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A análise dos últimos anos das relações políticas e econômicas entre o Brasil e os países africanos mostra tendência para repetição de um padrão presente ao longo de todo o século XX – curtos períodos de aproximação seguidos por períodos maiores de afastamento. É possível notar que o investimento brasileiro nessas relações tem variado conforme a orientação política adotada, se desenvolvimentista ou neoliberal. O intuito deste artigo é compreender de que forma a adoção de políticas desenvolvimentistas, neoliberais e suas versões do século XXI tem repercutido nas relações entre o Brasil e os países africanos. Partimos do entendimento inicial de que a estabilidade e aprofundamento das relações entre o Brasil e os países africanos são amplamente dependentes da ação estatal, cujas variações de atuação decorrem de algumas limitantes inerentes à posição periférica desses países na economia-mundo e das relações internas travadas dentro desses países. The analysis of recent years of political and economic relations between Brazil and African countries shows a tendency to repeat a pattern present throughout the 20th century – short periods of approximation followed by longer periods of estrangement. It is possible to notice that Brazilian investment in these relations has varied according to the political orientation adopted, whether developmental or neoliberal. The purpose of this article is to understand how the adoption of developmental and neoliberal policies and their versions of the 21st century has affected relations between Brazil and African countries. We start from the initial understanding that the stability and deepening of relations between Brazil and African countries are largely dependent on state action, whose variations in action result from some limitations inherent to the peripheral position of these countries in the world-economy and from the internal relations held within of those countries. L’analyse des relations politiques et économiques entre le Brésil et les pays africains au cours des dernières années montre une tendance à répéter un schéma présent tout au long du vingtième siècle - de courtes périodes de rapprochement suivies de plus longues périodes d’éloignement. L’investissement brésilien dans ces relations a varié en fonction de l’orientation politique adoptée, qu’elle soit développementale ou néolibérale. L’objectif de cet article est de comprendre comment l’adoption de politiques développementalistes et néolibérales et leurs versions du 21e siècle ont affecté les relations entre le Brésil et les pays africains. Nous partons de l’idée que la stabilité et l’approfondissement des relations entre le Brésil et les pays africains dépendent en grande partie de l’action de l’État, dont les variations d’action résultent de certaines contraintes inhérentes à la position périphérique de ces pays dans l’économie mondiale et des relations internes à ces pays.

Em 2017 completaram-se quarenta anos da publicação de Elegia para uma re(li)gião, de Francisco de Oliveira. Dedicado a analisar a trajetória da Superintendência de Desenvolvimento do Nordeste (SUDENE), da qual o sociólogo fez parte entre 1959 e 1964, o texto se tornou uma referência para o debate sobre a questão regional no Brasil. Além da crítica ao modelo de desenvolvimento que guiou a atuação da SUDENE, sobretudo durante a ditadura, Elegiaexpõe os impactos do “milagre econômico” sobre o Nordeste e as mudanças na divisão regional do trabalho do país. O texto exprime, também, a visão de uma parte dos intelectuais de esquerda sobre aquela conjuntura social e econômica. A partir da análise dos principais argumentos utilizados pelo autor e do debate sobre o clima que envolveu a elaboração do ensaio, este artigo tem o objetivo de relembrar seu impacto sobre as ciências sociais brasileiras dos anos 1970 e, por fim, refletir brevemente sobre sua atualidade.FORTY YEARS OF AN ELEGIA: Francisco de Oliveira and the NortheastThe classic essay of Francisco de Oliveira, Elegia para uma re(li)gião were completed forty years in 2017. Dedicated to analyse the trajectory of SUDENE - Superintendência de Desenvolvimento do Nordeste, where the sociologist worked between 1959 and 1964, the paper became a reference for the debates on the regional problems in Brazil. Oliveira criticizes the model of development that guided SUDENE’s activities, especially during the dictatorship. He shows the impact of “milagre econômico” on Northeast and the changes in regional division of labour in the country. The essay expresses also the opinions of some left wing intellectuals about the social and economic situations. From the analysis of Oliveira’s main arguments and the debate on the atmosphere surrounding the essay’s creation, this article aims to remind the essay’s impact on Brazilian social sciences in the 1970s and, finally, briefly reflect on its importance for the present.Key words: SUDENE; Oliveira, Francisco de; Northeast - Brazil; Developmentalism; DictatorshipQUARANTE ANS D’ÉLEGIE: Francisco de Oliveira et le nord-estLa publication du livre Elegia para uma re(li)gião, de Francisco de Oliveira, va faire quarante ans en 2017. Dedié a analiser la trajectoire de la SUDENE, où le sociologue a travaillé entre 1959 et 1964, le texte est devenu une référence pour le debat sur la question regionale au Brésil. Au-delà de la critique au modèle de développement qui a guidé les actions de la SUDENE, surtout pendant la dictature, Elegia montre l’impact du “milagre econômico” sur le Nord-est brésilien et les changements dans la division régionale du travail du pays. Le texte exprime, aussi, la vision d’une partie des intellectuels de gauche sur la situation social et économique. D’après l’anayse des principaux arguments utilisés par l’auteur et du débat sur le climat qui a encouragé la création du livre, cet article vise à rappeler sont impact sur les sciences sociales au Brésil pendant les annés 1970 et, enfin, réfléchir brièvement sur sa pertinence.Key words: SUDENE; Oliveira, Francisco de; Nord-est - Brésil; Développementisme; Dictature

International audience; “Participation” is everywhere but its uses are multiple. In Morocco and in Tunisia, within the context of projects of cooperation, of “international development”, supposed to bring “democratization”, “participation” is at the heart of talks and practices. The Tunisian and Moroccan experiences of “participation” introduced by the implementation of projects in peculiar places (Gafsa and Tangier) reveals the controlling aspect of such practices. Far from its cognitive charge of “democratizing”, the “participation” used by the developers accompanies, legitimates, and authorizes old practices of order but according to different terms. “Participation” when linked to such developmentalist processes shows a redeployment of the hegemony of the governing coalitions. However, this political domination in different authoritarian regimes does not necessarily mean that the actors “staged”, supposed to be the “beneficiaries” of this “participation” would be apathetic. On the contrary, these actors are here for different purposes, they have various interests and representations of their situation that cannot be occulted.; La « participation » est partout mais ses usages sont multiples. Au Maroc et en Tunisie, dans le cadre de projets de la coopération, du « développement international », censés être porteurs de « démocratisation », la « participation » est au cœur des discours et des pratiques de ses acteurs. Les trajectoires tunisiennes et marocaines de la « participation » abordées à partir de projets mis en place dans des périphéries singulières (Gafsa et Tanger) révèlent des pratiques de contrôle. Loin de sa charge cognitive « démocratisante », la « participation » des développeurs accompagne, légitime et autorise des pratiques d’ordre anciennes mais selon des modalités différentes dans les deux cas. La « participation » au contact de ces processus développementistes révèle un redéploiement de l’hégémonie des coalitions gouvernantes. Cette domination politique dans des régimes autoritaires différents ne signifie pas pour autant que les acteurs « mis en scène », censés être les « bénéficiaires » de cette « participation », seraient apathiques. Au contraire ces acteurs sont là pour différentes raisons, ils ont des intérêts divers et des représentations de leur situation qu’il ne faut pas occulter.

International development aid is accompanied by injunctions to implement specific public policies. The conditionality required by investors is not reflected in a symmetrical manner in the public policies of aid receiving countries. In Morocco and Tunisia, policy transfer entails the formation of a “community of language, knowledge and know how” which brings together international development actors (in virtue of their mastery of transnational knowledge) and their local “partners”. Here, the mechanisms of transfer thus very much occur by means of circumscribed processes of “learning”, encounters and socialization. This does not for all that imply that public action or “real” political hierarchies – much less the foundations of political regimes – have dramatically changed. In both countries, an examination of the use of the “participating commissions” that are promoted and the translation of norms of “democratic decentralization” into action show that the transfer is above all the fruit of power relations and adjustments tied to the trajectory of national public policies. ■