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The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of collective memory in the value contexts of post-modernity. During the 20th century, the culture of memory is revealed through the individual-collective polarity, and in the postmodern era attention is focused on the boundary between them, on the culture of memory in the dimension of the modern media, on the contexts of the global information war. While individual memory loses touch with the past in the dimension of simulated identity, collective memory is usually associated with tradition as a reservoir of memory of the past. Collective memory in the age of modern media is in certain danger of targeted negative external influence, falsification, and inflation. The deepest cultural fears of the 20th century are the deformation or loss of memory, as well as the fear of memory substitution. The main value is linking memory with authenticity in the reproduction of the basic narrative in the cultural practices of today, in which the individual intersects with the collective. That is why the article pays special attention to the border between individual and collective memory, the culture of recall in communicative projects, and the reflection of moral dilemmas in different models of historical memory, the confrontation of different memories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the essayistic discourse of Jasmina Musabegović with a focus on her second and last book of such procédé, Naličje historije (The Reverse Side of History) (1999), without neglecting her early essayistic work compiled in her first book of essays, The Secret and the Meaning of a Literary Work (1977). Since the literary criticism and essayistic work of this author, on the one hand, and her literary and artistic work, on the other, are closely related and interwoven with seemingly contradictory but identical ideologemes, for a more complete insight, her micro-essays that make up fabric of her novels are occasionally taken into consideration in the analysis. The conclusion reached shows that the author’s later literary critique essays, i.e. those that the author wrote during and after the recent war, where the intimate intertwines with the universal and meets a multitude of opposing pairs as well as occasional paroxysms conditioned by a change in life experience, represent a specific, fluid essayistic discourse that can be characterized by the newly coined phrase “women’s essay”.

The purpose of this article is to conduct cultural research of the specifics of the processes of virtual communication and commemoration that arise from the interaction between individual and artificial intelligence in the digital space of culture in the XXI century. The research methodology is based on the principles of interdisciplinarity, combining cultural, historical, and psychological methods of analysis, which allows to deeply understand the various aspects of influence of artificial intelligence on the transformation of communicative models of culture in era of Internet technologies. The scientific novelty. Taking into consideration the emergence of numerous cultural, creative, and leisure practices related to the use of digital tools of artificial intelligence, in the article, the article analyses for the first time the ways and specifics of commemoration using the creation of digital copies of deceased persons based on the tools of artificial intelligence, which are considered in the context of the new communicative paradigm of the digital culture of the XXI century. Conclusions state that from a cultural point of view, the circulation of digital copies of deceased persons in the digital space of culture, which have emerged on the basis of technological progress, aesthetic and socio-cultural demands of society, refers to the category of simulacra and forms precedents of socio-cultural impact on the environment and the person themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1989 political transition, a multifaceted process of knowledge production and memory formation regarding rural Jews has been ongoing in Hungary's civil and academic spheres, often starting from or leading to local history research. These initiatives typically have multiple aims and functions: mourning the losses of the Holocaust, confronting and facing the difficult past, and uncovering the historical values of specific localities. Through the presentation of examples and analysis of a bibliography on the subject, this article evaluates the achievements, directions, and shortcomings in this field, using historian Diana Pinto's conceptual framework of "Jewish Space." Building on the theoretical and practical analyses by Diana Pinto, Erica Lehrer, and Ruth Ellen Gruber, the author emphasizes that the social memory of European Jews can be most effectively created in spaces where Jewish and non-Jewish organizations and individuals can collaborate, engage in dialogue, and make joint contributions. The analysis also highlights the need for more professional and financial support for individuals and organizations active in this area and stresses the importance of coordinating their work and developing strategies based on professional criteria to ensure the efficient use of resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Understanding the socio-historical processes after the April War of 1941 and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia presupposes a deeper knowledge of opposing national perspectives since 1918, when this country was created, of the events between the two world wars, as well as their multidimensional characters, since they largely determined wartime polarizations and alignments. The Second World War is one of the most problematic historical periods in the post-Yugoslav area, from a scientific and political point of view. With numerous relief and insufficiently explored components, it still belongs to the so-called “hot memory”. The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1941 was greeted by its peoples and political subjects with different visions of whether (and if so: how) a new Yugoslavia should be established. The anti-fascist struggle was led by a partisan movement with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) playing a dominant role. Each Yugoslavia (“old” and “new”) also meant “a new constitutional concept of the relationship between its main peoples/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The history of the Slovenes, wrote Edvard Kardelj at the end of the thirties of the 20th century, “is nothing but a long chain of oppression and trampling of a small nation”. After the First World War (the “Great War”), the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the collapse of Austria-Hungary divided the Slovenes among four countries. The parcelization of the Slovenian ethnic space did not end there. The territory of Slovenia (Drava Banovina) after the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1941 was divided between Germany, Italy and Hungary, into six parts, with different administrative regimes. The Slovenian people were torn apart, humiliated, threatened with destruction and disappearance from the ethnic map of Europe. This people was one of “the most fragmented in Europe and all the occupiers planned to wipe it out through persecution, assimilation and denationalization. Research on refugees and exile is closely related to issues of human rights, nationalism, genocide and ethnocide. This issue has a humanitarian, political, legal and moral dimension. Part of the exiled Slovenes also came to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941, which was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Slovenes have a specific place in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the 19th century. They also contributed to the development of the National Liberation Movement ( NOP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by acting in an illegal revolutionary movement and partisan units, as well as participating in the constitution of the new government and defining the future internal structure of post-war Yugoslavia. The war in the territory of occupied Yugoslavia was, among other things, a civil war that destroyed the idea that this monarchist state can be restored in the form in which it was created in 1918. The ranks of the NOP included Slovenians who lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war, as well as those who came as exiles in 1941. Major events related to the construction of the “new” Yugoslavia took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which Slovenians participated, important for the history of Slovenia as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina. By actively participating in the anti-fascist war, the engagement and visions of their prominent representatives at the top of the NOP (Edvard Kardelj and others) and in the activities of the AVNOJ in 1943, determining and making its landmark decisions, the Slovenians had a significant share in the victory and establishment of a new, federal the Yugoslav state and the construction of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Complex Yugoslav federalism, with scattered forms and models, represented a specific historical phenomenon.

The article provides a comparative analysis of the coverage of the legacy of National Socialism in the memory policy of the FRG and historical policy of the GDR and various commemorative practices. The author revealed the conceptual apparatus that is used in professional historiography and public discourse. Its various contents and features of use in different chronological periods were also determined in the article. The author considered numerous methodological approaches used by researchers of memory problems. The difference between the concepts of "memory policy" and "memory culture" in content is that the first term provides for a set of government measures to preserve memory, while the second term is broader and focuses on involving public institutions and society in the discussion of "memory" problems. The article shows the differences in the attitude to the National Socialist past in the FRG and the GDR on specific examples. The author paid attention to new approaches to the memory of the World War II in modern Germany, which has resulted from the processes of migration and the transformation of the country into a multicultural community. Two factors influence contemporary debates about the politics of memory in Germany: a) globalization, cultural transfer and migration, which exacerbate conflicts in nationally oriented memory politics. Like most countries in Western Europe, Germany is an immigration country, comprising a population that can't longer be differentiated by nations and ethnic groups. Accordingly, historical memory refers less and less to national or ethnic historical foundations, as an ever-increasing proportion of the population has a second family origin and is therefore confronted with a past that lies beyond their ethnic beliefs; b) the Russian-Ukrainian war turned attention to the crimes of National Socialism during the Second World War (1939-1945) in Eastern Europe and Ukraine in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how the process of Europeanization affects the shaping of collective cultures of memory and oblivion, and shows in particular how the practice of European institutions in terms of Holocaust remembrance has been institutionalized. Methodologically article focuses on the research of the new institutionalism, and connects them with some elements of social constructivism in the theory of European integration. On the one hand, the culture of memory and the culture of oblivion is described by the action of Europeanization in the politics of the European Union, but also of its Member States in historical and institutional development, while the interpretation of European identity is left open and plural. The research relies on numerous works in the field of the construction of European identity and the process of Europeanization, especially works that have significantly contributed to this area of political theory of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to analyze the politics of memory as a broad system of cultural practices and communications in modern Yakutia in the context of the development of cinema as a segment of national identity. The author analyzes the role of historical politics in the development of national memory and identity in the Republic of Sakha-Yakutia in the context of the visuality of modern culture. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles proposed in the memorial and visual turns, which significantly changed the vectors of memory studies, actualizing the principles of interdisciplinarity. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of common and unique features of the functioning of visual dimensions in the politics of memory in Yakutia. The article analyzes 1) visualization strategies of memorial culture, 2) modern Yakut films as elements of modern mnemonic space, 3) the role of visual practices in the development of the memorial canon. The article presents a broad understanding of the historical politics of memory. The author believes that the politics of memory should not be limited only to the activity of specialized institutions and professional politicians who manipulate the facts of the past to solve the problems of the ruling elites. In this article, the politics of memory is analyzed through the prism of national cinema, perceived as one of the forms of constructing images of the past. National cinema, in the context of the politics of memory, solves tasks similar to the same ones of institutionalized actors, but does it by different methods. Therefore, in this article the impact of historical politics to the development of national identity is shown through the prism of the culture of memory and the memorial canon. The results of the study suggest that representatives of the Yakut national intelligentsia are the main actors in historical politics because they construct memorial culture contexts of collective memory visualization. It is assumed that visual forms of memory complement the traditional narrative-discursive strategies for constructing images of the past in the Yakut identity and common mnemonic space.

Copyright of Annals of Social Sciences / Roczniki Nauk Społecznych is the property of Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL & Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the scientific analysis of the problem of memorialization of terrains of Babyn Yar in sovereign Ukraine. The author revealed the historical context of this issue, succinctly presenting the history of the tragedy of Babyn Yar, the crimes of Nazi regime, the murder of civilians — Jews and non-Jewish people of Kiev, during the German occupation of the city during World War II. The article pays special attention to the current state of preservation of the memory of the victims of Babyn Yar, the political component of this problem, in particular the fight against the pro-russian project of commemoration, including Holocaust victims and victims of Babyn Yar. The article considers the main scientific, memorial and political aspects and principles of activity of the private fund "Babyn Yar Holocaust Memorial Center" (BYHMC). In the article are given the examples of this foundation's interference in Ukrainian memory policy in order to change the Ukrainian tradition of honoring the memory of the victims of World War II, which has developed over the past thirty years, and attempts to promote historical narratives of the Putin regime. The ways of overcoming such influence on the politics and culture of memory in Ukraine are offered, the advantages of the state concept of complex memorialization of Babyn Yar are presented.According to the author, the first step towards the implementation of this concept should be to consolidate the efforts of all those interested in honoring the memory of the victims of the Holocaust and Babyn Yar. First of all, it is a joint effort of specialized, professional institutions, state institutions and non-governmental, public associations to create a real National Memorial on the Babyn Yar territory, which will perpetuate the memory of all civilian and military victims of this tragic place not only in the capital but throughout the country. The author emphasizes the importance and urgency of this form of struggle for memory and history, the need to resist Russian aggression in the field of forming a historical memory of World War II in Ukraine.

Complex socio-historical processes and turning epochs, as well as numerous segments that are an integral part of people's lives, are the subject of interdisciplinary studies. War is one of the most dramatic, most complex social phenomena. In addition to armed operations, there are a number of other dimensions related to war, starting from psychological, legal, sociological, social, economic, cultural to others. Critical and multiple perspectives contribute to the completion of images of politics, wars and their relations. The disintegrations of the ideological paradigm and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia were accompanied by the (re)construction of new national identities, the outbreak and duration of „wars“ of different memories, the reshaping of consciousness and the re-examination of history, especially those related to World War II. The history of that war in Yugoslavia was undoubtedly the history of several wars which were stacked on top of each other. The main issue with Bosniaks in that war is a multiperspectival topic that requires a multidimensional and deideologized presentation of the position and the position of all involved actors. Numerous issues related to that war, the complex position of Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak, the emergence of civic responsibility, Bosniak protection of the vulnerable Serb Orthodox population, humanity and assistance, beyond post-war ideological premises and „official truths“ remained more or less marginalized, although they seek more objective and complete answers from multiple angles, for the sake of a more complete view of the past. What is called „local“ or „regional history“, as evidenced by diverse experiences, indicates the multidimensionality of the past, its features and specifics in a certain area. The Second World War in Sandžak could not be understood more objectively outside the broader Yugoslav context. This is also special for the history of Novi Pazar, the largest city in Sandžak which was the subject of many different political plans and conceptions. The history of this city has several sections. After the withdrawal of German forces from Novi Pazar, the Chetniks tried to conquer this city for three times in the fall of 1941. However, thanks to the dedicated defense and the help of Albanian armed groups from Kosovo, Bosniaks managed to defend themselves and Novi Pazar. Even in such a dramatic situation, numerous examples of humanity, solidarity and assistance of Bosniaks to the intimidated Serb urban population have been recorded. In the most difficult days of the war, when Novi Pazar was exposed to Chetnik attacks, a significant part of Bosniaks took actions to prevent anarchy, to save Serbs from terror and revenge. The task of science is to constantly discover forgotten and unknown parts of the past, to re-examine previous knowledge. Everything that happened has a whole range of perspectives. It is necessary to have a multidimensional understanding of the causes and course of events, circuits and time limits, to explain narrowed alternatives. Any reduction of historical totality to only one dimension is problematic. Every nation, every state, in a way, write their „histories“, remember different personalities, events, dates, emphasize various roles, perpetuates monuments, emphatize with different causes and consequences. Contemporary abuses of the interpretation of the war past, one-sided approaches, fierce prejucides and quasi-historical analyzes in the service of the politics damage interethic relations and lead to further growth of tensions and distancing between nations and states in their region.

Knowledge of world / European history is important for a more complete understanding of complex processes, for comparisons and placing national and regional history in a broader context that provides more meaningful answers. What determines the course of history is sometimes “a series of smaller events in the midst of the context of big ideas”. The borders of the region are determined by geographical, cultural and geopolitical characteristics, as well as the political interests of those builders whose interpretation has dominance. In expanding or narrowing the territory of the Balkans, politics was usually more decisive than geography. Historical events in that area should be presented from the positions of all its peoples, including Muslim communities. Their narratives also form a legitimate part of the picture of that past. Muslims were not the “favorites” of multiple Balkan historiographies that minimized and marginalized their component, functioning as factors shaping their own national and political ideologies. Historiography does not only deal with the reconstruction of the past, but, with all the difficulties and pitfalls, it also interprets it. A fragmentary study of the destinies of Muslim communities hinders the identification of the broader processes and common denominators of their parcelized history. The processes of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization also led to their particular consciousness within the newly formed, post-Ottoman states. Their historical experience is largely not “condensed, preserved, and generationally transmitted”. The attitude that Muslims are “foreigners” in Europe is part of the mentality and process known as the “Eastern Question”. Minds are not too prone to change. Calling all Muslims “Turks” is not the result of ignorance, but of a concrete attitude. It was not until the Berlin Congress of 1878 that the question of their protection became somewhat relevant. The system of such protection was inadequate, without supervisory mechanisms to control the implementation of commitments. Major political changes most often brought about religious and ethnic changes and displacements in the Balkans. In the study of the decades-long process of formation of the Serbian state in the 19th century in the area of the Smederevo Sandzak and the emigration of Muslims from it, special attention is paid to the fate of two small settlements (Mali Zvornik and Sakar) on the right bank of the Drina. After the surrender of the towns to the Serbs in 1862, only Mali Zvornik and Sakar remained in the hands of the Muslims. The origin of the settlement of Mali Zvornik is connected to the existence of the Zvornik fortress and the town of Zvornik on the left bank of the Drina, which was first mentioned in 1412. Mali Zvornik grew on the right bank of the Drina as part of the town of Zvornik. In the first half of the 18th century, travel writers mention that Mala or Mahala of the Bosnian town of Zvornik, whose inhabitants were called Maholjani, was located there. South of Mali Zvornik lies village of Sakar. In the 19th century, in Mali Zvornik and Sakar, on the border with the Smederevo Sandzak, Muslims made up the majority of the population. As only the Drina separated them from the settlements of Divič and Tabaci on its other side, the inhabitants of these settlements were firmly connected by kinship, friendship and marriage, and they were economically oriented towards each other. The Principality of Serbia was persistent in its demands to get Mali Zvornik and Sakar, having in mind their geostrategic position. By the decision of the Berlin Congress in 1878, they became part of Serbia. Until 1912, these were the only settlements in it with a majority Muslim population. They lost that majority over time. What is conditionally called “local” history, in addition to great narratives, indicates, confirmed by various experiences, the multidimensionality of the past, its features and specifics in a particular area.

Cultures of remembrance that are officially affirmed by national elites in the Western Balkan countries, that is in the former Yugoslavia, are a source of ongoing conflict. Various collective memories and mutually antagonized interpretations of the past, show that Croats, Serbs, Bosnians, Macedonians, Montenegrins and others who lived together for centuries and decades within a single state, after all interpret and remember their common history in completely different ways. Their social narratives about the past and dominant cultures of memory are predominantly selective, one-sided, intolerant, exclusive. After a long time, they lived together members of different ethnic, religious and national backgrounds and their historically unfinished and unsuccessful attempt to form a common Yugoslav culture and unique Yugoslav identity, a difficult civil war occurred, ethno-nationalism escalated, and people who were very close and very similar to one another, tried to create as much difference and distance between themselves through violence. All national communities that participated in the wars of the 1990s, emphasized defending national culture as one of their main tasks. The warring parties sought to destroy everything that reminded them that different people, their neighbors and friends of a different religion were living there. Today, three decades after these conflicts, they are still prisoners of their attitude to history. The culture nevertheless brings them together and inspires them to understand themselves more and to cooperate better.

Similarly to other European countries, the history of the Roma population in Croatian areas was marked mostly by most periods of persecution and suffering, when the authorities tried to use repression in order to assimilate the Roma into the majority population. One such period was during World War II, when genocide against the Roma was carried out in many European countries by the Nazi authorities and their allies. After the War, the culture of remembering Roma victims became marginalised in Croatia. This paper examines how Croatian lexicography approached the issue of the significance of Roma suffering during World War II in selected lexicographical works from 1945 till today, and compares it to lexicographical publications from certain other European countries. Research shows that Croatian lexicography neglected the importance of Roma genocidal suffering as a central point in the history of the Roma population. Such a similar marginal attitude towards Roma suffering in World War II was present in other European lexicographies, which is only one of the arguments in favour of the thesis that post-war society in Europe, including Croatian society, neglected the importance of researching Roma suffering in war and thus marginalised the culture of remembrance of Roma victims of genocide, especially in science and culture.

The radical change of politics and ideology in the post-Communist states in the Yugoslav area caused a revaluation of national histories. The production of desirable history has the political support of the current authorities in the states that emerged from the break-up of Yugoslavia. The features of revaluing the past and writing desirable history are: anti-communism, anti-Yugoslavism and radical nationalism. At the same time, the engaged attitude towards anti-fascism as a national phenomenon is evident. Partisan anti-fascism is diminished or denied, the partisan movement and Communist ideology are criminalized by insisting on real and imagined crimes, retaliation and repression against ideological opponents. Communism is completely declared a totalitarianism and a nationally harmful ideology. On the other hand, the ideology and practice of the subjects of collaboration are being relativized and efforts are being made to relativize responsibility, to present collaboration as a national need. Through a series of resolutions and recommendations from 1996 to 2019, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe obliged the former socialist states to reconsider their past, to "dismantle" communism and remove the consequences of Communist rule, to rehabilitate victims of punishment for ideological conflicts. Everything is at the level of theory and anti-communist ideology. Procedures are not standardized, as the re-examination of the Communist-socialist past should be performed by the proposed subjects who can competently revise history and eliminate the consequences of totalitarian rule. History is being re-examined by whoever wants it, and rehabilitation without guilt is being done by local courts. There are no clear statements that revisionist practice is conditioned by European resolutions and declarations, but the character and content of revisionist journalism is in line with the adopted requirements.

The article is a polemic with the text by Dragiša Vasić entitled “History and Ethnic Identity in Sarajevo Fog: Examples of Politicizing and Mythologizing the Bosniak Historical Narrative,” published in the previous issue of Tokovi istorije. It analyzes the methodology used by Vasić, the sources on which he based his thesis, his argumentation, and his references. Special attention is given to the final part of Vasić’s text, which was assessed as a political pamphlet unworthy of a scientific journal.

The current situation related to the necessity of elimination of the consequences of world pandemic and reorganization of the system of professional activity, as one leaves behind the “physical life” preferring it to the world of social networks, Internet platforms, gadgets and electronic artificial limbs, i.e. to the world of hyperreality and virtuality extending, updates and sharply raises questions about the future (what it will be like, how to prepare for it and what skills will be needed). The philosophical understanding of the structure of the archetypological memory block in a comparative analysis of general and diverse approaches of K. G. Jung and G. Popov was carried out. Their theories describe the concept "archetype" and its heuristics in the context of the future of human and reflects mental regularities in one's formation and self-realization in society. G. Popov’s theory about archetypes represents a construct formation of the human future activity line was researched.

The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the "Great War" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of "Ottoman Europe", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the "Great War". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).

The aim of the paper was to establish the frames of remembering the Yugoslavian past in the Serbian media in the context of two important anniversaries which coincided: the centenary of the first Yugoslavia (the Kingdom of SHS) and the 75th anniversary of the second, socialist Yugoslavia. Drawing upon the theoretical and methodological paradigms of the memory culture and the concept of framing, the analysis was focused on the coverage of five daily newspapers online editions: Blic, Danas, Večernje novosti, Politika, Kurir and central news programs of the public broadcaster Radio Television of Serbia and Television N1 in the period between 28th November and 4th December. The results of the conducted research showed the presence of three frames: revisionist, nostalgic and critical counter-narrative, constructed by different strategies. The media framing of the Yugoslavian past reflects the decades-long frozen conflict of memory in public discourse between official, institutional, and unofficial critical, engaged, so-called, counter-memories.

The purpose of the article is to analyze the role and place of "museum of conscience" in modern politics of memory and cultural space. The methodology is based on a comprehensive study of a wide range of museum expositions (interviews, reports, museum projects, reviews of museum collections, etc.) and generalization of the obtained material to identify current trends in the development of "museums of conscience" in the context of memory culture. Scientific novelty. On the example of specific museum research institutions (the Sixth District Museum in Cape Town, the Holocaust Memorial Museum (Washington, USA), the Museum of Military Childhood in Sarajevo, etc.) for the first time in Ukrainian historiography, their contribution to the process of deeper study of crimes of the past and its reflection in modern politics of memory and cultural space is analyzed. Conclusions: Places of conscience are museums, memorials, and other historical places, which aim not only to preserve memory but also to stimulate people's conscience. While working with a visitor, they prefer forms that contribute to the involvement of a visitor in discussion and dialogue. The museum exhibit serves as a safe place to discuss sharp issues and reconcile conflicting parties in society. The museum collection and the results of its research are distributed in order to stimulate the human conscience. The task of the museums is not only to preserve the memory about the crimes of the past but also to provide an opportunity for a visitor to establish a connection between this past and today's struggle for human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anthropology Magazine is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Contemporary History / Časopis za Suvremenu Povijest is the property of Croatia Institute for History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study I tried to analyze some artistic documentaries that I considered representative of the way in which they, through linear or non-linear narration and image expressiveness, through the ability to evoke the tragic experience of the Holocaust, have pedagogical purposes and co-participation, along with other arts and cultural products, to the European reconstruction of the culture of memory. In this article, I discuss four nonfiction films released by Romanian filmmakers in the 21st century that represent valuable contributions to the rich and varied international filmography of the Holocaust. Struma (2001) by Radu Gabrea, The Dead Nation (2017) by Radu Jude, and The Exit of the Trains (2020) by Radu Jude and Adrian Cioflâncă, ranging from standard television documentary to innovative cinematic essay, bravely approach dark episodes, largely unknown or ignored, in Romania’s history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 16th century at the latest, seasonal labour migration has been documented in the Central Alps. In the regions of Tyrol and Vorarlberg, which today belong to Austria, and Graubünden, which is part of Switzerland, different kinds of migration to find work represented an essential part of people's income. That is why labour migration has to be regarded as a crucial part of everyday culture there. In these regions many forms of migration continued to be vital economic factors up to the 20th century. Even children and adolescents were not excluded from such kinds of labour migration. The best-known of them are the so-called "Schwabenkinder" (Swabian children) named after the region Schwaben (Swabia) in Southwest Germany where they had to work seasonally from March to November. The oldest sources of this "Schwabengängerei" (moving to Swabea) have been handed down from the early 17th century. In 1616 the administrator of the bailiwick of Bludenz Davis Pappus reported "some hundred" children who moved each year to the "markets of children" at the Swabian town of Ravensburg as a practice that had already become established at that time. These children markets were held until the time of the First World War. Reports of contemporary witnesses who were hired to farms in Upper Swabia during the 1930s do not differ significantly from the conditions the Schwabenkinder had to endure during the 19th century. The article deals with the historical development and socio-economic causes as well as the current common commemoration as the "Schwabengängerei" received more and more media attention in recent decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The purpose of this article is a comparative analysis of the normative-value attitudes of the historical policies of Belarus and Russia, as well as a study of the most promising ethical foundations of agreed versions of the historical policies of the union state. The authors relied on a constructivist approach, which allowed to connect the images of memory with socio-cultural contexts and political practices. A comparative analysis of the main stages of the historical policy of Russia and Belarus was carried out, as well as differences in the value and regulatory justification of historical policy in the member states of the union state were identified. The methodological ideas of the ethics of responsibility of H. Jonas were used to develop agreed versions of the historical policy of the union state. A comparative analysis of the main stages, as well as the value-normative foundations of historical politics, shows that despite the fact that the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945 continues to be the central event of the culture of memory in both countries, while the attitude to the Soviet era is no longer a key ethical-worldview for the integration of cultural memory and historical policy in a union state. This is due not only to the specifics of the forms of post-communism that have developed in Russia and Belarus, but also to the difference in the rates of historical politics in the interval of the last three decades. The current stage in the implementation of historical policy in both Russia and Belarus is still associated with the dominance of the state and demonstrates clear trends in the growth of conservative, nationally-oriented values in addressing the past. The general background in this case is the weak consolidation of the Belarusian and Russian nations, the incomplete transition to a civil nation in both states, and the inertia of non-state actors in historical politics. The growth of conservative trends and nationally-oriented interpretations of history in historical politics in Russia and Belarus is unlikely to contribute to the rapprochement of the two states, since they are based on the traditional ethics of duty, which reproduces ethnocentrism in various forms. The scientific novelty of the article consists of a philosophical and methodological study of the value-normative foundations of historical policy based on the ethics of historical responsibility, which involves the synthesis of conflicting assessments of the past as a moral program.

The past and the present are inseparable, one interprets the other. Many "long-lasting" processes go beyond local frameworks and regional borders. This also applies to the complex "Eastern question", as well as the problem of the deosmanization of the Balkans, whose political geography in the 19th and 20th centuries was exposed to radical overlaps. Wars and persecutions are important factors in the history of Balkan Muslims. In the seventies of the XIX century, they constituted half of the population in the Ottoman part of the Balkans. With war devastation, a considerable part was killed or expelled to Anadolia between 1870 and 1890. The emergent "Turkish islands" in the Balkans after 1878 were increasingly narrowed, or disappeared due to the displacement of Muslims. Multiethnic and religious color of the Balkans disturbed accounts with simple categorizations. The term "balkanization" signified, after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913, "not only the fragmentation of large and powerful political units, but became synonymous with returning tribal, backward, primitive, and barbaric." The Balkanization of "Ottoman Europe" and the violent changes in its ethnic-religious structure led to discontinuity, the erosion of history, as well as fragmentation of the minds of the remaining Muslims and their afflicted communities, the lack of knowledge of the interconnectedness of their fates. The emigration of Bosniaks and other Muslims of different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds from the Balkans to various parts of the Ottoman Empire, and then to Turkey, during the XIX and XX centuries, had a number of consequences.

The paper analyzes the attitudes of Serbian citizens towards the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, expressed during the period of gradual stabilization of the capitalist order. The analysis is based on the data collected in 2012 on a representative sample of population in Serbia, within a project of the Institute for Sociological Research of the University of Belgrade - Faculty of Philosophy. Research findings showed that, in the period of accelerated transformation of society, positive opinion about socialist Yugoslavia was very pronounced among Serbian citizens. However, there are statistically significant differences in the level of agreement with pro-Yugoslav attitudes among different social groups, as respondents' age, social class and value orientations are identified as important factors.

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The purpose of the research is to describe the specifics of the formation of the discourse of politics of memory in Russia and to determine the means of its instrumentalization as applied to the processes of development of civic culture, aimed at unification of people around the common historical heritage. Regarding methodology, the potential of cultural & sociological approach, constructivism, the theory of social and symbolic capital, and inter-disciplinary analysis of monumental policy and its role in consideration of civic culture and creation of significant images of historical past is used. The authors dwell on the key directions in the spheres of studying the politics of memory in Russia as a tool of formation of civic culture in the context of global and regional trends; determine the specifics of politics of memory in Russia and define the state's role in this process in view of the tendencies of formation of civic nation and unification around the common historical heritage; describe the complexities which might be faced by politics of memory in South of Russia -- which are largely predetermined by the ethnocultural differences; consider further perspectives of development of research of politics of memory and civic culture in Russia within the influence of the "Eastern European discourse of memory" and other regional narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urgency of the research. The relevance of our research is determined by the necessity for theoretical and practical understanding of modern memorial wars (rewriting of history, “juggling with historical facts”, etc.) in the sense of the struggle for memory. The philosophical understanding of the essence represented in the concept of “memory”, in the structure of this phenomenon, overall determines the theoretical significance of our article. In practical terms the relevance of our article is related to the needs of effective activity, which requires tools and external measuring systems, technologies and general systematized knowledge about the unconscious (reflexes, instincts, motivations), as well as about the archetypology, in context of acquiring motor skills allowing one to realize his individual goals in environmental circumstances, which are constantly changing. Target setting. In the problem field we consider it necessary to review mechanisms of the archetypological memory block in human activity, in the comparative analysis of approaches of K. G. Jung, G. S. Popov, as well as recent humanitarian researches based on the philosophical principle of objectivity. Actual scientific researches and issues analysis. The postnonclassical rationality is restored to the philosophical judgment of future person problems, dialectic unities of memory, and consciousnesses in practical, informative, and communicative activity of human, group, society, humanity. Therefore, the significant place in the solving of problem of structure and mechanisms of the archetypological memory block possesses the “philosophy of past” researches of F. Lang, S. Hank, G. Kranz, etc. specifying since birth the human destiny is already determined, his future is prescribed and indestructible; fate-analytical approach of L. Szondi, M. Achtnich, etc.; analytical researches of the archetypology theory claimed as “archeology of culture of mankind” of G. Zilberer, K.G. Jung, G. Popov and other philosophers and researchers of a future of the person. The research objective. The need for judgment of mechanisms of archetypological memory block in the course of activity enhances both theoretical and practical relevance. In the 21st century the dynamic growth of interest to the researches directed to the identification of individual and group, situational and psychological, biological and social, personal and public factors of cognitive activity is observed. Nevertheless, some questions concerning principles of functioning of mechanisms archetypological memory block remain unsolved and, respectively, how to be guided by such principles in the process of skills acquisition, self-training, professional development solving problems, etc., specifically in modern situations of dynamics increase, some transient changes of the environment. The mentioned aspects demonstrate the relevance of researches on the mechanisms of archetypological memory block in the context of practical activities of the person. In our scientific investigation we were focused on a perspective of archetypological memory block, its’ mechanisms as well as the logic of its functioning within the central processes of activity: in goal-setting and futureprognostics field. The statement of basic materials. The current situation related to the necessity of elimination of the consequences of world pandemic and reorganization of the system of professional activity, as one leaves behind the “physical life” preferring it to the world of social networks, Internet platforms, gadgets and electronic artificial limbs, i.e. to the world of hyperreality and virtuality extending, updates and sharply raises questions about the future (what it will be like, how to prepare for it and what skills will be needed). The philosophical understanding of the structure of the archetypological memory block in a comparative analysis of general and diverse approaches of K. G. Jung and G. Popov was carried out. Their theories describe the concept "archetype" and its heuristics in the context of the future of human and reflects mental regularities in one's formation and self-realization in society. G. Popov’s theory about archetypes represents a construct formation of the human future activity line was researched. Conclusions. The aforesaid key positions, firstly, represent the analysis of K. G. Jung reference frames regarding archetypes as the heritage of world culture and history “archaeology” whose inheritance one can use for self-realization in society; G. Popov's theory about archetypes introduces a construct formation of the future line in human activity measurement. The reference frame of Jung does not contradict common provisions of Popov's theory. Both scholars point to the principle of the determined objectivity on purpose to resolve the contradiction-conflict duality (that is a basis of the archetype essence). Secondly, unlike K. G. Jung, the philosophical analysis of an archetype nature, its structure was succeeded by G. Popov, who managed to provide logical model and criteria of an archetype as a human memory mechanism (i.e.: figure; symbolic component; methodological component; geographical component; strategy-tactical component; hierarchical component). Thirdly, G.S. Popov, studying the logic of realization of human’s future during his transformation to a “hero”, empirically described the theoretical model of “archetypological row” which acts as a logical guide to aspirations of person at the creation of desired future (the content of “an archetypological row” is: 1) status figure; 2) script figure; 3) figure of condition; 4) governor; 5) authority; 6) hero). Accordingly, fourthly, a theoretical model of G. Popov agrees on the fact that management of the future depends on a basic category of “skill” as each archetype in the hierarchy possesses key skills which one requires to maintain to move to the following level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with Friedrich Schiller's multimedia staging of the leading figure of a German cultural nation at the Viennese poet's celebration in 1859. Measured against the political crisis of the Habsburg monarchy, the centenary celebration clearly reflects the collective longings and illusions of the German-Austrian bourgeoisie. The individual events can be understood as media events and 'cultural performances', in which the politically oriented festival content was conveyed. Last but not least, the use and popularization of Schiller also pushed his canonization further - from a literary and theatrical perspective, not always to the advantage of the 'Austrian literature' of the 18th and 19th centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Serbian-Bulgarian relations, which were often marked by political and diplomatic conϐlicts and wars, culminated in the World War I. After the war, the Bulgarians became deeply rooted in the collective memory of the Serbs as an “arch-enemy” and the most hated nation. This could also be seen in the way the common recent past was interpreted. The aim of this paper is to show the ways the publicly and ofϐicially treasured memory of the recent past of Serbian-Bulgarian relations can be used politically, and the way the war sufferings and calamities, historical dates and events, were used in the internal political and ideological discourse.

Interpretations of texts on Sarı Saltuk may serve as a central example of the entanglement of Muslim and Christian contexts in (south-)eastern Europe and the Near East. Analyzing the fifteenth-century Saltuk-nâme and reports by Evliya Çelebi from the seventeenth century, a wide extension of the area concerned, as far as Poland-Lithuania, Muscovy and Sweden, can be observed. With the change of the contents of reports from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, an increasing interest in Christians participating in the veneration of sites connected to Sarı Saltuk can be remarked. Yet descriptions of a veneration of Sarı S altuk in a non-Muslim setting r emain firmly embedded in Christian contexts, complicating a transreligious interpretation of them. In today’s Turkish perspective, though, Sarı Saltuk is no longer contextualized in a manner encompassing Russia and Poland, too, but much more in a context focusing on and affirming national Turkish Anatolian or nationalized post-Ottoman contents in the Balkans.

From a pastoral theological perspective, the article identifies the current tasks that Christians face in combating anti-Semitism - above all in Germany and Austria. In contrast to the abundance of magisterial and theological materials available to pastoral leaders, the subject of anti-Semitism is not yet a structured research topic of this academic discipline. In the absence of representative empirical studies, the author describes anti-Jewish as well as anti-Semitic phenomena in the pastoral field based on three different terms of anti-Semitism. Special attention is paid to the classical dimensions of the Church's proclamation, the encounter with contemporary Judaism and anti-Judaism as genuinely theological phenomenon. The article is intended to be a first programmatic draft that aiming to trigger an intensive discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper, based on the analysis of Albanian odonyms in the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica and Serbian odonyms in the northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica, examines the current ideological and political orientations, differences in regard to cultural and social priorities of residents living on both sides of the Ibar River, as well as the manner and extent of abolishing the old and establishing the new town identity. It is established that odonyms, among other things, play an important role in shaping the public opinion and value system of the population. The research has shown that both Albanian and Serbian odonyms are of the commemorative type, and that Albanian commemorative odonyms primarily consist of names of war and rebellion participants, whereas Serbian commemorative odonyms are devoted to cultural dignitaries. Furthermore, although Albanian odonyms considerably outnumber the Serbian odonym corpus, the latter is characterised by a greater variety of motifs.

In this article, I present my personal story as a teacher-educator who participated in a binational (Israeli-German) teaching project that investigated the reading processes of students belonging to the second and third post-Holocaust generations. The students read literary works in Hebrew, German, and other languages written by members of the second and third post-Holocaust generations. My involvement in the project triggered the question of how to represent their experience of reading the literary works, of the teaching processes, and of what I learned from the process. This led to the writing of an autoethnography that accompanied my work as a teacher-educator in this project. The autoethnographic writing process was significant for my comprehension of the issue of Holocaust memory due to the fact that I am a second-generation Holocaust survivor. While the experience described is important in understanding the processes that are probably undergone by teachers who are second- and third-generation Holocaust survivors, the manner in which the Holocaust ethos is perceived in Israel precludes discussing them.

Između 1870 i 1945, Alzašani i deo Lorenaca12 (Mozelani13) menjali su svoju nacionalnost četiri puta. Za vreme dva svetska rata 1914–1918. i 1939–1945, neki su nosili francusku, a većina nemačku uniformu. Prvi svetski rat 1918. godine završili su kao pobeđeni, da bi se 1919. našli u taboru pobednika na osnovu odluka Konferencije mira u Versaju koja ih je dodelila Francuskoj. U Drugom svetskom ratu 1940. godine doživeli su poraz kao i svi Francuzi, zatim je najveći broj njih uključen u nemačku vojsku (1942), da bi 1944–1945. bili oslobođeni od strane saveznika. Jedan alzaški humorista mogao je zato da kaže da je jedina uniforma koja im je po svoj prilici odgovarala bila uniforma ratnih zarobljenika. Kako je, dakle, izgrađeno pamćenje takve populacije? Kako je ono urezano na kamenu spomenika stradalnicima koji u srcu gradova Alzasa-Mozela svedoče danas o podvojenosti prošlosti ovih oblasti? Podeljeno i suprotstavljeno nasleđe prošlosti istoka Francuske može da se analizira u nekoliko hronoloških i problemskih celina. Razvoj značenja pojmova sećanje (souvenir) i pamćenje (mémoire) u francuskom društvu u drugoj polovini 20. veka pokazuje u kojoj meri su spomenici žrtvama stradalim u ratovima bili odraz vremena u kome su nastali. Za razliku od većine spomenika stradalnicima u Francuskoj, spomenici u Alzasu i departmanu Mozel najčešće nose hrišćanska obeležja. To može da se objasni posebnom zakonskom regulativom koja je primenjivana u Alzasu-Mozelu posle njihove reintegracije u nacionalne okvire 1918. godine. Ipak, ikonografija i natpisi na ovim spomenicima su se razlikovali između većih i manjih gradova u inače veoma urbanizovanoj oblasti Francuske. Poseban status ovih oblasti doprineo je da se između dva svetska rata uspostavi osoben „građansko-religijski“ kult u kome je sveštenstvo imalo značajnu ulogu. Uspostavljeni model pamćenja prošlosti radikalno je izmenjen za vreme aneksije Alzas-Mozela od strane nacističke Nemačke, koja je uništavala spomenike koji su podsećali na francusko prisustvo. Period neposredno posle Drugog svetskog rata i povratka ovih oblasti Francuskoj bio je sličan razdoblju posle Prvog svetskog rata: insistiralo se na patriotskom ushićenju ali i obnovi religijskih osećanja. Međutim, veliko kulturološko i religijsko previranje krajem šezdesetih godina XX veka imalo je posledice i u domenu pamćenja. Na osnovu postulata opšteg osporavanja svakog autoriteta, stavljani su pod znak pitanja i pojmovi oko kojih je nekada uspostavljan konsenzus u društvu: otadžbina, vojska, vera i poštovanje prema žrtvama predaka. Od tada je priliv građana zainteresovanih za komemorativne svečanosti bio u stalnom opadanju. Ipak, krajem devedesetih godina XX veka došlo je do ponovnog oživljavanja interesovanja za Prvi svetski rat pod uticajem izražene pažnje koja je poklanjana Drugom svetskom ratu. Mnogi spomenici stradalnicima su „ponovo otkriveni“ zbog različitih pitanja koja su počela da interesuju široku publiku. U ovom periodu, javila su se i nova mesta pamćenja koja se znatno razlikuju od onih iz dvadesetih godina XX veka bilo da podsećaju na proces francusko-nemačkog pomirenja, aspekte francuske kolonijalne prošlosti ili lokalne istorije Alzas-Mozela. U Alzas-Mozelu, kao i u ostatku Francuske, pamćenje prošlosti doživelo je velika previranja u poslednjih tridesetak godina. Zbog povećanja nezainteresovanosti mlađih generacija za javne svečanosti kao i usled procesa dehristijanizacije, „nacionalni i hrišćanski“ kult vezan za spomenike stradalnicima u Alzas-Mozelu izgubio je veliki deo svoje snage. Ipak, nezaobilazni u srcu gradova, spomenici stradalnicima su ostali važan simbol za Alzašane i Mozelane koji žele da ispolje svoju vezanost na lokalnom, nacionalnom i ponekad konfesionalnom nivou. Na taj način, oni izražavaju dvojnost i posebnost istorije koju mnogi ne žele da zaborave, čak i ako je ona odavno prevaziđena i uzvišena francusko-nemačkim pomirenjem i procesom stvaranja Evrope čiji je Strazbur jedan od centara.

Fußball is the most popular sport in Germany. The reasons for this extraordinary status and success of association football in Germany are complex. In this article, answers are searched for in the context of the historical development of German society. After a review of the recent development of German football and football historiography, the paper focuses on two issues relating to the origins of German football. These are the transformation of football in the then dominant body culture of gymnastics, and secondly its impact on the German process of nation-building. Both processes are not only linked, but also related to the concept of manliness in German sport and society. This is the reason why women’s football in Germany was not accepted until the late 1960s in German society—and British as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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