factors may contribute to the formation of Gelugpa monasteries. This study contributes to the understanding of the geography of Gelugpa and provides reference to studies on religion diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious pluralism characterized Tibetan Buddhism by the eleventh or twelfth century, allowing for the development of many schools and sects with little differentiation in religious products. The early Ming dynasty (1368-1424) saw a significant shift in policy on Tibetan affairs compared to the Mongolian Yuan dynasty (1271-1368). Relative disengagement from Tibet translated into a liberalization of local politics, resulting in a shift from secular politics and clan wealth to ecclesiastical monastic institutions. The Geluk sect formed during this period, introducing superior technology in its organizational characteristics—celibacy, ordained abbots, casuistical adherence, scholastic training, and doctrinal orthodoxy—that distinguished it from other schools and sects. With the loss of its major Tibetan patron, the Gelukpa faced a serious challenge from its fiercest competitor, the Karmapa, and raised the stakes by introducing the incarnate position of the Dalai Lama and his labrang (financial estate). This allowed the Gelukpa to directly compete with the Karmapa for wealthy patrons. By forming an alliance with the Mongols, the Gelukpa were willing to counter violence with violence to become the monopoly religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concerns itself with the Buddhist doctrine of upāya (“skilful means”). Rather than provide a historical analysis of the concept, this paper first of all outlines some of the presuppositions that affect both its working in a traditional Buddhist context and its interpretation in modern academic enquiry. It is argued that these contexts differ significantly and that they lead to quite different understandings of the role and function of the concept itself. Then, through reference to the Tibetan dGe lugs pa tradition and the background of Tibetan doxography, it is suggested that there are certain dangers in over-emphasizing the concept of upāya in isolation. Most notably, if the doctrine of upāya is simplistically posited as some sort of aphilosophical praxis against rational enquiry, then there is a danger of not taking the tradition's own scholastic endeavours seriously enough and downplaying the status of rational enquiry in the tradition itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the view of Christianity by Gelukpa historians in the eighteenth century. The author presented the three Gelukpa religious historians such as Gombojab, Sumba Khembo and Tuken regarding their opinion and perspective of Christianity. Gelukpa historians recognized that the Buddhadharma had commonalities with other religions and Christianity would not cause harm for it instructed virtuous conduct and behavior, the author stated.

The eighteenth century witnessed the continuity of Geluk growth in Amdo from the preceding century. Geluk inspiration and legacy from Central Tibet and the accompanying political patronage emanating from the Manchus, Mongols, and local Tibetans figured prominently as the engine behind the Geluk influence that swept Amdo. The Geluk rise in the region resulted from contributions made by native Geluk Buddhists. Amdo native monks are, however, rarely treated with as much attention as they deserve for cultivating extensive networks of intellectual transmission, reorienting and shaping the school's future. I therefore propose that we approach Geluk hegemony and their broad initiatives in the region with respect to the school's intellectual and cultural order and native Amdo Buddhist monks' role in shaping Geluk history in Amdo and beyond in Tibet. Such a focus highlights their impact in shaping the trajectory of Geluk history in Tibet and Amdo in particular. The historical and biographical literature dealing with the life of Jikmed Wangpo affords us a rare window into the pivotal time when every effort was made to cultivate a vast network of institutions and masters across Tibet. This further spurred an institutional growth of Buddhist transmission, constructing authenticity and authority thereof, as they were closely tied to reincarnation lineage, intellectual traditions, and monastic institutions. In doing so, we also have a good grasp of the creation processes of Geluk luminaries such as Jikmed Wangpo, an exemplar scholar and visionary who faced great opposition from issues with his lineage legitimation at Labrang and among the larger Geluk community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the life of Shar Kalden Gyatso with a focus on his contributions to the seventeenth-century development of Geluk influence in the northeastern Tibetan region of Amdo. Not only did he adopt the role of a monastic leader in founding and bolstering scholastic traditions in his home region in Amdo, but he was also an accomplished practitioner. In addition to his role as the founder of scholastic and retreat institutions in Rebgong, his close relationship with local rulers in Amdo and his non-sectarian stance toward other religious traditions fueled his charisma and increased his base of followers. Therefore, the main goal of this paper is to explore all these themes as they illustrate the career of Shar Kalden Gyatso as a central figure in the religious history of Amdo in general and the development of Geluk influence in Rebgong in particular. Meanwhile, I provide an appropriate reassessment of the sectarian conversion of Rongwo Monastery, also reconsidering the importance of Shar Kalden Gyatso's role in institutional foundations, his network of patronage, and his religious ecumenical thought to particularly characterize his outstanding career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]