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Recent contributions to the literature on industrialization and development have confirmed that manufacturing continues to play a key role as a driver of economic development. As a corollary, these contributions highlight the importance of premature industrialization as a barrier to economic development and as one of the main sources of the middle-income trap. In this paper, we analyze the factors that may have hindered industrial development in the past four decades. In particular, we focus on the role of (non-Foreign Direct Investment) net capital inflows as a potential source of premature deindustrialization. We consider a sample of 36 developed and developing countries from 1980 to 2017, with major emphasis on the case of emerging and developing economies (EDEs) in the context of increasing financial integration. We show that periods of abundant capital inflows may have caused a significant contraction of manufacturing share to employment and GDP, as well as the decrease of the economic complexity index. We also show that the phenomena of "perverse" structural changes are significantly more relevant in EDE countries than in advanced ones and that they may similarly occur across EDE countries, regardless of structural differences in the way manufacturing contributed to their development. Based on such evidence, we conclude with some policy suggestions highlighting capital controls and external macroprudential measures taming international capital mobility as useful policy tools for promoting long-run productive development on top of strengthening (short-term) financial and macroeconomic stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The anthracite coal mining landscape of northeastern Pennsylvania is in ruin, a by-product of two centuries of unchecked capitalism. Much of the land is stripped of its timber and surface mines lay abandoned. The industry began its decline after WWI and virtually collapsed during the post-WWII era. Waste piles of coal litter the landscape, and the streams and rivers are considered dead because of the minerals and high acid content of water draining from abandoned mines. Many scholars have written about the extreme work conditions the coal workers faced, the demise of the coal industry, and the impact of deindustrialization on the region's people. Often overlooked is how members of the mining communities had a radical hope. Radical hope helps oppressed people to see that another condition and another world is possible, although not guaranteed. Re-examining oral histories from the anthracite region recorded in the 1970s, when the industry was in its great decline, demonstrates how these mining communities anticipated a future good, understanding the struggle to attain it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrialization experiences differ substantially across countries. We use a benchmark model of structural change to shed light on the sources of this heterogeneity and, in particular, the phenomenon of premature deindustrialization. Our analysis leads to three key findings. First, benchmark models of structural change robustly generate hump-shaped patterns for the evolution of the industrial sector. Second, heterogeneous patterns of catch-up in sectoral productivities across countries can generate variation in industrialization experiences similar to those found in the data, including premature deindustrialization. Third, differences in the rate of agricultural productivity growth across economies can account for the majority of the variation in peak industrial employment shares. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite legal protections and growing acceptance in many industrialized countries, LGBTQ + workers continue to face considerable employment disadvantage. We explain this contradiction by detailing labor market processes that limit employment prospects for LGBTQ + workers in Sudbury and Windsor (both small cities with industrial histories). Drawing on 50 semistructured interviews and 662 community survey responses from LGBTQ + workers, we show how LGBTQ + employment opportunities are constrained by a constellation of multiscalar factors. These include the absence of good work opportunities outside of blue-collar work in deindustrializing labor markets, associated persistent cisnormativity and heteronormativity, and inconsistent protection from discrimination and social acceptance at work. As a result, respondents self-selected out of blue-collar workplaces, avoided and left jobs when they experienced or anticipated discrimination, and chose to remain in jobs with supportive employers rather than find a new job in a potentially homophobic or transphobic labor market. This article extends current understandings of labor markets economic geography by connecting production histories to persistent cisnormativity and heteronormitivity, and by showing how the search for emotional safety in cities with inconsistent social acceptance perpetuates economic disadvantage for queer and trans workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses surveys from the past 60 years to study union membership in Denmark, France, West Germany, Italy, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. We first revisit aggregate union densities finding that, for France and Italy, they were at times under‐ and overestimated, respectively. Second, we document the evolution of the composition of union membership in terms of gender, occupation, education, and sector. Different stylized facts emerge for different groups of countries. These facts do not lend support to the composition‐based theory that attributes deunionization to deindustrialization, nor to the technological theory that predicts the exit of the high‐skilled from unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the deindustrialization experience in New England, using Fitchburg, Massachusetts, as a case study to explore the dynamics of industrial decline. Topics include the gradual erosion of industrial activity in multiple phases, the competition between municipalities within New England for capital investments and jobs, and the significance of intra-regional movement of businesses, shedding light on the complexities of the deindustrialization process.

• The article proposes an empirical analysis of Brazilian deindustrialization from a Marxian perspective. • Inter-regional input-output analysis is the quantitative instrument used to measure deindustrialization indicators. • Two critical situations indicating structural change are proposed. • The results indicate a process of deindustrialization in Brazil between 1995 and 2010. • The results show that the primary sector is gaining ground in the dynamization of Brazilian capitalism. The article brings new indicators that reinforce the thesis that the Brazilian economy went through a process of deindustrialization. Based on the guiding principle of Marx's reproduction schemes, the instrument of inter-regional input-output analysis was used as empirical method. The output multipliers obtained from the Leontief and Ghosh models were used as indicators for measuring structural changes. Critical situations that can show whether there were structural changes in the sectors of the economy, considering both the local economic activity and its relationship with the world economy, are presented. The main results confirm the existence of a deindustrialization of the Brazilian economy. However, it was found that, in absolute and relative terms, the reduction in the capacity of the Brazilian manufacturing to drive the economy oscillated between moments of greater and lesser intensity. Furthermore, strong indications that the Brazilian primary sector is becoming an enclave were found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Manufacturing share in India's GDP has increased by about 16 percentage points between 2003 and 2018. • Dominant contribution to increased manufacturing GDP share is made by petroleum refining. • There has been a tremendous increase in the real value-added share of ICT equipment industry. • For assessing properly the performance of manufacturing, double-deflation of GDP is essential. Contrary to a widely held impression that the share of manufacturing in India's GDP has long stagnated, the paper claims that it has increased significantly. Measured at the prices of different goods and services prevailing in 2004-05, and deflation applied separately with input prices as well as output prices to account for differential input price trends, the GDP share of manufacturing has increased during the post-reform period from about 17 per cent in 1993-94 to about 32 per cent in 2018-19. The paper notes that the concept of real share in GDP relates to the volume effect and represents the change in the share of the volume of manufacturing activity out of the volume of all economic activities in the Indian economy. Some explanation is provided for the apparent stagnancy of the share of manufacturing in India's GDP at current prices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent deindustrialization, Russian post-industrial neighbourhoods have experienced dramatic changes. During Soviet times, housing was given and owned by the state and the post-Soviet period was the time of 'neighborhood reassembling' when this Soviet housing stock was privatized and habituated by different social groups. Вased on Raymond Williams' (1997) distinction between residual and emergent cultures the gentrification in two post-industrial neighborhoods was shown. The post-Soviet transitions included the emerging culture of the global middle classes replacing or co-existing with the authentic residual culture of the Soviet industrial working class. The analysis of the Soviet housing stock (i.e. structure level) and the meanings of its habituation (i.e. agent level) discovers class differences: workers habituated it as part of their everyday life, while the creative group views it as part of their Soviet heritage. The Soviet housing stock, as a cultural 'residue', constituted the dynamics of class relations while the identities within groups are blurred. This article highlights the theoretical debate that identities and housing are not about structures or agents but are intertwined. Housing as a symbol of a class is produced by policy makers, while housing habituated by residents is re-signified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the racialized experiences of industrial closure and economic restructuring of the former Pilpilco coal mine through oral histories and feminist arts-based methods. We argue that Pilpilco's industrial closure illuminates the layers of historical violence exerted on bodies and land as inseparable categories to colonize and extract resources and labour in the Chilean coal basin in Mapuche land. Pilpilco's industrial closure illustrates how coloniality operates in Latin America, perpetuating racial, gender, political and social hierarchical orders and prescribing value to certain peoples and territories while disenfranchising others (Quijano, 2000, Lugones, 2008). The article reflects on the colonial wounds that continue to harm inhabitants and their environments, prolonging their inability to heal intergenerational pain. Finally, we analyse residents' creative strategies to reclaim Pilpilco's land through heritage recognition, women's solidarity, and alliances with indigenous struggles. The study expands the reach and depth of deindustrialization studies, providing insights into how processes of industrialization, deindustrialization, and reindustrialization unfolded through the entanglements of settler colonialism and indigenous dispossessions, authoritarian regime and political repression, and neoliberalism and social demobilization. It also contributes to the field by providing a perspective on industrial closure from women's experience – those unpaid care workers who sustained life in coal mining communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through historical and anthropological inquiry, this paper addresses the issue of memory antagonisms involving cultural landscapes in the context of a former mining region: the Belgian Black Country. This region, which became increasingly industrialized in the 19th century through the massive development of coal mining and steel industry, subsequently experienced deindustrialization, and now finds itself mobilized in a process of 'post-industrial' mutation. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, it examines how the landscapes inherited from industry, and in particular the slag heaps of the coalfield, have over time become repositories of a working-class memory, through the living and working practices of the communities surrounding the mines. It also documents the various representations attached to these landscape objects, whose contradictions echo the oppositions between capital and labor that have marked the development of industrial capitalism. The second part of the paper, which focuses on the present situation, examines how these representations are remobilized in the valorization processes that are initiated by different actors, in the context of a 'post-industrial' urban transition strategy that seeks to produce a unified and pacified historical narrative. We'll be looking at how historical conflicts still permeate the representations of these landscapes, the question of their conservation, and their possible future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the divergent trajectories of automotive investment and employment in Detroit, Michigan and Windsor, Ontario. Located on opposite shores of the Detroit River, in the United States and Canada respectively, Detroit and Windsor are the founding cities of the North American auto industry. Long dominated by the Big Three, their factories have produced vehicles for the same continental market since 1965. Each has weathered parallel challenges since then, including spikes in the price of oil, the Big Three's loss of market share, the transition to lean production, and the near-collapses of Chrysler and GM. Yet Detroit began deindustrializing decades earlier and lost much more employment than Windsor. To determine why, we compared their automotive sectors from 1900 to the 2010s. Since the Depression, each city has repeatedly confronted the prospect of deindustrialization, but three factors have made Windsor more resilient: (1) federal and provincial interventions on its behalf, (2) Windsor's greater competitiveness with respect to factor costs, quality, and innovation, and (3) Windsor's annexation of outlying territory to capture new factories. These differences show how national, subnational, and regional/local policies have mediated corporate decision-making to produce a variegated North American Rust Belt, with Canada outperforming the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Job security has always been a paramount concern for the trade union movement. This article explores the ways that unions used collective bargaining to gain a measure of job security for their members in the face of deindustrialization as unionized factories in North America began to close in large numbers after the 1970s. These new measures included advance notice, severance pay, plant closing moratoria, restrictions placed on plant movements, transfer rights, and expanding the scope of collective 'social' bargaining to cover training and adjustment. In some sectors, such as automotive, collective bargaining has also been extended into areas normally left to management. The price was often high. Eventually some unions, notably the Canadian Auto Workers (established 1985; part of Unifor after 2013), prioritized winning new capital investments and product lines for unionized plants in their negotiations, though often at the cost of jobs, wage freezes or reductions, and other concessions. By focusing upon auto sector deindustrialization in Canada since the 1980s, we draw lessons from more recent union bargaining strategies, and how they constitute an important element of worker responses to industrial job loss and manufacturing closure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Far from simply being a 'bookend' of the industrial age, deindustrialization is an integral part of capitalist development and thus has a long history. In the North American context, the early scholarship on deindustrialization emerged from the efforts to resist plant closures as they were happening. More recently, the field of deindustrialization studies has been reinvigorated by authors who have shifted the centre of gravity from the US Rust Belt to Europe and increasingly to other parts of the world. This introduction traces the emergence and recent transformations in the field of deindustrialization studies. It also introduces this themed issue on the politics of deindustrialization, which tells the stories of shuttered mines, mills, and factories within the wider restructuring of the international division of labour in the late twentieth century. The articles, written from a range of disciplinary perspectives, extend outward to how workers, their unions, state actors, and the general public responded to the challenge of deindustrialization. The authors are all affiliated with the 'Deindustrialization and the Politics of Our Time' (DePOT) research project (deindustrialization.org), which brings together many of the world's leading deindustrialization scholars to put the field in transnational perspective. By extending the range of comparisons and scales of analysis, this special-themed issue invites us to broaden our understanding of deindustrialization, both thematically and methodologically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study calls for greater scholarly engagement with the generational experiences of the socialist working class in China. Through an analysis of collective actions in response to the reform of state-owned enterprises at the turn of the century, the paper divides the Chinese socialist working class into the Revolution Generation and the Transition Generation. Amid the restructuring of the state sector, workers from the Revolution Generation exhibited a proclivity for civic activism and petitions, while the Transition Generation, though grappling with unemployment, largely refrained from public dissent, instead expressing sentiments of bewilderment and resignation. The study illustrates how the differing lived experiences of two working-class generations played a pivotal role in shaping their interpretation of grievances and contention repertoire. The article underscores the significance of generational perspectives in gaining insight into the destiny of the Chinese working class, advocating for the integration of such perspectives into the broader fields of deindustrialization and labor studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last quarter of the 20th century, worker ownership emerged as a popular option for North American workers trying to save their mills or factories from closing. Most of these efforts eventually failed, sometimes at great financial cost to workers who gambled away their savings or pensions. Yet a few worker buyouts succeeded over the long term. This article examines two of these success stories, one on either side of the Canada-United States border, while situating them within the wider history of worker ownership in North America. When the United Steelworkers of America engineered the worker buyout of Algoma Steel in 1992, Canada's third largest integrated steel-maker, it became the largest worker owned industry in North America. Before that, Weirton Steel had been the largest since 1984 when independent steelworkers there bought the mill from National Steel. If worker ownership offered short-termed relief to workers facing plant closings, its longer-term viability is highly suspect. Many worker-owned firms shut during the next down-turn. Both Weirton and Algoma eventually reverted back to corporate ownership, albeit this time inside Indian-based multinationals, but worker ownership saved the two steel mills and helped modernize them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Germany has demonstrated throughout history that it can be reborn from its ashes, like the mythical phoenix bird. After two devastating world wars, the country had the ability, strength, and discipline to recover and become the undisputed leader of Europe. The advantages obtained by Germany in the last 20 years, such as ample trade, cheap energy and strong industry, made the country the strongest power in Europe and gave its political leaders a false sense of security and relaxation. In this article, I have identified several problems facing the German economy and I have emphasized the importance of taking urgent and radical measures to avoid a series of devastating long-term effects, including the risk of deindustrialization.

This article examines Brazil's economic experience between 2003 and 2016, its limits in promoting development and structural change while analyzing the policies adopted and their consequences. The economic growth model based on the conciliation of competing interests and the maintenance of liberal orthodoxy proved unsustainable in the medium term. Maintaining the overvalued exchange rate and high-interest rate hindered industry and national development. The timid attempt at developmentalism could not contain the process of deindustrialization and financialization. The neoliberal agenda was maintained, which prevented structural changes and deepened financialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A roundtable with scholars Sheri Berman, Zachariah Mampilly, Andre Pagliarini and Nick Serpe on left politics, held in October 2023, is presented. Topics discussed include the development of the left in the Global North, cross-class coalition on the left in Brazil and deindustrialization as election issue in the country, the rise of identity politics and inequality in the African context, disconnect between protest movements for democracy and inequality and political parties, decline in political party membership in Europe and its effect on the left, fragility of Brazilian democracy, role of political parties in democracies, and potential transformation of electoralism in African democracies.

What happens to local communities when manufacturing disappears? I examine changes in associational density over nearly two decades as a proxy for social capital in US labor markets. Exploiting plausibly exogenous trade‐induced shocks to local manufacturing activity, I test whether deindustrialization is associated with greater or lower organizational membership. I uncover a robust negative relationship between the two variables, particularly acute in rural and mostly‐White areas. My findings, however, are sensitive to measurement: There are no clearly discernible effects of deindustrialization on social capital when I consider alternative proxies for the outcome. To reconcile these results, I present evidence suggesting that economic adversity may induce a qualitative, rather than quantitative, change in social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two concurrent phenomena emerged in rural America in the 1970s: job losses due to deindustrialization and prison proliferation relating to mass incarceration. While supporters of the prison industrial complex promised an economic lifeline for rural America, opponents questioned the economic benefits of prison openings. Using county fixed-effects models and data covering 1960–2000, this study reveals a null association between prison openings and total rural employment. While prison proliferation marginally increased government employment, it simultaneously had a negative impact on private employment. Specifically, prison openings were associated with decreased employment in manufacturing, finance and recreational services; and had no impact on jobs in construction, wholesale, and local retail sales. Thus, the promises of employment growth relating to prisons were, overall, not kept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK coal industry was an important part of the economy, but it experienced substantial job losses during the 1980s and 1990s. To alleviate the resulting socio-economic problems, many areas received regeneration funds. We examine to what extent relative unemployment and permanent sickness and disability in the coalfields of the East Midlands changed between 1971 and 2011. Over this period rates of permanent sickness and disability have increased, and the gap widened between coalfields and non-coalfields. In contrast, unemployment has decreased at a faster rate in the coalfields. However, both outcomes are better in those coalfields that were less dependent on mining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates whether latecomer provinces in China have experienced premature deindustrialization or reindustrialization by examining the positions of the provincial industry-income nexus using the latecomer index. The latecomer index facilitates the identification of the downward (premature deindustrialization) and upward (reindustrialization) positions of the nexus for latecomer provinces. The empirical analysis reveals that, for the nationwide level, the premature deindustrialization effect remains during the total sample period of 1992–2020 reflecting the initial regime prioritizing eastern coastal industrialization, whereas the pace of the premature deindustrialization is slowed down in the periods of 2002–2020 and 2009–2020 due to a series of industrial policies under the subsequent regime. At the regional level, the reindustrialization impact dominates the premature deindustrialization effect in the eastern and central regions, whereas this effect dominates the reindustrialization impact in the western region. The study identifies the existence of reindustrialization in China in the regional analysis, whereas extant literature on reindustrialization focuses only on European cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The aim of this paper is to assess the diversity of changes in Poland's industrial sector, distinguishing the ICT section, on a regional basis, and to classify the regions according to the value of the location quotient index. Design/methodology/approach: The article uses the following methods: critical analysis of the literature and analysis of statistical data using selected statistical tools. On the basis of the data, obtained from the Local Data Bank (GUS), the dynamics and share of production and employment in the industrial sector were calculated, also including the ITC sector. The analysis covered 16 provinces from 2000 to 2021. Findings: Analysis of selected variables in the analyzed years confirmed the existence of regional disparities in Poland, the presence of both reindustrialization and deindustrialization processes and the leading role of the Mazowieckie voivodeship in the ITC sector. Research limitations/implications: The research conducted in the article represents only one aspect of the assessment of regional disparities. In the course of a broader, more detailed study, it is possible to conduct research at a more local level and to apply additional indicators and methods to evaluate the economic situation of the regions. Practical implications: Knowledge of the mechanisms and regularities of regional development is the basis for shaping policies that would ensure, on the one hand, high and sustainable development dynamics, and, on the other hand, lead to the reduction of regional inequalities. Social implications: A situation of excessive inequalities can lead to conflicts and tensions within communities. Therefore, one of the goals of the state's economic and social policies should be to reduce regional disparities, in favor of sustainable development and improving the quality of life in the country. Originality/value: The article analyzes using the most current statistical data of selected variables and statistical tools. Thus, it can provide another element towards learning about the regularities of regional inequality in the Polish economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welsh labour historiography has been dominated by the history of the south Wales miners, with the north Wales quarrymen occupying second place, and other groups of workers having received less attention. This is partly due to the dominant assumptions of labour historians which are tied up with ideas of modernization and universalism, and which have privileged anglophone accounts of the past. The Welsh radical tradition, although well explored and documented within Wales, has not been sufficiently recognized within narratives of British labour history. Rather, the emergence and subsequent dominance of the Labour Party has tended to occlude an earlier, vibrant, and diverse Welsh radical history. Now, half a century after the professional organization of Welsh labour historians, thoroughgoing deindustrialization and political devolution have created a new context for a new generation of labour historians who have no direct memory of a Wales dominated by heavy industry. This provides both challenges and opportunities. Welsh and British labour historians have much to gain by developing a closer relationship, and this will involve striking a careful balance between universalist and particularist interpretations of labour's Welsh history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses ethnographic and qualitative research to explore the health implications and social responses of a low-income neighborhood in Southeast England, to more than a decade of austerity policies and declining institutional and welfare support. Findings examine how cuts to public services and welfare programs alongside changes to the area's social structure shape resident's perceptions of health risks and threats. Residents pointed to poor levels of mental health that were exacerbated by financial insecurity, the closure of community facilities and difficulties accessing support and professional help. An increase in social disorder and sense of danger within the vicinity were attributed to changes in the area's social composition and a reduction of policing in the neighborhood, which were an additional cause of anxiety for residents. Many people felt their neighborhood was treated inequitably with regard to law-and-order, health provision and other services designed to address health problems and risks and dangers in their social environment. This institutional vacuum generates unmet health needs facilitating informal practices and methods for managing health, such as through self-provision or using alternative, and more readily available, sources of medical advice and treatment. The demise of older forms of social control and surveillance that ran parallel with closure of the area's communal spaces had been partly compensated by social media usage, while informal methods of policing were a growing presence in the neighborhood in reaction to rising lawlessness and the ineffectiveness of police and local authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Examine industrial trends in six Central American economies, and find that the industrial employment share has declined by an average of 2.5 percentage points over the past two decades. • Decline not due to a trade-driven deindustrialization but rather due to an increase in barriers that restrict the efficient flow of labor across sectors. • Policy interventions targeting these barriers could potentially lead to significant industrial expansion, but the economic impact may be marginal, with aggregate output projected to increase by 3.2 percent or less. • Boosting productivity could be a more prudent growth strategy. This paper analyses industrial trends in six Central American economies by assembling and harmonizing sectoral data from multiple sources. Industrial employment share has declined by an average of 2.5 percentage points over the past two decades. Contrary to a trade-driven deindustrialization hypothesis, which suggests that cheaper imports have replaced domestic production of industrial goods, the findings indicate that this decline is primarily driven by an increase in barriers that restrict the efficient flow of labor across sectors. The paper argues that policy interventions that target these barriers could potentially lead to significant industrial expansion. However, the economic impact of such policies may be marginal, with aggregate output projected to increase by 3.2 percent or less upon eliminating these barriers. Moreover, this approach also carries risks, as it may introduce new distortions that could further hinder economic efficiency. Perhaps a more prudent growth strategy will be to concentrate on boosting productivity, which though challenging, directly affects the output. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In capitalist Eastern Europe, surplus population is created at the intersection of economic restructuring, leading to the decline of jobs, the absorption of housing in broader circuits of capital accumulation, and the state's disinvestment in social housing. Drawing on the lived experiences of the impoverished Roma from Baia Mare (Maramureș county, Romania), I analyze how racialization produces them as surplus-as-laborer and surplus-as-tenant. The article explores the historically constituted labor-housing nexus. Capitalist enterprises are interested in having permanent access to a cheap and flexible labor force that reproduces in housing conditions that are as low cost as they are inadequate. Private real estate capital excludes those who cannot afford the fast-rising level of the ground rent while the post-socialist state refuses to invest in public housing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the real-time crisis in the EU natural gas market. It is shown that the crisis began in mid-2021, mainly due to omissions by regulators who set the energy transition too fast and made a mistake when assessing liquidity in the physical gas market. By refusing to conclude long-term contracts for the import of natural gas and opting for the spot market, the EU has made itself dependent on unpredictable price fluctuations for raw materials. The EU seeks at all costs to build a spot market for natural gas, the price of which is determined by the current balance of supply and demand. This goal was set because, within the framework of the climate and energy strategy of the European Union, the gas market is increasingly subordinated to servicing the electricity market. Since the spring of 2022, the development of the EU gas market has moved into a system of coordinates set by political interests and energy security considerations. The main long-term structural shifts in the European gas market were: firstly, an accelerated reorientation to LNG imports; secondly, the strengthening of the downward trend in demand; thirdly, the transition of gas prices to a higher level. Higher gas prices push up electricity prices, allowing governments to mobilize the additional financial resources needed to accelerate the green and energy transition. The forced restructuring of the European gas market and the electricity market launched the process of deindustrialization of the industrial core of the EU. The threat of deindustrialization is forcing EU member states to look for ways of non-market support for national industry, which, in principle, can push centrifugal tendencies in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This correction notice addresses an error in the legend for Figure 1 and Figure 4 in the original publication titled "Deindustrialization, Tertiarization and Suburbanization in Central and Eastern Europe. Lessons Learned from Bucharest City, Romania." The mistake occurred when the numbers in the figures were replaced by their explanations, but the explanations were not included below the figures in the version uploaded on September 6, 2023. The authors request that these two figures be replaced with their variant, where the legend is explained in the text. The correction does not affect the scientific conclusions of the publication. [Extracted from the article]

The article identifies new trends and challenges in the development of the world economy and energy in an era of global instability, including the economic problems of the United States of America, the trend towards dedollarization of the global economy and the transition to alternative payment systems, the deindustrialization of Europe, role of the Government in economy, risks undermining the long-term stability of oil supplies due to underinvestment and limited opportunities to increase new production capacities. The issues of the development of «green» energy are analyzed, while it is shown that hat reducing the causes of global warming solely to CO2 emissions resulting from human activities is not sufficiently substantiated. The possibilities and problems of the fuel and energy sector of Russia in the era of the transformation of the world energy markets and restructuring of Russian’s economy are revealed.

This study takes a closer look at the deindustrialization of the South Indian city of Bangalore with respect to its former cotton mill sector, nearly two decades after the closure of the first three composite cotton mills in the city. The study views deindustrialization from sectoral, city‐ and community‐centric perspectives. As well as identifying Bangalore as a significant site within the 'bygone mills' discourse in India, the article contributes to the less‐researched theme of deindustrialization in the global South. It provides a detailed look into the city's mill‐scapes, from their rise in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to their demise in the early 21st century, through a mix of archival evidence, spatial analysis and an interrogation of the collective memory of millworkers and their families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies have failed to show a positive effect of unemployment on incarceration despite reasons to expect such a relationship. We note that prior estimates have been muddied by the absence of substate data, a focus on prisons rather than on jails, limited measures of unemployment, and the fact that the health of the labor market is endogenous to incarceration. We instrument for local exposure to the rise of Chinese exports ("the China Shock") to estimate the effect of job loss on American incarceration. Marshaling a new data set of prisoners and jail inmates by race at the commuting zone level, we show that negative shocks to local labor markets led to significant increases in total incarceration rates for both Blacks and Whites. The effect seems to be driven by increased prison rather than jail populations. This estimate is invisible to ordinary least squares, which may help explain null results reported by past work. Counterfactual exercises suggest that the effect of job loss was punitively consequential. Had employment gains from the 1990s been preserved into the 2000s, the U.S. incarceration rate would have grown significantly less than it did. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deindustrialization in the sense of a decline in the share of industry in GDP, generally observed in developed countries, is explained by the three‐sector model. While this model shows a 'normal' level of deindustrialization, this study proposes to use unbalanced trade to assess the existence of undue deindustrialization in 21 major developed countries and empirically confirms its existence. At finer sectoral levels, by grouping these countries into Europ16 and Pacific5, the direct and indirect impacts of trade on these countries over the period 1991–2018 are assessed. The results suggest that Pacific5 was more affected than Europ16 and that China exerted stronger trade effects in causing this undue decline than nine other emerging Asian countries combined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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After several decades of deindustrialisation in the so-called advanced economies, we are seeing a renewed enthusiasm for urban manufacturing in cities, and the integration of production into the city fabric. Yet, small-scale industrial accommodation has long been susceptible to displacement by higher-value land uses--particularly residential and prime office--which directly undermines such aspirations. This article focuses on the case of London and, through a review of planning policy and planning documents, market data, and participant observation in both public and private sector networks, provides evidence for and explores the impacts of a hyper-competitive industrial market that has emerged as an outcome of ongoing limited supply and growing demand in the sector. Although it signals a reversal of displacement dynamics between industrial and residential uses, potentially slowing the loss of industrial land supply, it is also leading to a narrowing of demand and competition within the industrial market that leads to intra-industrial gentrification and threatens smaller manufacturers. The article reveals tensions and limitations in planning approaches that seek to manage industrial land supply and create a diversity of workspace accommodation, as well as a gap between popular policy narratives of industrious cities and manufacturing renaissance, and the coherence of policies to support them. The article concludes with a discussion of future research that could advance policy and other interventions to support manufacturing in cities, to further sustainability and social inclusion agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the micro-foundations of failed market insertion in Romania's chemical sector. During the EU pre-accession period, transnational integration regimes (TIRs) induced FDI-dependence. In turn, mass-privatization policies in conjunction with weak state capacities—evidenced by domestic development policies with limited operational use—caused failed market insertion. Two former state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are analyzed in this manner, and two pathways to failed integration emerge: via domestic mismanagement and multi-national corporations' (MNCs) rent-seeking practices. The findings extend the diversity of the TIR framework and provide a nuanced account of downturn scenarios during EU integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes a step in identifying a more accurate economic history of deindustrialization. Following the extension of the timeline of deindustrialization and its divorce from the 1970s, this article examines the reasons for production facility relocation our of Detroit, prior to the 1970s. Given that the process of deindustrialization occurred prior to 1970, the reasons must be reevaluated. To this end, this article examines one of the lesser investigated reasons that auto corporations moved their production facilities out of Detroit; organized labor. It shows that organized labor was one of the driving factors of production facility relocation. This article makes use of multiple collections housed in the Reuther Archives at Wayne State University in relation to organized labor, as well as union density data. This article details how and why production facilities were pushed out of Detroit in an effort to evade organized labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two unconnected crises in the 1970s, a crisis of profitability of global capitalism and a deep crisis of political legitimacy in China, led to creation of a formidable alliance between corporate/financial-led US capital and the Chinese state that sought to resolve both crises by opening China for corporate exploitation. The solution, however, masked different objectives. Transnational corporations moved to China in search of cheap labour to counter falling profits and Beijing sought to use foreign capital to develop the Chinese economy and gain access to technology. Over time China's interests and those of the USA diverged, as US deindustrialisation became the obverse of China's dynamic industrialisation. Factions within the US elite began to promote a different approach towards China than that of alliance and accommodation and were able to grab the upper hand during Donald Trump's presidency, advocating an aggressive approach towards China. This posture consolidated under the Biden administration. These developments set up a struggle for hegemony to which China and the USA bring differing advantages and disadvantages. While a hegemonic transition is one possible outcome of this conflict, the possibility of a hegemonic stalemate or hegemonic vacuum cannot be discounted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise in global trade volumes since the early 90s has been welcomed by many under the notion that trade helps countries edge closer to their economic potential. A concerning observation, however, is that while Asia, Latin America, and Europe seem to have witnessed a discernible rise in per capita income during this period and moved closer to their economic potential, sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) does not seem to have recorded as much success. Defining economic potential as maximum possible income from given resources and existing technology, the results presented here for a panel of 22 sub-Saharan countries observed between 1995 and 2021 confirm that the region's ability to edge closer to its full potential was heavily undermined by its small and shrinking manufacturing sector, a result that is replicated by counterfactual methods. In policy senses against this background, SSA may need to reconsider its widespread deindustrialization model and rejuvenate manufacturing. This policy implication feeds into the broader discussion of premature deindustrialization in SSA and its economic consequences. Evidence suggests that reversing this trend through expanding manufacturing potentially lifts about 50% of the sampled countries (including Rwanda, Togo, Guinea, Niger, Sierra-Leone, Gambia, Benin, Uganda, and Mozambique) from low-income status to middle-income status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]