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Questions about the future of US supremacy, the global spread of liberal democracy, and liberal international economic institutions create what we call 'international regime uncertainty': doubts about the fundamental principles, rules, norms, and decision-making procedures that govern areas of international affairs. This includes both probabilistic assessments of the risk that prevailing principles and institutions cease to function but also fundamental uncertainty over what alternative institutional arrangements and governing principles may emerge. Irrespective of actual systemic change, international regime uncertainty can affect transnational economic and political activities by increasing structural policy uncertainty and the probability of bargaining failures. The political uproar over energy transition policies that seemingly violate core principles of the international trade regime illustrates these points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

POLITICAL PARTIES ARE FUNDAMENTAL INSTITUTIONS OF DEMOCRATIC REGIMES, AND THE VERY ESSENCE OF THESE REGIMES DEPENDS ON THEIR EXISTENCE AND FUNCTIONING, AS WELL AS THAT OF PARLIAMENTS. VARIOUS TYPES OF CLEAVAGES HAVE HISTORICALLY GENERATED PARTISANSHIPS: SOCIAL, POLITICAL, CULTURAL, RELIGIOUS, LINGUISTIC, ETC. THESE CLEAVAGES -- LARGELY ADOPTED AND PROMOTED BY POLITICAL PARTIES -- CALL FOR ANSWERS TO AN ESSENTIAL QUESTION: WHAT IS THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The events of January 6th were a clear example of threats to American democracy. De-democratization is a process that preceded Trump's election and that can still be seen in the United States and around the world. Social theorist Charles Tilly wrote about how becoming a democracy is not a unidirectional, one-time event or goal, but a non-linear process. This paper analyzes developments in the United States that signal rises and falls in the level of democracy over the last several decades. It discusses Donald Trump's rise to power, the insurrection on January 6th, 2021, and the state of inclusion of ethnoracial minorities in the United States. It uses Tilly's proposed processes of democratization and de-democratization. This more nuanced understanding of democracy and state–society relations helps avoid celebratory stances about the promise of electoral politics as well as pessimistic assessments about the imminent arrival of fascism and authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The events of January 6th were a clear example of threats to American democracy. De-democratization is a process that preceded Trump’s election and that can still be seen in the United States and around the world. Social theorist Charles Tilly wrote about how becoming a democracy is not a unidirectional, one-time event or goal, but a non-linear process. This paper analyzes developments in the United States that signal rises and falls in the level of democracy over the last several decades. It discusses Donald Trump’s rise to power, the insurrection on January 6th, 2021, and the state of inclusion of ethnoracial minorities in the United States. It uses Tilly’s proposed processes of democratization and de-democratization. This more nuanced understanding of democracy and state–society relations helps avoid celebratory stances about the promise of electoral politics as well as pessimistic assessments about the imminent arrival of fascism and authoritarianism.

Some scholars have claimed that democratic regime type needs to be treated as a necessary precondition for the formation of a pluralistic security community. This essay argues that one should not overestimate the explanatory power of linking the democratic peace proposition to the study of security communities. Democratic values, norms, institutions, and practices may certainly facilitate the formation of a security community, but it is by no means the only or even most plausible path to assure dependable expectations of peaceful change. While a number of authors have of late made similar claims, what is not settled is why non-democracies can form security communities. The findings in this essay advance scholarship on this issue by showing that the same causal logics commonly attributed exclusively to democratic security community formation are also present in the formation of non-democratic security communities. The study adds empirical evidence to this argument by developing a historical case study of the Sino-Soviet relationship. In sum, the findings demonstrate that (1) democracy is not a necessary (though facilitating) precondition for the development of a pluralistic security community and (2) a pluralistic security community may form between autocratic regimes based on the causal logical nexus of non-democratic norm externalization, ideological coherence, a common Other (normative logic) and autocratic domestic institutional constraints (institutional logic).

This article focuses on the nature of party systems to explain variations in foreign direct investment inflows within developing democracies. We hypothesize a positive relationship between the effective number of parliamentary parties and foreign direct investment inflows. Large effective number of parliamentary parties is indicative of the expropriation risks as well as stability of the political environment of host countries. We thus argue that expropriation risks are low when the presence of multiple parties makes drastic, impulsive changes in economic policies difficult. We also suggest that a larger number of parties represent diverse societal interests better, reducing the chances of underrepresented social groups driving political instability. The relationship between effective number of parliamentary party and foreign direct investment inflows is tested on a sample of 56 developing democracies from 1985 to 2011. The evidence presented lends strong support to the argument and is found robust to a number of alternative empirical scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay compares three ways of approaching the broad comparative question that motivates the collection of case studies presented in this journal issue. What method best explains the evident disposition of many non- and not very democratic regimes to cooperate among themselves to resist pressures for international democratization? The post-Cold War period is the main focus of concern. In addition to explicit strategic antidemocracy alliances, it is important to more tacit and partial forms of cooperation, and diffusion effects. The first approach draws on the comparative politics literature and postulates that such cooperation or collaboration among authoritarian regimes can be derived from shared structural features of this regime type, motivated by the imperative of regime survival (an internal "rational choice" perspective). The second angle derives foreign policy orientations not from domestic factors but from the logic of competition in an anarchical international system (IR "realism"). The third perspective is drawn from the "constructivist" approach to international relations. This produces a less parsimonious, but more encompassing, angle of vision. The essay provides illustrations and points to some limitations of each of these three standpoints. The conclusion is that all three have significant explanatory value; that they can be complementary rather than mutually exclusive; and that the processes we seek to understand are sufficiently heterogeneous and open-ended to require more than one approach. This conclusion also brings into question "binary" assumptions separating the alliance strategies of democracies from those of nondemocracies. There are some differences between the two, but in the post-Cold War period they are not that categorical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Romanian poets’ literary interest in Gypsiness emerged at the beginning of the 19th century with the singular epic poem entitled The Gypsiad, by Ion Budai-Deleanu. Determined or not by socio-political circumstances, a number of other Romanian poets have been inspired by the ethno-racial particularities of the Gypsies ever since. Recent research shows that the image of the Gypsy in Romanian literature in general has differed from that in Western literature. This article explores a selection of poems related to Gypsiness, whose substance and subject vary significantly from one epoch to another, and argues that the early 20th century focus on ethnicity and race diminished during the communist regime, because of its rather assimilationist cultural politics, to eventually reach a budding plurality after 1989. More specifically, it examines the roles of poetry in blurring the color line between Gypsy and Romanian subjectivities and in reconfiguring Roma/Gypsy or mixed identities through poetry over the last decades of democratic regimes.

The majority of research on human rights focuses on the consequences of regime-type for human rights violations, and overwhelming evidence suggests that democracies are less likely to violate human rights of their citizens as compared to non-democracies. However, a regime-type perspective is unable to account for disparities in human rights violations within democratic and non-democratic regimes. This paper disaggregates regime-type and analyzes the relationship between citizens' participation and human rights violations. I argue that a participative citizenry, as captured by high voter turnout, is indicative of an active and vigilant populace who are more likely to hold governments accountable and ensure better human rights protections. The paper tests the relationship between human rights and voter turnout among 89 democratic countries from 1976 to 2008. The findings demonstrate that a participative citizenry enhances governmental respect for human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radio Free Europe was born during the Cold War that marked the tension between the two superpowers. Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty carried the torches of freedom and democracy, as their mission was to further strengthen civil societies by projecting democratic values. These radio stations opened the eyes of those who were on the other side of the Iron Curtain and fought to combat Communism and the establishment of democratic regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of social violence in Latin America has stood at the periphery of cross-national research despite the region being one of the most violent in the contemporary world. This article provides a comprehensive review of theories of crime and presents an empirical analysis of social violence in Latin America from 1980 to 2010. The literature often emphasizes one theoretical approach over others and existing explanations are seen as competitive rather than complementary. Yet, the empirical findings of this study support different explanations and illustrate how considering different theoretical approaches helps improve our knowledge on social violence phenomena. The results from different estimation methods reveal that youth bulges, female workforce, and post-conflict states are positively associated with social violence, as measured by homicide rates. The results also show that states’ efforts to strengthen judicial system capacity and increase school attendance can promote peace. Moreover, while drug producers and/or transit countries are not systematically related to social violence, money-laundering countries experience higher homicide rates, suggesting that not all dimensions of drug-markets increase violence. Whereas Latin America as a whole has experienced few episodes of civil wars in the past decades, the findings suggest that several factors affecting the onset of civil wars also influence other forms of non-political violence such as social violence. This echoes earlier calls in the literature on the necessity of bridging conflict and criminology research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When do militaries in the newly industrialized countries of East and Southeast Asia support their governments, when do they support citizens' challenge of government, and when do they launch coups? We propose and test a theory of military behavior using data from across East and Southeast Asia between the 1970s and 2008. The results corroborate the model's predictions to make four contributions: First, the model provides a framework of military behavior for countries to expand study beyond coups or the absence thereof. Second, the findings bring to focus the influence of citizens on the military's behavior, an aspect largely overlooked in scholarship of the region. Third, the necessary conditions--weak economy and galvanized citizens' challenge--that affect the military's behavior vis-à-vis citizens and the government highlight the strategic interaction treatment. Fourth, this study broadens systematic treatment to enrich empirics and theory-building for the political economies of these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Almanac / Politikos Mokslų Almanachas is the property of Vytautas Magnus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some democracies around the world --including those from Latin America--present equal or higher levels of state repression than the global mean of autocratic regimes. Despite the political and normative relevance of this phenomenon, comparative research on democratic repression is scanty and poorly systematized. Introducing the distinction between centralized and decentralized state repression, and considering advances derived from the global agenda and area studies of Latin America, this article presents a review of theories and empirical explanations that can contribute to the construction of a theory of democratic state repression. Moreover, this paper presents a catalog about the challenges related to the processes of theory generation and empirical evaluation, and offers alternatives to those challenges. The main conclusion is that modeling the use of state violence in terms of principal-agent relations (elected politicians-state security agencies, state security agencies-citizenship) LA-area studies offer fruitful analytical tools for comparative research on democratic state repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This assessment of research on contemporary democratic politics in Latin America is organized around the distinction between institutional and alternative approaches. Initially it considers institutionalism on its own terms and, through an assessment of the debate about the institutional causes of gridlock, draws attention to key strengths of this literature. Thereafter, this article adopts a broader perspective that exposes some limitations but also other strengths of institutional analyses and considers the possibility of combining insights developed from institutional and alternative theoretical perspectives. The suggested terms of integration are as follows. With regard to causal theorizing, institutionalists need to borrow ideas from a broader literature on political regimes, especially regarding the causes of transitions to, and the breakdown of, democracy. With regard to descriptive theorizing, in contrast, students of the quality of democracy need to incorporate the contributions of institutionalists, especially regarding principal-agent relationships among citizens, policy makers, and policy administrators. Throughout this review, various pointed suggestions to advance research are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]