If deep changes in gender roles and a linked demographic shift are transforming social risks, can we expect existing ?worlds? of early childhood education and care (ECEC) policy to remain robust, even as they experience change? Changes in gender roles and feminism undoubtedly play an important part in the development of ECEC policies in this period. Yet in many cases feminist political activism seems to have changed the context for policy while playing only a limited direct role in the origins of early education and childcare policies. The facilitation of female employment was often a crucial proximate cause, but policy change probably owed as much to state concerns with managing labour market as to women?s liberation. Equally, growing medically and sociologically generated ?expert? evidence concerning child development is generating some pressure for ECEC and particularly improving the quality of early care and education. This evidence also has implications for social justice, as it indicates that early experiences have a huge impact on later life chances (in terms of education, health, employment and so on). This paper concentrates on the British and French cases, although they are placed in a broad comparative and theoretical context. The accent is placed on the intersection of territoriality and welfare. In general, neither case fits neatly into established welfare regime clusters. Although often regarded as the leading ?liberal? regime in Europe, the UK?s historical record is much more mixed. It includes one of the most deeply entrenched and popular universal health-care systems. Into the 1960s UK social policy shared a mix of social democratic and liberal principles with Nordic welfare provision - in both places liberalism militated against state intervention in family life (outside exceptional war-time provision). In the 1960s, these paths diverged, with Britain nearly uniquely failing to develop any significant policy in this area. Since 1998, in apparently unfavourable circumstances, ?early-years? policies have developed rapidly. A ?New Labour? government often disparaged as the continuation of Thatcherism by other means, initiated a remarkable growth of EYCP, despite the ?hard times? of ?permanent austerity?. Devolution and federalism are usually thought to retard welfare growth. But the (admittedly early) experience of ECEC policy in the UK is that devolution has allowed experimentation to increase the dynamism of policy development, with both Scotland and Wales seeming to move ahead of, and perhaps drag forward, the more fragmented English policy. Family policies famously distinguish French welfare from other ?conservative? regimes. ECEC policy developed in two broad waves ? early education in the nineteenth century and ?care? during the 1960s. In the latter period the expansion of childcare intersected with some ?new left? currents pushing for greater local control and decentralisation. More recently the impact of ?territorialisation? of welfare policies has been widely debated, with some seeing it undercutting established social citizenship rights. Partly because of the continuing national co-ordination role of the CNAF, childcare seems to have been somewhat has been partly protected from these dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]