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Botswana has had fair and stable elections since its independence in 1966. It has a relatively high standard of living, a relatively well-functioning welfare state, and relatively low levels of government corruption. Voter participation is among the highest in the world, topping 80 percent in the past elections. Access to education and healthcare is free to all citizens. How can we best explain Botswana's exceptionalism in the political, economic, and social realms, and what policy lessons does the case of Botswana contain? This article shows that it is Botswana's millennial tradition of direct village democracy, kgotla, that best explains its exceptional performance. I visited Botswana in May of 2023 to evaluate the importance of participatory democracy in Botswana and assess its explanatory power. When comparing local participation to other, potentially relevant causal factors, I find that local political participation provides the most robust explanation for good governance in Botswana. In Botswana, citizens are able to hold their elected officials accountable, learn how politics works by acquiring the necessary technical knowledge (techne) through participating in regular, monthly public assemblies, and, as a result, make better-informed political decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participation in democracy has been suggested as an inherent value of democracy by allowing citizens to participate in political decision-making. Since the 2000s and, more particularly, after the creation of the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention and the Council of Europe's Faro Convention, there has been a call for a participatory approach to heritage management. In 2008 Norway ratified the Faro Convention justifying the existence of statutory participatory practices and community engagements. This paper assesses these practices as they read at the national legal provisions to evaluate how Norway articulates participative processes regarding cultural heritage management. The results indicate that the legal framework long for an active role of inhabitants in local administration and planning and heritage management but prevent them from influencing governance beyond the elections. Accordingly, cultural heritage management is still far from being considered a 'sharing responsibility' between citizens and authorities as the Faro Convention calls for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we explore how a Citizens' Assembly project in Auroville – the largest intentional community in the world – sought to prefigure new practices in collective decision-making. A Citizens' Assembly model is a democratic innovation that enacts a deliberative mode of political decision-making by everyday citizens. It has been used by diverse bodies, from social movements to nation-state governments around the world. Auroville's 2021 Citizens' Assembly pilot – concerning a water vision for Auroville – is a unique case study that enables us to make a distinctive contribution to the existing academic scholarship concerning Citizens' Assemblies and prefigurative politics on two grounds. Firstly, Auroville is an intentional community shaped by specific spiritual and self-governance values – an uncommon setting for a Citizens' Assembly that supports us to make specific empirical offerings not seen in the literature on Citizens' Assemblies to date. Secondly, given that Auroville's pilot Citizens' Assembly sought to prefigure the community's foundational ideals of "human unity" and "unending education" in its collective decision-making practice, we connect our analysis to the academic scholarship concerning prefigurative politics. In doing so, we uniquely draw together the scholarship concerning Citizens' Assemblies and the literature concerning prefigurative politics to explore whether such democratic innovations have a transformative effect on the political contexts they are embedded in, which we freshly consider with a focus on local scale, and the role that institutionalisation might have in terms of ensuring the reproduction, and thereby lasting impact of such experiments, or conversely their nullification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ocean alkalinity enhancement (OAE) aims to transfer carbon dioxide (CO 2) from the atmosphere to the ocean by increasing the capacity of seawater to store CO 2. The potential effects of OAE-induced changes in seawater chemistry on marine biology must be assessed to understand if OAE, operated at a climate-relevant scale, would be environmentally sustainable. Here, we describe the design of the Ocean Alkalinity Enhancement Pelagic Impact Intercomparison Project (OAEPIIP) – a standardised OAE microcosm experiment with plankton communities to be conducted worldwide. OAEPIIP provides funding for participating laboratories to conduct OAE experiments in their local environments. This paper constitutes a detailed manual on the standardised methodology that shall be adopted by all OAEPIIP participants. The individual studies will provide new insights into how plankton communities respond to OAE. The synthesis of these standardised studies, without publication bias, will reveal common OAE-responses that occur across geographic and environmental gradients and are therefore particularly important to determine. The funding available to OAEPIIP and the resulting data will be shared to maximise their value and accessibility. The globally coordinated effort has potential to promote scientific consensus about the potential effects of OAE on diverse plankton communities. Such consensus, through inclusion of the global community, will provide a sounder base to facilitate political decision making as to whether OAE should be scaled up or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ghana discovered crude oil in 2007 and started oil production in 2010. Ghana, consequently, enacted the Petroleum Revenue Management Act (PRMA) to regulate the oil revenue and ensure the optimal utilisation of the oil revenue. To this end, several state institutions have been assigned duties under the PRMA. Quality institutions aid the management of resource revenue. Ghana's constitutional architecture permits a new President to appoint new heads of state institutions. To this end, state institutions meant to serve as a check on executive authority have been found wanting. This article investigates the quality of state institutions with responsibilities under the PRMA concerning their functions to ascertain whether they possess the characteristics of strong institutions. The article argues that executive influence dominates Ghana's PRMA, leading to the institutions making decisions based on political expediency. This shows weak institutional structures. This article argues for the development of state institutions to serve as a check on the executive power. The article thus recommends constitutional amendment regarding the power of appointment of heads of state institutions to be vested in the President and the Public Services Commission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The individual placement and support (IPS) model is an evidence‐based practice proven effective in aiding individuals with mental disorders to achieve and maintain competitive employment. This study examines how policy and structural factors are perceived to influence the model's sustainment as routine practice after a national development project in Finland. We aim to identify critical dimensions related to decision‐making at the national, regional, and local organisational levels. We used a qualitative single‐case approach, analysing 21 stakeholder interviews and nine administrative documents. We conducted abductive thematic analyses. We report the results in compliance with the COREQ guideline. Our analysis identified three main external contextual influences affecting service sustainment: (1) System‐Level Planning—the coherence of formulation and execution of facilitative strategies across different administrative levels; (2) Political Decision Making—the recognition of inception points of policy change and the ability to set the IPS model on a broader policy agenda; and (3) Stakeholder Engagement and Collaboration—the need for mutual goals and collaborative platforms. Strategic planning, governance decisions, and stakeholder involvement affect local‐level decisions on the IPS model's sustained implementation. This research introduces the concept of ‘Decision‐Chain Integrity’, highlighting the alignment of strategies and their implementation across different levels of administration as a pivotal factor in producing sustained change in the service system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, many normative theories of democracy have taken an epistemic turn. Rather than focus on democracy's morally desirable features, they argue that democracy is valuable (at least in part) because it tends to produce correct political decisions. I argue that these theories place epistemic demands on citizens that conflict with core democratic commitments. First, I discuss a well-known challenge to epistemic arguments for democracy that I call the 'deference problem'. I then argue that framing debates about this deference problem in terms of work on epistemic defeat reveals a structurally similar but more serious challenge for epistemic arguments for democracy. Succinctly put, the problem is that if democracy tends to produce correct political decisions, then those in the minority might be required to suspend beliefs about political matters; however, this requirement conflicts with the pivotal democratic principle of self-government. Call this the 'suspension problem'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutional configurations in multilevel states create tensions in political decision-making processes resulting from constitutional decisions. Often, these decisions affect party competition, e.g., a member of the parliament (MP) may be legally bound to represent the constituency or the entire territory yet be elected regionally. In these settings parties place their members in additional positions thereby gaining advantage. Does former experience as a regional MP increase the probability of becoming a national MP? We expect that MP candidates from regional constituencies are more likely to have legislative experience in the regional assembly. We test our expectations with novel data from Portugal and demonstrate that candidates who were regional MPs are more likely to be in eligible positions and to take office. Conversely, former regional government members (elected officials) have a negative likelihood of becoming a national MP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concludes a special issue on multispecies relations in Southern Africa, focusing on Namibia, South Africa, and Zambia. The authors emphasize the importance of understanding the historical and political contexts that shape these relationships, including precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial histories. They discuss the significance of including marginalized species in the analysis and explore the cultural aspects of these relationships. The article also examines the politics of nature conservation, including the effects of global capitalist markets and the displacement of indigenous communities. Overall, it provides insights into the complex and evolving nature of multispecies relations in Southern Africa, highlighting the need to address inequalities and include neglected narratives in contemporary discourses. [Extracted from the article]

The COVID-19 pandemic has hit many regions, including the Eastern Mediterranean. It has profoundly affected Cypriot communities and caused political, economic, and social consequences. The profile article aims to investigate the relationship between the pandemic threat on the island and decisions made by the Greek and Turkish Cypriot administrations. What aspects and to what extent has the pandemic affected relations between the two Cypriot communities? How have these changes influenced the bilateral dialogue and political decisions made by the Greek and Turkish Cypriot administrations? Is the pandemic conducive to developing cooperation, or does it extend existing divisions? The profile article argues a relationship between the emergence of the pandemic and the re-isolation of both Cypriot communities, which is one of its consequences, and the initiatives to resolve the Cypriot conflict by sanctioning the existence of two independent states. Such a change is noticeable, especially in the Turkish Cypriots, owing to the presidential election, the government crisis, and interference by Turkish authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the role of politicians in representative democracies and their impact on decision-making processes. It highlights the potential for bad apples, or unethical and incompetent politicians, to compromise the democratic process. The article suggests that conscientious politicians may need to compromise their moral convictions to resist bad apples and gain necessary support. It also discusses the benefits of public deliberation in empowering politicians to make informed compromises and resist the influence of bad apples. The article emphasizes the complexities and challenges of achieving political competence in representative democracies. [Extracted from the article]

The article highlights the structural and functional features of political communication as a process of communicative interaction in the political sphere in the conditions of modern social development. It was determined that political communication is a communicative process of mutual exchange of political information and broadcasting of political discourse among political subjects, state administration bodies, civil society, aimed at achieving consensus in making political and managerial decisions, legitimizing power and maintaining the stability of the democratic political system through means mass communication, Internet social networks, informal contacts, etc. The leading functions of political communication in terms of its structural elements are distinguished: 1) subjects of political communication: citizens, state authorities and management, political parties, movements and associations, civil society institutions, associations and groups of users of social networks on the Internet etc; 2) feedback between the subjects of political communication, acting as a communicative interaction that takes on different forms of information exchange; 3) information message as a relevant political discourse; 4) channels and means of information transmission and two-way communication between subjects of political communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With increasing interest in the role of emotions in politics across the discipline, we review theoretical and methodological approaches utilized by political psychologists. Although theorists have been highlighting the role of emotions in politics for thousands of years, modern political psychologists primarily employ Marcus, Neuman, and MacKuen's (2000) affective intelligence theory to grapple with the consequences of emotions for political attitudes and behavior. We present results from a formal meta‐analytic assessment exploring the strength of the empirical evidence for the relationship between emotions and political information search and decision strategies. Overall, we find weak but statistically reliable evidence linking anger, anxiety, and enthusiasm to information search when search is self‐reported, but when information search is objectively measured, we find no link between it and anxiety or enthusiasm. Surprisingly, we also find little reliable evidence linking emotions to differential reliance on heuristics or more evidence‐based criteria in voter decision‐making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governance defines how political actors use ethical or corrupt practices to influence mass participation in political decision-making in public affairs. This article interrogates the implications of the elite monopoly of power for development and public safety in Nigeria. We anchored the study on Pareto's circulation of elite theory. It adopts a qualitative method to collect secondary data which are content and thematically analyzed. Results indicated that the gap between the elite and the citizenry threatens the development and public safety in Nigeria. This article concludes that elitism should not only socially engage with the citizenry, but it should also reproduce egalitarian political values and actors for inclusion in Nigeria's democratic destiny. Drawing on the values of the conceptual lions (oselu) of Pareto to scare his conceptual foxes (ojelu) vices out of political domination through electoral re-socialization could neutralize elite conspiracy against the majority and boost the capacity of vulnerable Nigerians to initiate and implement development and public safety defenses. It suggests that a true fiscal federalism predicated on ethical reorientation in politics could reinvent Nigeria, and relieve her of the burden of underdevelopment and insecurity into which elite avarice has plunged the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Herald of Journalism / Habaršy Žurnalistika Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Covid-19 pandemic has significantly contributed to the digitalisation of teaching and learning, including adult education. Since the spring of 2020, adult educational centres transformed the way how they work to ensure the continuity of the learning process. As a result, online adult education, which implies using various web-related technologies during the distance learning process, has experienced an unprecedented rise in replacing the traditional face-to-face teaching model. At the same time, policymakers had to react to external factors affecting the transformation of the adult education system by including the concept of online education in national regulations and policy documents as well as by providing various supporting mechanisms. The purpose of the study is to analyse the connections between the transformation of adult education caused by the pandemic and political decisions in Latvia. The tasks are formulated as follows: to review the latest trends in adult education and corresponding policy responses in the scientific literature; to analyse the political decisions made by the policymakers in Latvia in the context of the transformation of adult education during the Covid-19 pandemic; to formulate recommendations to the policymakers that address the compliance issues of recent developments of the concept of adult education in Latvia. Used research methods: to achieve the purpose of the study, the author has used a scientific literature review for analysing the latest trends in adult education and the political decisions behind them, expert interviews with the specialists of adult education in Latvia, and the doctrinal research method to examine the changes in the national regulation regarding adult education during the pandemic. The main findings of the research show that the transformation of adult education during the pandemic is partly incorporated in the main policy documents and national regulations. The policymakers in Latvia used both shorter-term and longer-term approaches to comply with the restrictions of gathering and the need for the digitalisation of adult education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of globalization, and modern scientific and technological development, information technologies began to cover an increasing number of areas, including politics. The issue actualizes as we enter the Artificial Intelligence (AI) era. In times of AI, increasing scientific influence on politics was manifested in the development of a new scientific field — Digital Diplomacy. The development of AI and the changes taking place today can transform the political processes, imposing new threats to the political systems and the entire system of international relations. In this context, ethical issues are of particular concern because they can be blurred by the political decisions made by digital/computer program algorithms; that is, giving power to computer programs to make political decisions can destabilize the political system. This issue is particularly sensitive in terms of ensuring justice and protection of state political interests. The presented paper aims to discuss political transformation in the context of the modern digitalization process, the work of political institutions, and digital diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic erosion in the EU's Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states has confounded EU policy-makers. In this paper, we investigate the assumptions behind the climate of optimism about CEE democratization that prevailed in EU decision-making before and after the 5th and 6th enlargements, and the extent to which political science participated in this intellectual climate. Based on a qualitative analysis of EU decision-making in the early twenty-first century and a quantitative analysis of 500 randomly sampled papers published between 2000 and 2015, we find that both policy makers and the most influential research in political science shared a bias towards optimism structured by common assumptions: A procedural understanding of democracy, a rational institutionalist belief in the EU's capacity to bring these procedures about with the use of incentives and the related assumption that sociocultural dimensions of democracy would eventually follow institutions. We argue that these common assumptions help to explain both the EU's failure to pre-empt and respond proportionately to democratic erosion, and the failure of our discipline to check that optimism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the concept of "AI governance" is frequently used in the debate, it is still rather undertheorized. Often it seems to refer to the mechanisms and structures needed to avoid "bad" outcomes and achieve "good" outcomes with regard to the ethical problems artificial intelligence is thought to actualize. In this article we argue that, although this outcome-focused view captures one important aspect of "good governance," its emphasis on effects runs the risk of overlooking important procedural aspects of good AI governance. One of the most important properties of good AI governance is political legitimacy. Starting out from the assumptions that AI governance should be seen as global in scope and that political legitimacy requires at least a democratic minimum, this article has a twofold aim: to develop a theoretical framework for theorizing the political legitimacy of global AI governance, and to demonstrate how it can be used as a compass for critially assessing the legitimacy of actual instances of global AI governance. Elaborating on a distinction between "governance by AI" and "governance of AI" in relation to different kinds of authority and different kinds of decision-making leads us to the conclusions that much of the existing global AI governance lacks important properties necessary for political legitimacy, and that political legitimacy would be negatively impacted if we handed over certain forms of decision-making to artificial intelligence systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of conspiracy theories poses a significant threat to democratic decision-making. To counter this threat, many political theorists advocate countering conspiracy theories with 'more speech' (or 'counterspeech'). Yet conspiracy theories are notoriously resistant to counterspeech. This article aims to conceptualise and defend a novel form of counterspeech – narrative counterspeech – that is singularly well-placed to overcome this resistance. My argument proceeds in three steps. First, I argue that conspiracy theories pose a special problem for counterspeech for three interconnected reasons relating to salience, emotion and internal coherence. Drawing on recent work in social epistemology, philosophy of emotion and cognitive science, I then demonstrate that narrative forms of counterspeech constitute an apt response to this diagnosis. Finally, I forestall two objections: the first questions the likely effectiveness of narrative counterspeech; the second insists that, even if it were effective, it would remain unacceptably manipulative. Neither objection, I contend, is ultimately compelling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The promotion government officials comes into new era, the new policy reversed from a very closed selection process and heavily seniority-based to open, clear criteria, transparent procedures on the competency-based series test. In fact, policy implementation is not fully in favour of an administration driven. The study has two main research problems "How open promotion for local government officers conducted?" and "How does political intervention work in the open promotion mechanism?". This paper provides comprehensive mechanism-the hybrid administration-politics model on open promotion of local bureaucrats in Indonesia. The study used a qualitative approach and assited by Nvivo 12 to reveal the most frequent concept on open promotion practices based on interviews. The data obtained through interviews with informants which selected purposively, selection committee members, candidates, and local government officers. This paper affirms interesting features. The competency series tested by independent assessors reflects an administration mechanism through merit concept. However, the absolute political final decision-making process at the governor or Mayor's hands reflects the individual-political interest. This system shows that the administration's process at the local level links tightly to political deliberation. The key message is that open promotion in government agencies is neither a pure merit issue nor a spoils system for competence-heavy based, on the one hand, yet is always amenable to some political intervention. The merit principles are universal; however, the practices are contextual-specific. This study has an important value in describing how The politics play significant role on local administration system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a simple but powerful framework to measure political sophistication based on open-ended survey responses. Discursive sophistication uses automated text analysis methods to capture the complexity of individual attitude expression. I validate the approach by comparing it to conventional political knowledge metrics using different batteries of open-ended items across five surveys spanning four languages (total $ N\approx 35,000 $). The new measure casts doubt on the oft-cited gender gap in political knowledge: women might know fewer facts about institutions and elites, but they do not differ substantively in the sophistication of their expressed political attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of AI technology into resort-to-force decision making would give machines influence over decisions determining the life or death of countless people. Despite this prospective impact on entire societies, many AI developers have only a rudimentary ethical understanding of their AI. Moreover, if AI development is ethically unreflective, minor flaws can spiral into harmful machine-made decisions. So how can we ensure responsible military AI development, especially in the context of AI-supported decision making on the resort to force? We argue that harmful 'path dependencies' of AI systems can only be avoided by providing developers with clear training on ethical and developmental issues arising during the AI lifecycle. Based on lessons from applied human systems exploration, we introduce an educational regime: '10 pillars of responsible AI development.' Each pillar is broken down into detailed questions, helping developers reflect on their decisions throughout the AI lifecycle. This article is thereby situated between political science, normative theory, and computer science and contributes to this collection's treatment of the risks of integrating AI technology into resort-to-force decision making by focusing on the AI development process itself, particularly on the role of developers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elections, jury deliberations, lawmaking, high‐stakes negotiations and related activities are human attempts to answer the question "How should we live?" Collectively, we know these activities as politics. Politics are how societies attempt to reconcile diverse individual needs with potential benefits of social coordination. People's beliefs about what others will do ainfluence many political strategies and outcomes. This article reviews how properties of cognition affect these political phenomena. Contrary to the common belief that many citizens are too ignorant to make competent political decisions, we focus on a central finding of social science—how societies can design contexts and environments to overcome individual cognitive limitations. These adaptations expand societal capacities to provide essential goods, services, and protections. In addition to explaining these adaptations, we also show how greater collaborations between cognitive science and the social sciences can help societies do even better. This article reviews roles of cognition in political decision making. Contrary to the common belief that many people are too ignorant to make complex political decisions, a central finding of social science clarifies how societies can design contexts to help voters, jurors and legislators overcome cognitive limitations. These designs empower individuals and expand societal capacities to provide important goods and services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relation between education, voting and representation, and, in particular, the argument that more highly educated people should have more votes, as they should be better at judging important political decisions. In the past this issue attracted the attention of great thinkers such as Plato, Aristotle, Newman and Mill. In the UK there is also a practical precedent, rarely recalled today, where for centuries university graduates had their own representatives in Parliament. There are also some interesting contemporary arguments on the topic put forward in favour of an epistocracy (as some call it) by social scientists, but not educators. It seems that most educators would not now dare to suggest that the more highly educated might be given more votes, largely on the grounds of equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The commentary encourages supplementing the geological and natural concept of the Anthropocene with a cultural and political aspect. These two perspectives are not mutually exclusive but are complementary. This approach can facilitate its transition from the language of academic debate to practical and necessary actions at the societal level. According to the authors, the slightly abstract and impersonal Anthropocene should be shown in the context of cultural, economic and political dependencies and choices that created it and continue to reproduce its logic. This turn also opens up a new area for analyzing the Anthropocene from the perspective of a critique of political economy (an analysis of the costs of economic policies that reproduce and accelerate successive stages of the ecological catastrophe) as well as of civic culture (research "anthropocentric awareness" or "anthropocentric citizenship" in entire societies). Thus, the authors suggest rejecting the fatalistic determinism of the Anthropocene as a process that, although originally caused by abstract (devoid of historical, economic and political contexts) humans, is now often treated as a phenomenon beyond the reach of social action. Plain Language Summary: Can the concept of the Anthropocene, which originated in the geological sciences, but is now increasingly used by the media and in public space, be clearly defined from the perspective of the social sciences? In our opinion, the social understanding of the Anthropocene can facilitate its transition from the academic debate and the image of the Pop‐Anthropocene disseminated by the media to the creation of a necessary and practical policy framework. We also suggest treating the Anthropocene not as an abstract idea in the geological and natural sciences, which is difficult for common people to understand, but as a phenomenon that brings political and economic consequences in the real social world. What is more, this phenomenon depends on political and economic forces that have never been anonymous. This turn breaks with the lack of political responsibility for the ecological consequences of decisions made by political and economic decision‐makers, as well as for the thoughtless attitudes of all other participants in social life. Key Points: From a cultural perspective, the Anthropocene should be treated in two ways: as a "geological" state and as a model of "social and economic"In the third decade of the 21st century, it is important to give social analyses and concepts of the Anthropocene a political perspectiveIt is time for the Anthropocene to move permanently from academic halls to the main agenda of political challenges globally and locally [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I describe and analyze a model of strategic communication and deliberation in decentralized decision‐making settings. I show that, in a cheap‐talk environment, inclusion and exclusion of agents can affect the credibility of messaging between agents and, accordingly, the quality of policy decisions and overall social welfare. Somewhat surprisingly, the inclusion of agents can aid information aggregation and social welfare even when the added agents do not themselves communicate truthfully. Analogously, the results suggest an informational, social welfare–based rationale for excluding agents not only from observing policy‐relevant deliberation but also from observing the product of the communication precisely because the excluded agents possess decision‐making authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Risk perception is a pertinent issue in the situation of constant risks associated with the biological, climatic, or technological factors that affect citizens' lives today. The context in which a risk-generating situation arises can influence the way citizens perceive it. Among other factors, it is important to take the political context into account in risk perception research. In this vein, a wide variety of firms try to influence political decisions made by public authorities through the implementation of corporate political activity (CPA) strategies. In the case of polluting industrial complexes, residents who live close to them may perceive higher health risks when they become aware of the implementation of CPA strategies by firms. However, this reality has been neglected in the academic literature. To help fill this gap our research is based on institutional and attribution theories and the social risk perspective. The aim of the paper is to provide empirical evidence on the relationships between perceived CPA strategies, namely information and financial incentives, and health risk perception. For this purpose, the study focuses on residents who live near a polluting industrial complex. The results are obtained using structural equation models, and they show that each CPA strategy influences citizens' health risk perception in a different way. Finally, we offer theoretical and practical implications of citizens' health risk perception in a context with corporate political involvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Force of Nonviolence: An Ethico-Political Bind" by Judith Butler explores the concept of interdependency and vulnerability in the era of the Anthropocene. The book emphasizes the ethical reflection that should inform political decisions and actions, promoting equality and recognizing the vulnerabilities and desires for revenge in others. Butler does not provide specific solutions but highlights the importance of understanding and negotiating our dependency on others. The ultimate goal is to establish an egalitarian imaginary that extends the equal claim to a livable life to all, transcending divisions and embracing ambivalence. The text also discusses the psychological and moral complexities of vulnerability, self-protection, and hatred, and suggests that the force of nonviolence lies in the desire for the other's desire to live. The author concludes by urging readers to have faith in hope and to work towards a future that values life and promotes collective well-being. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses two books, "Unmaking the bomb: environmental cleanup and the politics of impossibility" by Shannon Cram and "Unparalleled catastrophe: life and death in the third nuclear age" by Rhys Crilley, which examine the impacts of the nuclear age on health, the environment, social and economic justice, and human security. Crilley argues that we are currently in the third nuclear age, characterized by increased danger due to the abandonment of arms control, massive spending on new nuclear weapon systems, and the questioning of commitments to remaining nuclear weapons-free. Cram's book focuses on the devastating health and environmental impacts of nuclear weapons production, particularly at sites like Hanford. Both authors emphasize the need for a more informed and engaged citizenry to eliminate nuclear weapons and address the interconnected issues of the nuclear age. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The significance of civil society in any given society cannot be overstated, as it safeguards individuals' rights in various spheres of life, including the political realm. Iraqi Kurdistan's civil society encompasses various groups that influence the legislative, executive, judiciary, and political parties. The influence and consequences of civil societies vary depending on the geographical and organisational context. However, while civil society in Iraqi Kurdistan saw significant growth after 2003 and has a strong influence on political decisions, its involvement in political decision-making needs to be more to reach the required threshold. The present research employs historical and descriptive methodologies to showcase the influence of civil society organisations (CSOs) on political determinations in Iraqi Kurdistan (IK). This article examines the efficacy of CSOs in influencing political decision-making. It also identifies the obstacles that impede civil society's participation in this process by evaluating their effects on political parties and the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poland's first major sports event after the fall of communism was the organization, together with Ukraine, of the UEFA European Football Championships in 2012 (Euro 2012). This third most popular sporting event in the world, after the FIFA World Cup and the Summer Olympic Games, brought many image-related (prestigious) benefits to Poland, from which the Polish economy and society benefited. The organization of Euro 2012 created opportunities for strategic investments, that led to the acceleration of the country's civilizational development. The event, took place eight years after Poland joined the European Union, and constituted a significant impetus to develop a model of sports policy implemented by the Polish state. It also had long-term political consequences, especially in initiating Ukraine's European integration. Thise article aims to outline organizing the event and analyze the consequences of Euro 2012 for Poland from a political science's perspective, using historical, decision-making, and institutional-legal methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the challenges faced by the Hon Rose Jackson in addressing complex issues in government, particularly focusing on the housing crisis in Sydney. Jackson emphasizes the need for bipartisan cooperation and innovative solutions to tackle these challenges effectively. She also highlights the role of media in shaping public perception and the importance of engaging in constructive dialogue to address complex problems. The article underscores the significance of building unexpected partnerships and alliances to confront challenging issues and emphasizes the need for politicians to invest in persuasion and consensus-building to drive lasting change. [Extracted from the article]

The relevance of this study lies in the need to consider in detail the legal basis for state regulation of migration processes in the Kyrgyz Republic in connection with the possible development of the migration crisis in the Middle East and Europe. The purpose of the study is to investigate the legislation of the Kyrgyz Republic regarding the full and proper consolidation of legal norms aimed at regulating migration in accordance with the state's migration policy based on national interests, international standards, and current migration trends. The following general scientific and special methods were used to conduct the research: formal legal analysis, dogmatic method, synthesis, deduction, and generalisation. In the course of the study, the basis of national legislation in the field of migration regulation was considered. In accordance with the key elements, three aspects of legislative regulation of migration processes in the Kyrgyz Republic were also identified. These included such aspects as: constitutional, international and national legislation. Based on the findings, it was determined that the legal regulation of migration processes in the Kyrgyz Republic, considering a large array of regulatory sources, is currently being developed and reformed. Some legislative acts do not contain legal consolidation of state protection of the rights of citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic located outside the state. Mechanisms for providing such support to migrant citizens were also not identified. It was concluded that attention should be paid to the development of a well-thought-out migration policy of the state, since the further vector of development of the migration legislation of the Kyrgyz Republic depends on political decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The principle of mutual recognition of judicial decisions among Member States was proclaimed as the cornerstone of judicial cooperation in criminal matters at the Tampere meeting in 1999. The implementation of this substantial and legally binding principle of EU primary law, since the entry of the Lisbon Treaty, is unattainable without a high level of mutual trust among Member States. The concept of mutual trust, crucial for enacting the principle of mutual recognition in criminal matters between Member States, lacks precision, yet the jurisprudence of the CJEU to some extent clarifies its boundaries. Starting with the logical presumption that all Member States, as outlined in the TEU, share common values of the European Union, including the rule of law and respect for human rights, a high level of mutual trust between Member States should be unquestionable. Consequently, judicial cooperation in criminal matters should operate seamlessly. However, CJEU decisions regarding the implementation of legal instruments of secondary EU law, based on principle of mutual recognition, such as the European Arrest Warrant (EAW) and the European Investigation Order (EIO), challenge this presumption. In the paper, the author scrutinizes CJEU jurisprudence, investigating shifts in stance on whether the principle of mutual trust constitutes an irrebuttable or rebuttable presumption in EU law. Special consideration is given to questions that arise in both cases. The author examines into pro and contra arguments of mutual trust as irrebuttable or rebuttable presumption in EU law, and its effects. Firstly, from the aspect that mutual trust between Member States, as irrebuttable presumption, reaf-firms supremacy of secondary EU law and consequently primacy of EU law over national laws of Member States. Secondly, if the mutual trust between Member States in criminal matters is a rebuttable presumption, the decisions of CJEU show weak points of EU law in this area and they should be used as corrective measure to achieve overall aim of European Union: shared common values. In the paper, author emphasizes that all actions undertaken by EU are not strictly legal nature, but rather they are influenced by political decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Future generations" play a key role in current political debates. In the context of the climate crisis especially, political controversies are often framed as moral problems of "intergenerational justice." This article aims to historicize the use of the concept of "future generations" in modern political discourse and to uncover its long—and often ambivalent—history. Its main argument is that talking about "future generations" was part of an attempt to integrate (distant) futures into the political discourse of the time. The first part of the article outlines a theoretical perspective on the relationship between generations and temporalities. The second part focuses on how anticipating "future generations" became an important part of the history of utopian thinking and political planning in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, especially in the realm of demographic and economic discussions. The third part analyzes the emergence of "future ethics" and "intergenerational justice" as important political discourses in the 1970s. This part refers both to the academic debates about "future generations" and to the way political decision‐makers used the concept to legitimize their policies. The article argues that the concept of "future generations" should not be taken as an ethical principle that transcended the political debates of the present. Rather, it was itself the result of intense political controversies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]