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Following the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, there have been conflicts between the Turkish and Greek communities on the island. The reason for the conflicts was the assimilation against the Turkish community and the violence to realise Greek sovereignty. As a result of the Peace Operation in 1974 the Cyprus problem turned into a different phase. The United Nations was involved in the process and proposals were presented through the Secretaries General. The proposals were based on a federative state, within the framework of a bi-communal order under the same state roof. However, the efforts resulted in failure. The problem, which has been on the agenda of the international system for many years, should now be approached from different perspective. The aim of the study is to evaluate whether the two-state proposal can be successful or not due to the failure of the proposals so far. Thus, alternative will be produced to the problem that has not been solved for years. In our study, which is prepared with the qualitative research method, one of the main research methods of social sciences, the documents, minutes, reports and statements submitted by the parties to the Cyprus Problem will be analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research focuses on the secondary transfer effect of contact, a relatively less researched dimension of intergroup contact, on reconciliation in the context of one of the most intractable and longest surviving interethnic conflicts in Europe, the Cyprus conflict. Currently, Cyprus is home to three groups with differential social, economic and political statuses: (1) disadvantaged low‐status Turkish immigrants, (2) simultaneously advantaged (relative to Turkish immigrants) and disadvantaged (relative to Greek Cypriots) Turkish Cypriots and (3) historically advantaged high‐status Greek Cypriots. Across two studies (Study 1 N = 270 and Study 2 N = 501), we test whether and how Turkish immigrants' contact with Turkish Cypriots shapes Turkish immigrants' support for reconciliation and willingness to live with Greek Cypriots via attitude generalisation. We also investigate whether Turkish immigrants' perceived ingroup reputation qualifies this process. Controlling for the effects of direct contact with Greek Cypriots, our results show that both quantity and quality of contact with proximal Turkish Cypriots were indirectly associated with greater support for reconciliation with them and more willingness to live with Greek Cypriots via positive attitudes towards the primary (Turkish Cypriots) and positive attitudes towards the secondary (Greek Cypriots), sequentially. Moreover, we found that the perceived higher ingroup reputation across the island positively moderated the indirect effects of primary group contact on support for reconciliation and willingness to live with Greek Cypriots. That is, more contact with the primary outgroup was positively linked to greater support for reconciliation with the distal secondary outgroup Greek Cypriots when perceptions of ingroup reputation were higher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This research analyses the construction of childhood in three children's books related to the Cyprus Problem through the lens of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory. The discourse on childhood, deployed in books whose narratives are related to an armed conflict, is seen to have four nodal points: innocence, citizenship, savagery, and otherness. Our discourse-theoretical analysis, which uses a retroductive approach (Glynos and Howarth), demonstrates that in these three children's books, the nodal points of innocence and citizenship are particularly strong, but all four nodal points are present. The analysis also shows how these nodal points intersect with the discourses of victimhood and militarism, which alter the articulation of the childhood discourse itself and produce significant internal tensions. These alterations and tensions demonstrate the deeply political nature of the childhood discourse at times of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates images in communication processes as manifestations of social representations. Focusing on the conflict-affected society of Cyprus, it studies the images used in 76250 tweets related to the Cyprus problem during the intensification of the negotiations in the period between September 2016 – July 2017. Through social network visualisation we identify the most prominent images used to construct meaning about the Cyprus problem as well as the clusters created through the image tweeting. The results show that most of the images tweeted about the Cyprus problem are institutioalised manifestations of social representations that contribute to meanings that are not conducive to the peace process in Cyprus. They instead enhance the social imaginary of Cyprus being determined by a loop of unsuccessful peace efforts that are always distant from the grassroot of society and by the concept that a solution will arrive to Cyprus as an external force sourced from the political elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to provide a deeper understanding of how faith-based diplomats help to promote reconciliation in Cyprus. Interfaith dialogue on the island has a centuries-old history, but with the onset of the so-called Cyprus conflict, it has taken on a new significance. Since the island's division, religious leaders have not convened to settle concerns for more than three decades, despite the fact that the dispute has negatively impacted religious freedom and access to places of religious worship. Since 2009, as part of the Religious Track of the Cyprus Peace Process (RTCYPP), religious leaders have been attempting to foster reconciliation on the island, essentially becoming faith-based diplomats. The research topic was to examine how religious leaders' activities could contribute to building trust, respect and tolerance in Cyprus. The author formulates the hypothesis that faith-based diplomacy can be effective in resolving conflict, in which religion is a significant identification aspect for one or both sides of society; hence, it might be used as a tool in the Cypriot reconciliation process. Although religious divisions are not the root cause of the Cyprus issue, as a result religion has gained a prominent political function. The article relied on reports from the United States Department of State from 2000-2022, Freedom House reports, and UN reports. The source literature on the role of religion under Ottoman and British authority in Cyprus was also analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the 2023 Presidential Election in the Republic of Cyprus, an unexpectedly close election and victory of Nikos Christodoulides that took place against a backdrop of political distrust and disillusionment towards the political system. There is a discussion of the background context of the elections before focusing on an analysis of the media campaign, candidate positioning, and voter preferences drawing on a variety of data sources to add further insight. The article concludes with the significance of this election for the future of politics in the Republic of Cyprus, where the political transformation and fluidity is manifested towards the declining role of ideology and the preference of the electorate towards the centre of the political map. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general research purpose of this article is to examine how civil society and opinion leaders in Cyprus incorporate affairs related to state power and inter-state power distribution in their beliefs and assessments. A very important aspect of this relation is Cyprus' 'smallness' vis-à-vis other parties involved in the Cyprus Conflict. In this context, the article discusses Greek Cypriot perceptions of the Cyprus Problem. More specifically, it examines Greek Cypriot perceptions on two particular issues: i) the uneven distribution of capabilities between Cyprus and Turkey, and ii) the interaction among the directly-involved parties and other external actors, which forms a broader balance of power that impacts significantly on the structure of the Cyprus Problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The aim of this article is to analyze the process starting from the history of Cyprus to the Cyprus issue and to explain the 1974 Cyprus intervention by revealing the dynamics of the issue. Cyprus represents a geography that was strategically important centuries ago. The island, which hosts many heterogeneous societies, was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in 1571. The island, which was transferred to England in 1878 thanks to the San Stefano Treaty, was left to the British in the official context with the Lausanne Treaty. However, in the course of time, the Enosis aims of Greece on Cyprus and the activities of EOKA have created unrest for the Turks on the island. The Turkish government intervened in Cyprus in 1974 so that the Turks on the island could live in peace. In the study, the process leading to the Cyprus issue was discussed in all its aspects, and then the 1974 intervention was mentioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Istanbul Law Review / İstanbul Hukuk Mecmuası is the property of Istanbul Law Review / Istanbul Hukuk Mecmuasi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This reflection is oriented towards the various memorial marks of the recent Cypriot conflict history (1955-1974) existing in different physical public spaces, both opened and enclosed. It analyses the multiple political and social issues that arise from this history through initial field observations coupled with the results of previous work carried out by other researchers. The main hypothesis that seems to emerge thus far is the ubiquity of conflicting memory elements. The latter appear to be firmly rooted in these dissenting territories.

The Mediterranean island of Cyprus, the last divided country in Europe, faced a grave risk of plunging into war in September 2011. The reason behind this danger was represented as the confrontation over the excavation of hydrocarbon reserves found in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. The main goal of this article is to explore the extent to which peace journalism was practiced, or not, by analysing the front-page stories of the prominent Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot newspapers about this conflict. A review of peace journalism research reveals that researchers have mainly focused on war reporting. In order to address this deficit in peace journalism research, this article focuses on a case study where there was a risk for military confrontation. The combined sample drawn from six newspapers in the respective communities indicates a strong preference towards war journalism. As the analysis further shows, the newspapers from both sides failed to discuss peaceful solutions to the hydrocarbons conflict and they also failed to discuss the negative repercussions of a possible war related to the hydrocarbons conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical ties as well as current activities of Slovakia on the international scene are the reason that the Cyprus problem has become an important agenda of Slovak foreign policy. Hence, the Slovak approach to the Cyprus problem solution is reflected in the role of the mediator and as command country in Sector 4 with a robust military presence and an active involvement in UNFICYP peacekeeping mission on the island. The result of the study proposes a general overview of Slovakia commitments to Cyprus, pointing out Slovak diplomatic activities in the peace talks concerning the Cyprus problem solution as well as Slovak military contribution to the UNFICYP mission. The activities of Slovakia in Cyprus facilitating the process of reunification of the island and the long-term operation of Slovak military contingent in UNFICYP are constantly recognized and highly praised, not only by many representatives but also by the island's population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article by a young researcher aims to analyse different phenomena of commemoration in Cyprus. Taking this divided country and society, we wish to highlight the specificity of commemorative territories and artefacts, such as memorials and museums in the public space and commemorative processes in and around schools. It will also be necessary to analyse the discourses and ideologies associated with these commemorations. They have effects on the actors involved in these commemorations, ranging from a logic that stirs up hatred and mistrust, to an irenic and reunifying instrumentalization. Finally, a reflection on the globalization of memories will complete the last part of our reflection. Virtual territories take a tangible part in the transmission and commemoration of conflicting history. They also go beyond island borders to spread regionally and globally with the Cypriot diaspora and communities feeling in solidarity in these specific commemorations. They are linked to a financial and touristic logic, which rises new commemorative aims and visions that will be discussed here. The commemoration of the conflicting history in Cyprus seems complexified, trapped by the status quo regarding the Cyprus problem which is still relevant today. There are, however, emerging models of commemoration that will be emphasized here.

Using survey data of Northern Cyprus provided by two recent waves of Eurobarometer, we analyze whether a list of socio-demographic and economic characteristics and personal and political opinions make it more likely that a person considers the Cyprus problem as one of the most important issues at a personal or community level. While socio-demographic characteristics such as gender, age, or the education level are not determinant factors, people who are more involved in political discussions and who trust political parties are more likely to consider the Cyprus problem as an important issue. The region of residence matters as well. People residing in the Morphou region are significantly more likely to find the Cyprus problem as a key issue. Many of these residents had to migrate from the South of the island after the 1974 events or are descendants of migrants. Their concern about the Cyprus problem most likely stems from the uncertainty they face as a possible federal agreement could imply that they would have to relocate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper focuses on the period of negotiations between the Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot community at Crans-Montana, Switzerland, from 28 June to 7 July 2017. It looks into the views of the three leading Greek-Cypriot newspapers of that period and aims to present the positions of each newspaper about the negotiations on the Cyprus problem, at political level. Articles from three newspapers (Alithia, Politis and Haravgi) were studied, with an emphasis on political coverage regarding the negotiations. For the Crans-Montana negotiations on the Cyprus problem, the agenda setting approach was used, according to which, an event becomes an important from a journalist’s perspective, not only because it is unexpected and/ or dramatic, but also because it attracts a great deal of public attention and the significance of the event itself may, for example, lead to intense public judgment, tension or concerns. The research questions of the paper were shaped as follows: Τo what extent were the newspapers in favour of a solution to the problem? Did they have a conflicting or reconciling tone? To what extent did the style and tone of the news items regarding the talks vary depending on the newspaper? To what extent did the news items focus on persons taking part in the talks and the topics of the talks? Were the articles signed or not? Findings suggest that the Greek Cypriot press during the negotiations have faith that the Cyprus issue can be resolved through the talks. The overarching aim is to understand the efforts made to solve the Cyprus problem through the negotiations in Switzerland and to examine the positions of the Cypriot press regarding this thorny and crucial issue, over which the Republic of Cyprus has been agonising for more than forty years.

The article investigates journalism in societies that are working towards a peaceful resolution. Focusing on the ongoing peace process in Cyprus, it studies the influences and difficulties journalists experience when they report on the negotiations. The peace process in Cyprus, which has been divided since 1974 following a conflict between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, is continuing. Thematic analysis of the interviews conducted with 67 journalists identifies the key issues that affect journalists in Cyprus when they report on the conflict and peace negotiations. The results show that journalists experience tension between professional values and a sense of belonging and move between professional and national/ethnic identities to cope with it. The results also indicate that despite political and ideological pressures, journalists exercise agency, making attempts to challenge and alter them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to add to the limited yet very informative knowledge regarding the period 1959-1960 and fill a gap in modern Cypriot historiography. It sheds light on the role played by Halkın Sesi in the establishment of the bicommunal republic. Besides, it focuses on the interaction of the Turkish Cypriot newspaper with the other local media of the period. The article discusses the positive aspects and the complications which emerged during the transitional period. Furthermore, it summarises the attitude of the local newspapers towards the power-sharing project, the role of the economic factors, the overshadowing the basic constitutional principles, and the emergence of segregate electoral democracies during the establishment of the shortlived bicommunal Cyprus Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al Malweah for Archaeological & Historical Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Uzun bir süre Osmanlıların egemenliğinde kalan Kıbrıs Adası, tarihi, kültürel ve coğrafi bakımdan Türkiye’nin bir parçası durumundadır. Kıbrıs’ın 1878’de İngilizlerin kontrolüne geçmesinden sonra Rumlar, Enosis hayali ile çeşitli girişimlerde bulunmuş ve 1950’li yıllardan itibaren Kıbrıs’ta çok kanlı olaylar gerçekleşmiştir. Türkiye’nin 1974’teki askeri müdahalesi ile Kıbrıs ikiye bölünmüş ve adanın kuzeyinde bağımsız Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti(KKTC) kurulmuştur. Türkiye’nin müdahalesi ile fiilen ve hukuken iki toplumlu ve iki devletli bir yapı ortaya çıkarken Rumların yaşadığı Güney Kıbrıs Rum Yönetimi(GKRY)’nin 2004 yılında Ada’nın tamamını temsilen AB’ye üye yapılmasıyla yeni bir sürece girilmiştir. Kıbrıs Sorunu, AB’nin GKRY’yi adanın tamamını temsilen üyeliğe almasıyla daha karmaşık bir hal almıştır. Devamında ise Doğu Akdeniz’de önemli miktarda petrol ve doğalgaz yataklarının keşfedilmesi, Kıbrıs’ı bir anda geleneksel Kıbrıs Sorunu’nun ötesinde şekillenen küresel enerji siyasetinin de bir nesnesi haline getirmiştir. Yeni konjonktürde Kıbrıs ve Doğru Akdeniz’deki dengeler, enerji kaynaklarının paylaşımı doğrultusunda yeniden şekillenmeye başlamıştır. Tarama yöntemi ile hazırlanan betimsel nitelikli bu araştırmada, Doğu Akdeniz'de keşfedilen enerji kaynaklarının Kıbrıs Sorununa muhtemel etkileri tartışılmıştır.

In this paper, we focus on the Cyprus problem, a thorny and multi-dimensional problem, and especially on the historic events in the years 1950-74 that led the island to the current stalemate and the status quo with two separate communities. Although the decision by the Turkish Cypriot side to open the borders in 2003 and the negotiations between the two sides for a settlement, the Cyprus problem remains unresolved. We will also deal with the Annan Plan which has been characterised by some observers as a unique opportunity for a settlement and attempt to explain the reasons why the Greek Cypriot side rejected it massively.

During the second half of the 1950s, the Greek Cypriot leadership, the British colonial administration and the Turkish Cypriot community contested for the right to decide the future of the island. The local press had a unique role in this political battle as a medium for the unleashing of a fierce 'propaganda war'. The British administration propagated its messages to the public through the local English-language press, while the Turkish Cypriot community took part in this 'propaganda war' through the shortlived 'English Edition of the Halkın Sesi', which is the object of this study. The study, which relies on archival material, finds that the second largest community of the island was not a reactionary element in Cyprus' political field. With innovations, such as the English-language version of a propagandist newspaper, the Turkish Cypriot community emerged as a vital player in the field of the Cyprus Problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper charts 100 years of sociology in Cyprus, detailing the sources, the contributions and the potential for public sociology. The paper connects Cypriot sociology to the broader critical thought in global sociological debates and explores the development of sociological and social thought in Cyprus in a small post-colonial, divided country. It critiques explanations for its marginal position as an academic discipline in Cyprus. This paper challenges the prevailing view that Cypriot society is 'isolated', 'insular' and 'barren' when it comes to producing ideas, theories and sociology, including the effects of the Cyprus problem and the 'deficient modernisation thesis', best expounded by Caesar Mavratsas. It then provides the first taxonomy of the sources and themes on the evolution of Cypriot sociology before it focuses on current issues and developments. The paper argues that, despite this relative marginality at an institutional level, there is an abundance of sociological thinking outside, often against or beyond the outmoded policy and sociology, often used as apologetics for the establishment. Public sociology and critical sociology provide serious challenge to hegemonic knowledge regarding different issues such as the Cyprus problem, state formations, ethnic conflict/relations class, gender, sexuality and migration. The paper examines how the combination of these historical factors, together with the particular organisation of institutional and class power, shaped all aspects of social and cultural life, including the development of sociology as a discipline. The paper concludes on the potential for critical and public sociology derived from the magma of Cypriot society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes stock of the most recent presidential election in the Republic of Cyprus and connects it to broader currents in post-crisis European political settings. Although the elections took place against a backdrop of improving economic prospects, the crisis has left its political mark in a number of areas we identify that include a growing political fragmentation, the rise of the far right and increased voter abstention. The empirical analysis focuses on the media campaign and draws on a topic-modelling approach to identify and contrast emphasis given to policy issues over the two electoral rounds. The policy themes identified clustered around two dominant dimensions of political conflict: the Cyprus conflict and the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trimikliniotis’ (2018) analysis has captured the contradictions of a political system that has largely failed to grasp the fast pace of change in the structure, economics and ideology within Cypriot society. The response to this analysis focuses on three main issues: a) the urgent need for a pro-peace radical movement in Cyprus that meaningfully engages with a Marxist political economy; b) the dilemma facing AKEL between a bourgeoisie defined “credible and prudent” fiscal policy and the urgent need for the party to support the alienated working classes through the articulation and implementation of radical macroeconomic reforms; and c) A strategy for reconnecting politics and action in an organic way where the former feeds the latter and vice versa. The validity of a confident social movement approach is confirmed not through the macroeconomic orthodoxies of neoliberalism but the creation and implementation of a radical agenda that speaks to the needs, expectations and experiences of the working classes. The author suggests that a radical agenda only becomes meaningful when it allows the creation of organic alliances and moves beyond narrow ideas of ideological purity. This is a reply to: Trimikliniotis, N. 2018. “The national question, partition and geopolitics in the 21st century: the Cyprus problem and the Left.” Global Discourse. https://doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2018.1461440. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural gas discoveries in the offshore Eastern Mediterranean have been the source of regional geopolitical reshuffling. The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of implications of those changes on the Cyprus problem. The paper is composed of two main parts. The first part provides an exploration of historical development of hydrocarbon exploration activities in the offshore Eastern Mediterranean. While doing so, a special emphasis has been given on the cases of Israel and South Cyprus. Furthermore, an analysis of the possible export options for the regional potential is provided. The second part of the paper dwells on the implications of all these developments on the negotiation process towards the resolution of the Cyprus problem. It is argued that during the last decade hydrocarbon exploration activities by the Greek Cypriot Administration have had a negative effect at the negotiation table. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the role of the European Union (EU) in the Cyprus problem before and after accession in 2004. It is argued that, before 2004, Brussels provided limited incentives to the Greek Cypriots to contribute to resolution but, on the other hand, triggered a pro-solution/ EU trend amongst the Turkish Cypriots. On the contrary, in the post-accession era, the EU’s aptitude to contribute to a solution has further decreased: Greek Cypriots remain with inadequate EU-induced motivation to pursue resolution, while the pro-solution/ EU feelings of the Turkish Cypriots have receded, also due to Brussels’ failure to fulfill their expectations. While most of the literature on Cyprus has focused on the pre-accession period, the article offers a much needed insight into the EU’s role before and after Cyprus’ EU entry. The article draws on a variety of data, including a series of elite interviews conducted in Belgium and Cyprus

This article argues that the rationale of the current conflict resolution strategy for resolving the Cyprus problem is problematic. Time and energy should be spent more on peace-building efforts that penetrate into ideas and identities of the Cypriots, than on negotiations that take place between the leaders. Greek and Turkish Cypriots should have a sense of ‘we’ based on equality rather than recognizing each other as the ‘enemy’ in case a durable solution to the problem can be found. In spite of the current political rhetoric which is very negative, civil society can be a crucial actor in reversing this trend and pursuing this important task. Even though the peace-building success of civil society in Cyprus may be questionable, the author argues that the opportunity for a highly profitable outcome exists if civil society can shift its focus on in-group socialization, increase work-related activities, apply a more participative strategy, and act in a coordinated way.

This article provides a theorisation of militarism in post-war Cyprus. Based on qualitative empirical research conducted in Cyprus in 2011, the article explores the manifestation and steadfastness of Greek-Cypriot militarism, and the development of this militarism, which appeared after the partition of the island in 1974. In particular, it proposes the ideology of defence as a way to understand post-war Greek-Cypriot militarism. It shows the embedded nature of defence in the idea of the national struggle. It aims at mapping the character of this militarism in order to provide the grounds for future discussion. Only by understanding the interconnecting discourses that made Greek-Cypriot militarism possible in post-war Cyprus, can we understand its past, present, and future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Island Cyprus is at a strategic location, one that enables energy resources in Middle East, Central Asia and Caucasians to open up to the world. It has a significant stepping stone position to have influence over Middle East. The Island is at a crucial region also for Turkey in terms of a safe travel from the South into the Mediterranean Sea, the control and strategic defense depth of territorial waters, continental shelf and air space serving to keep the marine transportation in the region under control. The Structure of the Republic of Cyprus which was originated in 1960 was a structure calling for a coexistence largely based upon the regulation of the business and wealth and the preservation of the separate entities by the Greek and Turkish in the island themselves. However this recipe was spoiled because the Greek rejected their rights and engaged in violence towards the issue. The isolation of Cyprus Turkish population from its joint determination right proposed in the constitutional law and secured via London and Zurich Agreements formed a basis for firstly the announcement of Turkish Federated State of Cyprus and then in 1983 the announcement of Turkish Cypriot State with regard to their self-determination right in the expectation of the formation of a federal state. The order has been maintained about 35 years due to the existence of Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and its condition in the island. The controversial issue over the recent years results from the relationship of both Turkey and Cyprus with EU. One of the significant agenda topics of Turkish Foreign Policy which developed after cold war is full membership in the EU. However one of the barricades put forward by the EU for Turkey's membership is Cyprus problem. The EU uses the Cyprus problem as a trump card for the membership. By granting Greek Populated Southern Cyprus a full membership in 2004, the EU both acted improperly against the international law and dragged Cyprus problem further into a deadlock. The force policy of the EU towards Turkey gradually increased with the full EU membership of Greek Populated Southern Cyprus and the EU used the resolution of Cyprus problem as a negotiation weapon. In its approach towards Cyprus problem, the EU could not sufficiently activate its smooth power elements on the issues of identity, safety and domination of the parties, did not balance nor assume impartiality between the parties, did not produce bi-communal projects and pushed the resolution of the problem off on to Turkey. Turkey has always stood behind Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. The Cyprus problem is an issue concerning Turkey's security and reliability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bi-communal Cyprus Broadcasting Corporation (CYBC) casts its shadow to an important period of Cyprus’s modern history. Almost immediately after the establishment of the new republic, the two communities (the Greek and the Turkish-Cypriot) focused their attention towards media services and particularly the CYBC on which both sides tried to impose their own agendas. As expected, the two conflicting agendas and approaches disrupted, in practise, the smooth cooperation between the two communities in CYBC. Almost 50 years since the failure of this bi-communal endeavour, CYBC’s case study offers us a fundamental lesson. Firstly, it is clear that for such an endeavour, a constructive and focused dialog amongst all parts involved in the process is required. Additionally, CYBC’s short history demonstrates that in a multicultural environment the establishment of a public broadcasting corporation is not a purely technical or political matter, but one with broader social and cultural dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)