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The wife of a man who has been hospitalized as a mental patient for the first time finds herself in an anomalous position: she has not been prepared by personal experience to play this role, she probably has few role models within her immediate purview, and in most instances she feels constrained not to talk to others about the situation. There is one group of professionals to whom she may legitimately turn to this uncomfortable situation -- the hospital psychiatrists. This article attempts to ascertain wives' expectations of, demands upon, and experiences with staff members of the hospital where their husbands were resident patients. At each interview, the wives were asked whether they had seen a staff member at the hospital. If they reported that they had seen a staff member or had made an effort to see one, they were asked why they had wanted the contact, what the outcome was, and how they had reacted to this experience.

The manifestations of mental illness are almost as varied as the spectrum of human behavior. Moreover, they are expresses not only in disturbance and functional impairment for the sick person but also in disruptive interactions with others. The mentally ill person is often a markedly deviant person, though certainly less so than the popular stereotype of the "insane." This article presents an analysis of cognitive and emotional problems encountered by the wife in coping with the mental illness of the husband. It is concerned with the factors which lead to the reorganization of the wife's perceptions of her husband from a well man to a man who is mentally sick or in need of hospitalization in a mental hospital.

It is being observed that social scientists have devoted relatively little attention to developing systematic techniques for assessing the presence or absence of the process of social mobility in the U.S. Most of the studies of mobility which have been reported have compared the occupations of adult males with that of their fathers, without paying attention to other factors that might be utilized in determining whether a person or family has been vertically mobile. This article will present a scheme for evaluating the existence of mobility patterns on the basis of three factors: occupation; education; and religious affiliation. Occupations are considered to be more important factor in determining social prestige than education or religion. Therefore, occupational mobility is arbitrarily assigned a greater weight in the index scheme than educational and religious mobility. A family's score of plus or minus two is considered as being socially mobile upward or downward. The index made possible the systematic determination of differences on the variable of social mobility among the cases studied. However, several inadequacies of the index are also presented.