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This article addresses the debate on drugs use in the Partido Obrero during 1996-2009. In light of an international turn on the subject, we wonder about its impact on this trotskyist organization and worker's intervention in the discussion. To achieve this, we will analyze internal documents and the party's newspaper, in addition to recovering testimonies from former militants. Our approach will be from a marxist point of view, taking up the contributions on the subject of its first organizations, which problematized its impact on the working class. We registered the existence of three slogans: legalization, decriminalization, and the creation of alternative therapeutic communities. These are combined with a series of valuations on consumption, which strain the Argentinian left's traditional conceptions. We conclude that the labor sectors had little participation in the discussion, which has not been altered by the changes in world drug policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines why domestic violence remained contentious in Russia after the 2017 partial decriminalization and how this led to a partial recriminalization in June 2022. While other analyses show the continuing importance of gender politics, this study highlights authoritarian regime dynamics, using process tracing following five models found in the scholarship on policymaking in Russia. The article indicates the central role of intra-elite competition, but also the influence of social forces, international intervention, and public opinion rather than Putin. It demonstrates that there were politics up through the beginning stages of the Russia's 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many penal abolitionists, criminal courts have been complicit in mass incarceration. This Article argues that, unlike abolitionists, criminal justice minimalists should consider criminal courts part of the solution rather than the problem. Minimalist scholars have focused on advancing wide-scale public policy proposals, such as extensive decriminalization, through the work of legislatures. While such proposals are generally desirable, their sweeping nature may sometimes raise concerns over excessive risks to public safety and political feasibility. The shortcomings of promoting minimalism through legislatures highlight the advantages of criminal courts. By virtue of their case-by-case adjudication, criminal courts can play a key role in ensuring that governments exercise their penal powers only as a last resort, while remaining sensitive to the unique circumstances of each individual case. Their ability to exercise discretion and consider specific contexts and situations allows them to apply minimalist principles more fairly and in less objectionable ways politically. The Article points to three complementary potential principles that minimalism-oriented courts can and should adhere to: de minimis, ultima ratio (last resort), and penal restraint. It also proposes how the values and goals of criminal justice minimalism can inform the design of each principle. Together and apart, these principles empower courts to play a major role in reducing the overreach of criminal law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cannabis, often criticized, has active compounds that indicate multiple medical benefits. However, before the potential decriminalization and legalization of medical cannabis, pharmacists play a crucial role in the decision-making for personalized therapy and evidence-based medicine. This study investigates pharmacists’ perspectives on medical cannabis, covering medical use, societal impact, research, legality, and regulation. This study was conducted through semi-structured interviews with pharmacists from different sectors. Interviews were conducted with 16 pharmacists, with 4 from each sector: industry, academia, community, and hospital. There was a consensus on the need for streamlined research before potential decriminalization and legalization of cannabis, highlighting concerns about abuse and misuse despite its benefits. With that in mind, all participants agree that there is a need to update the current legislation and regulations to better control the use and distribution of medical cannabis. Several participants also called to attention that education plays an important role in the potential decriminalization of medical cannabis, with cannabis-related stigma being a potential deterrent for not only the public but also healthcare professionals. As medical cannabis is a new subject in Malaysia, this study could ignite further multidisciplinary human-related research with strict regulations which will ultimately result in evidence-based medicine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: On January 31st, 2023, the province of British Columbia (BC), Canada, was granted a federal exemption allowing adults (aged 18 +) to possess up to 2.5 g of select illicit drugs. The exemption will be in place for three years (2023–2026), marking the first formal decriminalization of illicit drug policy reform in Canada. BC's decriminalization initiative is premised on several goals. This project seeks to evaluate each of these goals and their individual and combined contributions to determine the overall success of this policy. Methods: The following protocol paper provides a detailed outline of a five-year (2022-2027) national evaluation of BC's decriminalization initiative, as well as the specific objectives, methodologies, and planned analyses for eight interrelated sub-studies that comprise the evaluation. These sub-studies fall under the following five topical areas of research: 1) people who use drugs (PWUD), 2) the police and the criminal justice system, 3) the general public, 4) the health services system, and 5) an economic analysis. Additional research activities may also be explored. Results: The overall evaluation and specific sub-study designs were informed by intensive stakeholder engagement. The evaluation was developed in collaboration with an international expert committee who came together to undertake a nominal group technique to decide on the final evaluation design and corresponding logic model. The evaluation will also employ an advisory board and individual sub-study working groups comprised of experts and PWUD who will oversee the development and implementation of the overall evaluation as well as each sub-study. Discussion: This evaluation will draw on implementation science research practices to evaluate and understand the full impacts of this novel drug policy experiment. Results will be widely disseminated through manuscripts, reports, presentations, and infographics, which will be adapted and tailored for specific audiences. The protocol identifies several anticipated challenges and limitations. This evaluation's evidence-based findings will be poised to offer pivotal insights that can shape and refine the discourse on drug policy and will serve as a critical resource for understanding the multifaceted impacts of decriminalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and aim Methods Findings Conclusion In 2018, the country of Georgia legalized cannabis for recreational use and decriminalized limited possession. This study aimed to assess whether cannabis use increased among young adults (ages 18–29 years) in Georgia after national policy changes and to evaluate whether perceived access became easier after legalization and current risk factors of young adult cannabis use.We used data from the Georgian nationally representative survey administered in 2015 (n = 1308) and 2022 (n = 758), before and after decriminalization. We performed appropriate bivariate analyses and multivariable linear and logistic regressions to assess the following: legalization's impact on cannabis use; perceived difficulty to obtain cannabis; age of first use; differences in use between females and males; and factors associated with current use.Among young adults lifetime prevalence of cannabis use was similar in 2015 (17.3%) and 2022 (18.1%) [Odds Ratio (95% confidence interval) = 1.1 [0.7, 1.6], P = 0.726). Annual prevalence (7% in 2015 vs 7.7% in 2022) was also similar (1.1 [0.7, 2.0], P = 0.650). In 2022 it was less difficult to obtain cannabis than in 2015 (0.5 [0.4, 0.8], P = 0.021). The age of first use increased statistically significantly (18.1 years in 2015 vs 19.1 in 2022, P = 0.003).In 2022, annual prevalence of use was lower among females (1.9% vs 13.1%; OR = 0.1 [0.0, 0.3], P < 0.0001) and higher among those who gambled (11.7% vs 4.4%; OR = 3.2 [1.5, 6.8], P < 0.003). Males initiated cannabis use at an earlier age (19.1 years vs 20.6 for females, P = 0.03), and could obtain cannabis easier than females (P < 0.0001).There was a minimal shift of cannabis use in young adults following implementation of recreational cannabis use legalization in Georgia. Males and people who gambled were at higher risk of cannabis use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: British Columbia, Canada, is experiencing an overdose crisis that has pushed drug liberalization policies to the forefront of the response. This study examines police officers' perceptions of enforcement and drug liberalization policies, including support for decriminalization and regulation or 'safer supply', in this context. Methods: Qualitative interview data were collected in September-November 2020 from active police officers involved in drug law enforcement in British Columbia, prior to decriminalization reforms being introduced in the province. We conducted a thematic analysis of this data with a focus on police officer views towards drug enforcement and drug liberalization policies. Results: Policing and reforms amid the overdose crisis has shaped officer perceptions and actions towards illegal drugs and drug policies. Although officers saw overdose as a health issue, these views coincided with a strong emphasis on supply-side policing, such as drug trafficking investigations. Policing continues to be entrenched in the overdose crisis, which has impacted the way police officers view drugs and drug use, particularly, their belief that current interventions to disrupt the illegal drug market are not working. Conclusion: This study advances knowledge on the motivations for promoting drug enforcement, and enacting drug policies, in the context of an overdose crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: To analyze how the Police in Sweden perceives the drug problem and how it relates to changes in drug politics in the direction of liberalization. Method: The material analyzed consists of a content-analysis of the magazine of the Swedish Narcotic Police Association, covering 145 issues since the start in 1988, concentrating on lead articles, editorials and other articles on principles and politics. Results: The magazine demonstrate an alarmistic view of the drug problem, criticize government agencies and the media for liberal views, question the motives of proponents of decriminalization and legalization, leaves the costs of control of drug interventions aside, and sees the Police as guardian of status quo and as the defender of the goal of Swedish drug policy: "a drug-free society". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Avorter ici ou ailleurs n'implique pas les mêmes droits pour les femmes, ni les mêmes conditions. Pratiqué depuis des siècles et dans toutes les sociétés, l'avortement dans le monde reste pour autant très inégalitaire en termes législatifs. Cet article retrace les contextes historiques, socioculturels et politiques dans lesquels ont émergé les décisions concernant la pénalisation et la dépénalisation de cet acte, notamment en Argentine. Les représentations du fœtus mais aussi du statut social des femmes, élaborées par chaque société, apportent une compréhension supplémentaire aux enjeux liés à cette pratique : universelle et transculturelle. Le corps féminin et sa fonction procréatrice répondent aux intérêts des politiques d'État. Le combat des femmes argentines pour la légalisation de l'avortement est ainsi un exemple de rébellion contre le poids des traditions patriarcales. The legal implications of abortion worldwide do not confer the same rights or conditions on women. Although abortion has been practiced for centuries in all societies, it remains highly unequal in legislative terms throughout the world. This article traces the historical, socio-cultural and political contexts in which decisions to criminalize and decriminalize abortion have been made, particularly in Argentina. Representations of the status of the fetus and of women's social condition that have been developed by each society, provide additional insight into the issues surrounding this universal and transcultural practice. The female body, and its procreative function, correspond to the interests of state policies. The fight by Argentinian women to legalize abortion is an example of rebellion against the weight of patriarchal traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UK efforts to prevent modern slavery and sexual exploitation online include assessing Adult Service Websites' (ASWs) moderation and prevention responsibilities. Yet little is known about the role of sex buyers, as the political rhetoric assumes they are sexual offenders within the neo-abolitionist context (Serughetti 2013). Drawing from a large-scale study looking at ASWs' responsibilities in preventing sexual exploitation online, this article shares findings from a survey with 142 sex buyers, understanding their role in this arena. Buyers possess detailed knowledge of sex working practices and indicators of exploitation. Thus, as actors in the prevention puzzle, they are uniquely positioned to understand how regulation can assist in crime prevention but equally create unintended consequences for the consensual sex industry online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Magnus Hirschfeld fut un brillant médecin allemand militant pour la dépénalisation et la déstigmatisation de l'homosexualité. Pendant la très libérale République de Weimar (1918–1933) il publia ses articles avant-gardistes, il créa son Institut des sciences sexuelles (Institut für Sexualwissenschaft) , où eût lieu la première chirurgie transgenre publiée, réalisée sur Dora Richter en 1931 (nous nous intéresserons à ce premier compte rendu d'intervention réussie) et multiplia les interventions pour faire abolir le paragraphe 175 du code penal imperial, pénalisant « la sodomie ». Finalement la montée du nazisme l'obligea à fuir son pays et à finir sa vie en France. L'œuvre d'Hirschfeld resta inachevée. Son activisme politique, sa surmédiatisation lui valurent de nombreuses critiques au sein même du mouvement gay et lesbien de l'époque. Qui était cet étrange médecin (l'Einstein du sexe , comme le présentait un promoteur américain lors de ses conférences en 1930) qui cumulait les défauts, pour l'époque, d'être à la fois juif, homosexuel et gauchiste ? Magnus Hirschfeld was a brilliant German doctor campaigning for the decriminalization and destigmatization of homosexuality. During the very liberal Weimar Republic (1918–1933) he published his avant-garde articles, he created his Institute of Sexual Sciences (Institut für Sexualwissenschaft), where the first published transgender surgery took place, performed on Dora Richter in 1931 (we will be interested in this first report of successful intervention) and multiplied the interventions to abolish paragraph 175, penalizing "sodomy". Ultimately the rise of Nazism forced him to flee his country and end his life in France. Hirschfeld's work remained unfinished. His political activism and his over-media coverage earned him numerous criticisms even within the gay and lesbian movement of the time. Who was this strange doctor (the Einstein of sex, as an American promoter presented him during his conferences in 1930) who combined the faults, for the time, of being at the same time Jewish, homosexual and leftist? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Abstract Background On January 31st, 2023, the province of British Columbia (BC), Canada, was granted a federal exemption allowing adults (aged 18 +) to possess up to 2.5 g of select illicit drugs. The exemption will be in place for three years (2023–2026), marking the first formal decriminalization of illicit drug policy reform in Canada. BC’s decriminalization initiative is premised on several goals. This project seeks to evaluate each of these goals and their individual and combined contributions to determine the overall success of this policy. Methods The following protocol paper provides a detailed outline of a five-year (2022-2027) national evaluation of BC’s decriminalization initiative, as well as the specific objectives, methodologies, and planned analyses for eight interrelated sub-studies that comprise the evaluation. These sub-studies fall under the following five topical areas of research: 1) people who use drugs (PWUD), 2) the police and the criminal justice system, 3) the general public, 4) the health services system, and 5) an economic analysis. Additional research activities may also be explored. Results The overall evaluation and specific sub-study designs were informed by intensive stakeholder engagement. The evaluation was developed in collaboration with an international expert committee who came together to undertake a nominal group technique to decide on the final evaluation design and corresponding logic model. The evaluation will also employ an advisory board and individual sub-study working groups comprised of experts and PWUD who will oversee the development and implementation of the overall evaluation as well as each sub-study. Discussion This evaluation will draw on implementation science research practices to evaluate and understand the full impacts of this novel drug policy experiment. Results will be widely disseminated through manuscripts, reports, presentations, and infographics, which will be adapted and tailored for specific audiences. The protocol identifies several anticipated challenges and limitations. This evaluation’s evidence-based findings will be poised to offer pivotal insights that can shape and refine the discourse on drug policy and will serve as a critical resource for understanding the multifaceted impacts of decriminalization.

Nabin Pathak,1,2 Shreya Dhungana,3 Bijaya Basyal,4 Prabhat Kumar Jha,5 Sunil Shrestha,6 Panna Thapa,7,8 Vibhu Paudyal9,10 1Drug Information Unit and Pharmacovigilance Cell, Department of Pharmacy, Hetauda Hospital, Madan Bhandari Academy of Health Sciences, Hetauda, Bagmati Province, Nepal; 2Department of Pharmacy and Clinical Pharmacology, Madan Bhandari Academy of Health Sciences, Hetauda, Bagmati Province, Nepal; 3Department of Pharmacy, National Model College for Advanced Learning, Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu, Nepal; 4Pharmacy Unit, Prithvi Chandra Hospital, Nawalparasi, Nepal; 5Pharmacy Officer, Province Health Logistic Management Center, Dhanusha, Nepal; 6Department of Research and Academics, Kathmandu Cancer Center, Bhaktapur, Province Bagmati, Nepal; 7Department of Pharmacy, Kathmandu University, Dhulikhel, Kavre, Nepal; 8Multidimensional Cannabis Research Centre (MCRC), Kathmandu University, Dhulikhel, Nepal; 9School of Pharmacy, College of Medical and Dental Sciences, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, B15 2TT, UK; 10Florence Nightingale Faculty of Nursing, Midwifery and Palliative Care, King’s College London, London, UKCorrespondence: Nabin Pathak, Drug Information Unit and Pharmacovigilance Cell, Department of Pharmacy, Hetauda Hospital, Madan Bhandari Academy of Health Sciences, Makwanpur, Hetauda, Bagmati Province, Nepal, Email nabin.pathak@mbahs.edu.np; pathaknabin89@gmail.comAbstract: The unique historical and cultural background of Nepal has shaped its perspective on cannabis usage. Narcotic Drugs Control Act 1976 of Nepal prohibits the cultivation, production, manufacture, sales, and distribution of narcotic drugs, which also include various forms of cannabis. With proponents for cannabis legalization increasing in the country, it is equally crucial to analyze context and practices in countries already adopting legalization. As such, this article contextualizes the current debates in Nepal with global policies and practices and talks about the possible impacts of changing the laws on society, the economy, and public health. Policymakers in Nepal must make decisions based on evidence and facts when deciding how to regulate cannabis.Keywords: cannabis, legalization, decriminalization, Nepal

For the opponents of the sexual reform movement, he was the father of all evil; for the proponents of the decriminalization of same-sex desire, he paved the way for objective research. With the term "Urning", he gave homosexuals an anthropological dignity. The Hanoverian lawyer Karl Heinrich Ulrichs (1825–1895) was notorious during his lifetime and at times esteemed after his death, but it was not until the 1990s that he became the secret hero of sexual emancipation and sexual history/historiography. Streets and squares were named after him, but his life's work was also often instrumentalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past few years, psilocybin, a psychedelic compound found in “magic mushrooms” (psilocybin mushrooms), has undergone decriminalization in numerous cities across the US and has been legalized in Oregon and Colorado. Proponents of psilocybin decriminalization have emphasized its therapeutic potential in treating mental health disorders. Furthermore, psilocybin mushrooms are considered the safest psychedelic option, with lower potency and a reduced risk of overdoses and emergency hospitalizations compared to other prevalent psychedelics, such as LSD (lysergic acid diethylamide) and MDMA (3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine). We analyzed the impact of psilocybin reforms on public interest in psilocybin, as well as their cross-commodity effects on LSD and MDMA, utilizing extensive web-based search data. We observe a significant increase in psilocybin search volume and a notable reduction in search volume associated with LSD and MDMA. Our results are consistent nationwide across states, irrespective of their stance on psilocybin reforms. The shift in public interest toward psilocybin, which is considered the safest psychedelic, away from LSD and MDMA, carries positive implications for public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article conducts a comparative analysis of the anti-rights narratives presented during the parliamentary debates on the decriminalization of voluntary abortion in Mexico and Argentina from 2018 to 2022. Four main categories were identified, the first being the technocratization of Catholic and Evangelical religious discourse, strategically based on scientific and legal arguments through a rhetoric of fear. The second was the deterministic denunciation of the failure of the state, its institutions, and public policies to address social problems such as violence against women, insecurity, and poverty. The third consisted of the proposal of alternatives based on the defense of the traditional family, such as adoption from conception or the debureaucratization of adoption. The fourth and last category comprised a discursive shift appropriating arguments from feminist militancy while suppressing the principle of secularism, omitting the existence of the lgbtiq+ movement and manipulating the rhetorical device of gender ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The demand to address police racism by 'defunding the police' echoed on- and offline in the summer of 2020 following the police murder of George Floyd, but it has not always been clear what defunding the police entails. Through an analysis of 300 stories posted on CBC News and CTV News websites in 2020–2021, this study addresses the construction of the Defund the Police campaign in Canadian news media. Black Lives Matter organized their Defund the Police campaign as a demand for: (1) alternatives to police services; (2) decriminalization; and (3) disarmament, demilitarization and technology. Yet, news media prioritized calls for alternatives to police services, while providing less attention to disarmament, demilitarization and technology demands, and largely excluding decriminalization from defunding conversations altogether. The news media constructed the Defund the Police campaign around three fluid interpretations: defunding as a call to remove and abolish police, as a call for budgetary reallocation and alternatives to police, and as a call for police reform and accountability. Support for a reallocation and alternatives interpretation of defunding was most prominent within the news media, suggesting that police budget cuts in favour of community supports will be the focus of defunding policy in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Psilocybin fungi, also more informally known as psychedelic mushrooms, have a rich, cultural history and were criminalized in the 1970s. However, recent developments, including Food and Drug Administration breakthrough status and state-level legalization, revive interest in these substances. They may be able to treat many disorders without the addictiveness or risk of overdose of cocaine, heroin, methamphetamine, and other psychoactive chemicals. This article analyzes the therapeutic potential and economic impact of psilocybin amid its nationwide decriminalization. Oregon and Colorado are at the forefront, anticipating changes in legislation, while approximately 25 states are contemplating measures. The cost-effectiveness of psilocybin in the treatment of mental health disorders, addiction, and positive legal indications highlights its appeal. Yet, ethical considerations, careful prescription methods, and strategic legalization are highlighted. This article calls for continuous research, adherence and understanding of ethical standards, and a holistic approach to psilocybin's accessibility for potential therapeutic advantages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Regardless of the specific form of regulation, sex industries exist and even thrive around the world. Much of the related social policy debate centers on how to suppress or control the industries, operating from the perspective that commodified sex is minimally risky—potentially harmful to the individuals involved and to society—without considering that there may exist benefits that arise from sexual labor. Methods: This article highlights data gathered from 78 qualitative interviews collected in O'Doherty's (2015) and Bowen's (2018) studies with sex workers. Each research project explored various aspects of providing sexualized labor in partially criminalized environments, including how sex workers perceive the role of sex work in society. Results: Participants rejected representations of their work as primarily deviant, unworthy of legitimacy, or even something to abolish as a manifestation of gender-based violence. Instead, sex workers described various positive contributions of their work to their and their clients' lives, as well as to larger society. Conclusion: Unidimensional characterizations of the commercial sex industry fail to incorporate many facets of sexualized labor, resulting in harmful policies that sustain inequity for sex workers. Policy Implications: Social policies regulating commodified sexual services may need to be reconsidered through a more nuanced lens—one that makes space for the opportunities, benefits, and value that sex workers identify, alongside findings related to challenges and risks associated with sex industry involvement. Implicated policies include criminalization, human and labor rights, sexual rights, and public health education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Many states in the United States have progressed towards legalization of marijuana including decriminalization, medicinal and/or recreational use. We studied the impact of legalization on cannabis-related emergency department visits in states with varying degrees of legalization. METHODS: Seventeen healthcare institutions in fifteen states (California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Iowa, Kentucky, Maryland, Massachusetts, Missouri, New Hampshire, Oregon, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Washington) participated. Cannabinoid immunoassay results and cannabis-related International Classification of Diseases (ninth and tenth versions) codes were obtained for emergency department visits over a 3- to 8-year period during various stages of legalization: no state laws, decriminalized, medical approval before dispensaries, medical dispensaries available, recreational approval before dispensaries and recreational dispensaries available. Trends and monthly rates of cannabinoid immunoassay and cannabis-related International Classification of Diseases code positivity were determined during these legalization periods. RESULTS: For most states, there was a significant increase in both cannabinoid immunoassay and International Classification of Diseases code positivity as legalization progressed; however, positivity rates differed. The availability of dispensaries may impact positivity in states with medical and/or recreational approval. In most states with no laws, there was a significant but smaller increase in cannabinoid immunoassay positivity rates. CONCLUSIONS: States may experience an increase in cannabis-related emergency department visits with progression toward marijuana legalization. The differences between states, including those in which no impact was seen, are likely multifactorial and include cultural norms, attitudes of local law enforcement, differing patient populations, legalization in surrounding states, availability of dispensaries, various ordering protocols in the emergency department, and the prevalence of non-regulated cannabis products.

Abstract In January 2023, the province of British Columbia (BC) decriminalized the possession of certain illegal drugs for personal use. The province’s primary intent was to reduce the stigma associated with drug use, as well as barriers for people who use drugs (PWUD) to access treatment and supports. However, less than ten months into the decriminalization policy, due to growing concerns about public safety voiced by municipal governments and communities, the provincial government made amendments to the policy to ban the public consumption of illicit drugs in additional locations, and subsequently introduced additional legislation, Bill 34, aimed at regulating public consumption of drugs in public spaces. Some communities have also implemented local bylaws similarly regulating public drug use. Bill 34 and local bylaws may serve as tools to promote community health and safety and minimize direct and indirect harms associated with public drug use. However, such legislation may re-criminalize PWUD and reinforce negative perceptions surrounding drug use, especially if these policies are not paired with strategies to expand the availability and accessibility of critical harm reduction and housing services. Without ample access to these services, limitations on public drug use can potentially displace individuals to areas where they are more likely to use alone, further exposing them to substance use-related harms, and undermining the goals of decriminalization. The potential effects of these restrictions may also disproportionately impact marginalized populations. As of April 2024, Bill 34 remains on hold. Moving forward, it will be important to monitor this bill, as well as other public consumption bylaws and legislation, and their impact on BC’s overall decriminalization initiative. Decision-makers are urged to increase engagement with PWUD and relevant stakeholders in the design and implementation of policies pertaining to public consumption to ensure that they effectively address the evolving needs and realities of PWUD, and align with decriminalization goals.

Background Despite the legalization of cannabis use for medical purposes in Thailand in February 2019, illicit providers are still widespread and accessible. This study aimed to understand why people still chose to receive medical cannabis treatment or products from unlicensed or illegal providers. The practices of unlicensed or illegal providers in provision of medical cannabis products or treatment services were also examined. Methods Qualitative in-depth interviews were conducted among medical cannabis providers and users, including 36 unlicensed and 7 licensed providers and 25 users in 2019-2021. Snowball sampling was used to recruit participants until saturation of data was achieved. Interviews included open-ended questions about the providers’ practices and attitudes towards medical cannabis. Interviews were recorded and transcribed, and thematic analysis was performed. Results Overall, six reasons were identified to answer why unlicensed/illicit providers were still popular, including: 1) easy accessibility; 2) familiarity with the unlicensed providers before the legal scheme became available; 3) favorable characters (kind, supportive, non-judgmental) of unlicensed providers; 4) affordable treatment fees; 5) trust in the quality of the medicines; and 6) lack of knowledge and negative attitudes towards cannabis from healthcare professionals. Most providers started their career as medical cannabis providers by using it themselves or with their relatives and being satisfied with the results. They used cannabis products to treat all diseases, including skin, eyes, HIV/AIDS, non-communicable diseases and all kinds of cancers. Additionally, they believed that it was effective, with no or minimal adverse effects. Conclusions This study suggests that some patients will continue receiving medical cannabis treatment and products from unlicensed or illegal providers. More attention should be paid on increasing the capacity of medical cannabis service systems within public health hospitals, and the certification of unlicensed providers, so as to integrate them into a regulated system.

In January 2023, the province of British Columbia (BC) decriminalized the possession of certain illegal drugs for personal use. The province's primary intent was to reduce the stigma associated with drug use, as well as barriers for people who use drugs (PWUD) to access treatment and supports. However, less than ten months into the decriminalization policy, due to growing concerns about public safety voiced by municipal governments and communities, the provincial government made amendments to the policy to ban the public consumption of illicit drugs in additional locations, and subsequently introduced additional legislation, Bill 34, aimed at regulating public consumption of drugs in public spaces. Some communities have also implemented local bylaws similarly regulating public drug use. Bill 34 and local bylaws may serve as tools to promote community health and safety and minimize direct and indirect harms associated with public drug use. However, such legislation may re-criminalize PWUD and reinforce negative perceptions surrounding drug use, especially if these policies are not paired with strategies to expand the availability and accessibility of critical harm reduction and housing services. Without ample access to these services, limitations on public drug use can potentially displace individuals to areas where they are more likely to use alone, further exposing them to substance use-related harms, and undermining the goals of decriminalization. The potential effects of these restrictions may also disproportionately impact marginalized populations. As of April 2024, Bill 34 remains on hold. Moving forward, it will be important to monitor this bill, as well as other public consumption bylaws and legislation, and their impact on BC's overall decriminalization initiative. Decision-makers are urged to increase engagement with PWUD and relevant stakeholders in the design and implementation of policies pertaining to public consumption to ensure that they effectively address the evolving needs and realities of PWUD, and align with decriminalization goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the implications of decriminalization in the sex industry, particularly in New South Wales, Australia. Topics include the limitations of partial decriminalization, challenges faced by sex workers in regulated and unregulated sectors, and the ongoing struggle for comprehensive rights and protections, highlighting the need for continued advocacy and reform efforts.

In the context of a fiercely polarized battle on the correct legal response to prostitution, sex workers and their advocates often advance decriminalization as a policy that can protect rights and provide improved health and safety for those involved in the sex industry. And yet this policy, after an initial implementation in New South Wales in 1995, has failed to gain much legislative support in jurisdictions outside Australia and New Zealand. This article moves beyond normative arguments regarding the benefits and limits of decriminalization. Drawing on governmentality approaches, it asks: What discursive conditions made decriminalization possible? In doing so it examines the construction of sex work as a health problem and the normalization of "sex work," arguing that both can be grounded in a neoliberal problematic of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By amending the Code of Administrative Offenses of Ukraine by changing the quantitative criterion for petty theft, the legislator caused a discussion about the adverse effect of such changes on those criminally punishable encroachments on property (theft, fraud, embezzlement and embezzlement) for which persons have already been convicted or for which are only at the stage of pre-trial investigation or in court. The article provides arguments that changes in the Code of Administrative Offenses, which directly affected the criminal law, should also be considered as changes to criminal legislation and have retroactive effect. Arguments are given that there is a significant difference between the usual change in the tax-free minimum income of citizens and the change in the value, upon reaching which the act becomes criminally punishable and, accordingly, ceases to be assessed as an administrative offense. The expediency of closing the relevant proceedings in connection with decriminalization is substantiated. The expediency of closing the relevant proceedings in connection with decriminalization is substantiated. Arguments are given that changing related legislation, namely the Code of Administrative Offenses, can be one of the ways of decriminalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In September 2021, the Mexican Supreme Court issued a decision disallowing any federal or local judicial authority to indict someone for the offense of voluntary or consensual abortion. This decision also declared unconstitutional penalties imposed on medical personnel who facilitate or assist such procedures. Furthermore, the Court decided that limiting access to abortion in cases of rape to a specific time frame was disproportionate. Later on, in September 2023, the Supreme Court confirmed that absolute criminalization of abortion was unconstitutional and declared that the rule supporting criminalization in the Federal Penal Code was without effects. Consequently, healthcare providers who work in public federal health institutions cannot be criminalized for guaranteeing the right to abortion. This article reviews the reasons advanced by the Supreme Court to guarantee the right of reproductive self‐determination, as well as the effects of both decisions beyond the decriminalization of abortion by Mexican federal and state legislatures. The paper also examines the scope and limitations of these rulings and identifies the remaining challenges regarding voluntary abortion procedures in Mexico. Synopsis: This article reviews how the Mexican Supreme Court decriminalized abortion in 2021 and 2023 and the effects of the decisions for promoting reproductive health care and self‐determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This manuscript offers an overview of 11 disciplinary perspectives on the failed and destructive War on Drugs and the salutary prospects from decriminalizing drug use, including History, African American studies, Journalism, Sociology, Political Science, Cost Accounting, Urban Education, Counseling, Psychology, Nursing, and Public Health. This offers a roadmap for counselor social and political advocacy with drug policy and highlights community collaboration opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Neue Kriminalpolitik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Neue Kriminalpolitik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background Despite the legalization of cannabis use for medical purposes in Thailand in February 2019, illicit providers are still widespread and accessible. This study aimed to understand why people still chose to receive medical cannabis treatment or products from unlicensed or illegal providers. The practices of unlicensed or illegal providers in provision of medical cannabis products or treatment services were also examined. Methods Qualitative in-depth interviews were conducted among medical cannabis providers and users, including 36 unlicensed and 7 licensed providers and 25 users in 2019-2021. Snowball sampling was used to recruit participants until saturation of data was achieved. Interviews included open-ended questions about the providers’ practices and attitudes towards medical cannabis. Interviews were recorded and transcribed, and thematic analysis was performed. Results Overall, six reasons were identified to answer why unlicensed/illicit providers were still popular, including: 1) easy accessibility; 2) familiarity with the unlicensed providers before the legal scheme became available; 3) favorable characters (kind, supportive, non-judgmental) of unlicensed providers; 4) affordable treatment fees; 5) trust in the quality of the medicines; and 6) lack of knowledge and negative attitudes towards cannabis from healthcare professionals. Most providers started their career as medical cannabis providers by using it themselves or with their relatives and being satisfied with the results. They used cannabis products to treat all diseases, including skin, eyes, HIV/AIDS, non-communicable diseases and all kinds of cancers. Additionally, they believed that it was effective, with no or minimal adverse effects. Conclusions This study suggests that some patients will continue receiving medical cannabis treatment and products from unlicensed or illegal providers. More attention should be paid on increasing the capacity of medical cannabis service systems within public health hospitals, and the certification of unlicensed providers, so as to integrate them into a regulated system.

Abstract Background In January 2023, British Columbia implemented a three-year exemption to Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, as granted by the federal government of Canada, to decriminalize the personal possession of small amounts of certain illegal drugs. This decriminalization policy, the first in Canada, was announced in response to the overdose emergency in British Columbia as a public health intervention that could help curb overdose deaths by reducing the impact of criminalization and increasing access to health and social services through stigma reduction. Methods The current multi-method study examines people who use drugs’ awareness and knowledge of British Columbia’s decriminalization model through cross-sectional quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews among people who use drugs from September–November 2022, immediately prior to the implementation of decriminalization. Results Quantitative findings show that two-thirds (63%) of people who use drugs were aware of the policy, but substantial knowledge gaps existed about the legal protections afforded (threshold amount, substances included, drug trafficking, confiscation). The qualitative findings suggest that people who use drugs misunderstood the details of the provincial decriminalization model and often conflated it with regulation. Results suggest that information sharing about decriminalization were minimal pre-implementation, highlighting areas for knowledge dissemination about people who use drugs' rights under this policy. Conclusions Given that decriminalization in British Columbia is a new and landmark reform, and that the success of decriminalization and its benefits may be undermined by poor awareness and knowledge of it, efforts to share information, increase understanding, and empower the community, may be required to promote its implementation and benefits for the community.

The legal framework governing abortion in India is, at its core, a cis-hetero-patriarchal framework that regulates pregnant persons' bodies using a punitive criminal justice system. The criminal framework encompasses Sections 312-318 IPC, provisions of the POCSO Act, and the PCPNDT Act, which prescribe significant state surveillance and allow for largely unchecked intimidation by law enforcement of both abortion providers and abortion seekers. Several case laws show the “chilling effect” of criminalization on healthcare providers, leading them to hesitate to provide safe abortion services. The stigma around abortions perpetuated by criminalization, leaves pregnant persons with limited reproductive choices – these include either availing of safe abortions and risking prosecution, availing of unsafe abortions and risking adverse health outcomes, or carrying unwanted pregnancies to term and avoiding prenatal and maternal healthcare. Criminalization disproportionately affects marginalized communities, with examples of legal reform showing carceral approaches' disregard for structural factors affecting certain groups' access to fundamental rights and healthcare services. It is, therefore, imperative to decriminalize abortion completely, framing avenues for redressal within a reproductive justice framework. The proposal to completely abolish penal provisions that govern forced abortions begets concerns about leaving marginalized pregnant persons who frequently experience forced abortions with no legal recourse. This feminist dilemma that ensues requires the adoption of decarceral, intersectional approaches that maintain structures of accountability for harm done, without posing any risk to the rights of marginalized pregnant persons. El marco jurídico que rige el aborto en India es fundamentalmente una estructura cis-heteropatriarcal, que utiliza un sistema de justicia penal punitivo para controlar los cuerpos de las personas embarazadas. Las secciones 312-318 del Código Penal indio, junto con la ley de Protección de los niños contra los delitos sexuales y la ley de Técnicas de diagnóstico prenatal y antes de la concepción, componen este marco penal, promoviendo una vigilancia estatal que intimida por igual a quienes practican el aborto y a quienes lo solicitan. Los casos judiciales ilustran vívidamente el perjudicial “efecto amedrentador” que tiene la penalización tanto sobre los proveedores de atención sanitaria como sobre quienes buscan abortar. El estigma vinculado a los abortos penalizados limita la autonomía de decisión reproductiva, obligando a las personas a elegir entre procedimientos seguros pero perseguibles, abortos inseguros con riesgos para la salud, o llevar a término embarazos no deseados. Esto afecta de manera desproporcionada a las comunidades marginadas, lo que pone de relieve la inadecuación de los enfoques carcelarios para abordar las barreras estructurales a la realización de los derechos reproductivos. Los activistas piden la despenalización completa, impulsando una transición hacia un marco de justicia reproductiva. La propuesta de abolir por completo las disposiciones penales que regulan los abortos forzados suscita la preocupación de dejar sin recursos legales a las personas embarazadas marginadas que suelen sufrir abortos forzados. El dilema feminista que se plantea exige la adopción de enfoques descarceladores e interseccionales que mantengan las estructuras de rendición de cuentas sin poner en peligro los derechos de las mujeres embarazadas marginadas.

Background In January 2023, British Columbia implemented a three-year exemption to Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, as granted by the federal government of Canada, to decriminalize the personal possession of small amounts of certain illegal drugs. This decriminalization policy, the first in Canada, was announced in response to the overdose emergency in British Columbia as a public health intervention that could help curb overdose deaths by reducing the impact of criminalization and increasing access to health and social services through stigma reduction. Methods The current multi-method study examines people who use drugs’ awareness and knowledge of British Columbia’s decriminalization model through cross-sectional quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews among people who use drugs from September–November 2022, immediately prior to the implementation of decriminalization. Results Quantitative findings show that two-thirds (63%) of people who use drugs were aware of the policy, but substantial knowledge gaps existed about the legal protections afforded (threshold amount, substances included, drug trafficking, confiscation). The qualitative findings suggest that people who use drugs misunderstood the details of the provincial decriminalization model and often conflated it with regulation. Results suggest that information sharing about decriminalization were minimal pre-implementation, highlighting areas for knowledge dissemination about people who use drugs’ rights under this policy. Conclusions Given that decriminalization in British Columbia is a new and landmark reform, and that the success of decriminalization and its benefits may be undermined by poor awareness and knowledge of it, efforts to share information, increase understanding, and empower the community, may be required to promote its implementation and benefits for the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Maputo Protocol, adopted over 20 years ago, is a promising regional treaty for advancing gender equity and sexual and reproductive health and rights. This instrument has driven progress in women's health and rights across Africa, with much remaining to achieve to realize its full potential for women and girls, including access to safe abortion. The present paper shares the strategies and lessons from the Democratic Republic of Congo's (DRC) reform centered on the domestication of the Protocol, specifically applying its commitments on abortion decriminalization and access. With a vision of addressing maternal mortality and rectifying the impacts of widespread sexual violence against women during war, abortion as a human right and health imperative was at the heart of the DRC's reform. Governmental commitment, broad coalition building, evidence generation, and an intersectional advocacy agenda were critical to overcoming opposition, stigma, and other challenges. This paper shares key learnings from the DRC's complex yet collaborative reform strategies and its processes. The strategy prioritized domestication of the Protocol for numerous reforms, including paving the path to legal abortion on the broad grounds of rape or incest, and saving women's health and/or life. With a commitment to maximizing quality, access, task sharing, and equity, progressive national comprehensive abortion guidelines were created alongside an implementation roadmap for accountability. The DRC's experience leveraging the Maputo Protocol's obligations to advance abortion rights and access offers valuable insights for consideration globally. Synopsis: The Maputo Protocol is a groundbreaking treaty for advancing women's rights, including abortion access in the DRC and potentially elsewhere in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sex worker organizations in South Africa have engaged in significant advocacy to eliminate the current laws that criminalize the sale of sexual services there. Advocates argue that criminalization stigmatizes sex workers by labeling their conduct as unlawful, pushing them further to the margins of society, and making it difficult for sex workers to access health and welfare services. They claim that removing the threat of imminent arrest and caging would improve the material conditions under which sex workers live. But South Africa is a nation that struggles with income inequality, and many people live in poverty. There is xenophobia. There is social inequality. There is sexism. Decriminalization of sex work would not eliminate all these systemic problems. However, it might be a necessary first step for sex workers to live in a material world where they feel safer and in better control of their lives: a world where they are free to imagine a better future for themselves without the threat of state confinement for their labor choices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the production and circulation of symbols in defense of life from conception and their strategic diffusion by the new right in Mexicali, Baja California. The ethnography carried out allowed us to delve into the instruments used to counteract a "cultural battle" that is currently shown through the "gender ideology". It was observed that among the mechanisms used is the manipulation and symbolic exaltation of the fetus to influence the significance of the pregnant body within a social order where the transcendence is placed on the life of the person and the human, which is confronted by the demands of feminism in relation to the decriminalization of abortion. It is concluded that for the new right the dispute is inscribed in the body of women, since in them lies the transcendence of being and, therefore, of the moral order that sustains it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study has examined the policies and measures implemented by some countries that are considered global benchmarks in the field of drug consumption, spanning different continents. The effectiveness and outcomes of these policies have been evaluated, incorporating the specific case of Ecuador to facilitate a meaningful comparison. The fundamental premise of this research lies in the utmost importance of the issue of drug consumption due to its impact on social, economic, and environmental realms. To conduct this analysis, available literature on the subject and reports from international and governmental bodies have been consulted. Tables and graphics have been employed to more efficiently present the reality of the study topic. As a result, a detailed understanding of the various measures implemented by the examined countries has been achieved, establishing a comparison that highlights disparities in outcomes, taking into account influential factors such as geographical location, political orientations, and social context. It is evident that, despite differences among the analyzed countries, shared similarities exist. It is concluded that drug consumption remains a persistent problem in society, acting as a cancer that is still far from being eradicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Manuela and Beatriz cases were introduced in the Inter-American human rights system as strategic litigation to provoke an Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruling that would create abortion rights in El Salvador, one of the most prolife countries in the region. The American Convention on Human Rights, a regional treaty binding on most Latin American and Caribbean countries, contains no provision on abortion, or on sexual and reproductive rights. It does contain, however, in article 4(1) a recognition of the unborn child's right to life and to legal protection thereof: «Every person has the right to have his life respected. This right shall be protected by law and, in general, from the moment of conception. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life». This paper analyzes arguments in the Beatriz Case, the ruling for which is still pending at the time of this writing, and the Manuela decision, issued in 2022, where the court gave the shocking and unprecedented order to create practical impunity for the crime of infanticide in national law. The paper examines its unexpected results and potential effects in national law, should the state choose to comply with all the orders given by the judgment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking one's own life or attempting to do so has long been decriminalised in Australia. Aiding, counselling, or inciting another person to kill him or herself, however, remains a criminal offence. Yet, all six Australian States have now introduced laws allowing assistance in dying under certain circumstances. This article traces the recent history of Voluntary Assisted Dying (VAD) laws in Australia. It examines the introduction of the world's first assisted dying legislation in the Northern Territory in 1995 followed by the Federal Government's 1997 deprivation of the Territories' power to legislate on assisted dying invalidating said law. It further considers the fifty-seven failed Bills attempting to achieve law reform in this context in Australian jurisdictions between 1993 and 2017 with a view to identifying what factors may have contributed to the continuing lack of success. This article then outlines the rapid introduction of VAD laws in all six Australian States decriminalising VAD over the span of only 5 years. It ponders what may have changed to bring about this law reform. This article closes by contemplating potential future law reform in the Australian Territories, which have been reinstated with jurisdiction to legislate on VAD in December 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lubelski Rocznik Pedagogiczny is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Iuris Tantum is the property of Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores, AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Article 233 of the most recent Criminal Code of Kosovo, enacted in 2019, includes the criminal act of "Inducing sexual acts by false promise of marriage." According to this Code, this act is committed by a person deceptively and falsely promising marriage to induce a person between the ages of sixteen and eighteen years to engage in a sexual act. This paper has three primary goals. First, to present a normative chronology and analyze the elements of this criminal offense. Second, to present the degree of dangerousness and data on the number of persons convicted in Kosovo from 2003-2019, and thirdly, to justify the causes and the need for decriminalization. Therefore, the paper uses normative, historicalcomparative, and objective analysis (reasonableness, teleological) to answer the research questions, including the literature review and personal communications with the former Deputy President of the Supreme Court of Kosovo by adopting a qualitative method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]