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Police legitimacy theories have predominately been used to understand perceptions of police among heteronormative communities. This work has often failed to consider the views and experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and other non-heteronormative (LGBTQ+) people. Building upon existing critiques of police legitimacy theories, this article examines the shortcomings of monolithic conceptions of legitimacy when applied to non-heteronormative communities. Through a critical and queer criminological lens this article explores perceptions of police legitimacy among 148 LGBTQ + people in Victoria, Australia. Drawing on the findings of an exploratory online survey, the results indicate that police legitimacy should not be conceptualised or measured through monolithic judgements. Instead, police legitimacy should be understood as a multifaceted and dialogical phenomenon that is spatially and temporally contingent. The study reveals a strong distrust in Victoria Police amongst LGBTQ + people as well as a preference to avoid interacting with police officers whenever possible. The findings indicate that an intersectional interrogation of police legitimacy theories is required to understand the nuanced ways in which legitimacy is experienced by diverse community groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

David Greenberg, who passed away in July 2024, was a pioneer of radical criminology as well as polymath who excelled in several disciplines, including physics, history, and mathematical sociology. In November 2022, I spoke with David about some research I was doing into the history of prison abolitionism in the United States. David had been the author of "The Problem of Prisons," a pamphlet written in 1969 which was one of the first sustained arguments for prison abolition to have been published in the post-war United States. He also edited and was a main contributor to The Struggle For Justice, a coauthored book published in 1971 by the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC). This book would become a key reference in the emerging field of radical criminology and would influence early Quaker prison abolitionists like Fay Honey Knopp and Ruth Rittenhouse Morris, as well as later abolitionist groups like Critical Resistance. In his later writings, however, David was critical of prison abolitionism. 1 I was curious about how and why his views changed, so I sat down with him in a Greenwich village cafe and recorded our conversation. The following is an edited transcript of that recording. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractAccording to scholars of public criminology and public sociology, our classroom teaching – including our lectures, course material, and syllabi – are forms of public criminology. If we take this to be true, a scholarly examination of these spaces is imperative. Critical criminology has operated since its inception as a subfield without clear boundaries, and within undergraduate curriculums it has been consistently marginalized as a central topic of study and teaching. In this urgent context, we provide an analysis of the dynamics of the field. Using course syllabi data and departmental data, we examine what constitutes the current critical criminology curriculum in Canada. As such, we explore (1) where it is; (2) what it is; (3) and who it is. Our analyses indicate that critical criminology is understood in both unifying and contradictory ways, is both topical and theoretical, and remains geographically varied. We outline some exploratory analyses about the place of critical scholarship in Canadian undergraduate curriculums and about the field more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the dialectical development of financial crimes in the European Union and Jordan during the 21st century from the perspective of critical criminology. The methodology combines a comparative documentary analysis of legislation, institutional frameworks, and jurisprudence, with a qualitative approach based on legal hermeneutics. Critical criminology questions the social construction of financial crime and explores how structural inequalities and the interests of economic elites have shaped institutional responses. It argues that, despite cultural and legal differences, both the EU and Jordan have experienced selective criminalization that tends to protect the most powerful actors in the financial system. By way of contribution, this study contributes to a critical understanding of how power and inequality influence the conceptualization and social control of economic criminality at the transnational level. In conclusion, if diverse methodologies and theoretical approaches are harmoniously articulated, a more complete vision can be obtained, one that not only identifies the specific characteristics of the phenomenon in each region, but also recognizes the global interconnections that underlie the commission of economic crime as a transnational phenomenon.

This article asserts that it can be analytically expedient to employ and combine aspects of Critical Criminology and Critical Romani Studies in research that analyses the relationship between Roma and the criminal justice system. The resulting approach focuses on criminalization and racialization processes and how they are intertwined, as well as on social construction of representations and on structural discrimination, which is analysed from an intersectional perspective. When applied to research into mothers serving community sentences in Italy, this analytical framework enabled us to highlight forms of discrimination that affect Roma women given non-custodial sentences and show how their relationship with the criminal justice system is influenced by the prevailing cultural constructs regarding gender and motherhood, as well as by racialization processes and class backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a situation of advance and consolidation of the ultra-right in Latin America, in which security claims and government interventions in the name of the "combat against insecurity" have been one of its most dynamic vectors, this work is aimed at exploring the contours of another approach to the question of crimes and punishments. During the seventies, in the heat of dictatorships and exiles, a critical, combative, partisan criminological model was forged in Argentina. This other model is tributary of a strategic assembly between the "Foucault effect" in Argentina and Latin American critical criminology. Specifically, the traces of this process are covered through three strong ideas: 1) the "Foucault effect" in Argentina and critical criminology are the ties of a certain critical attitude; 2) that history is realized in a topological structure: it unfolds in the ups and downs experienced by intellectuals here in the dictatorship and there in forced exile; 3) these imports, readings and uses of Foucault overflow and dislocate Foucauldian analysis itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: It starts from critical criminology and criminal legal sociology as epistemic positions to understand how the creation, implementation, and subsequent weakening of the therapeutic community model in youth facilities in Costa Rica. Objective: Specifically, some potentialities and limitations of the implementation of the therapeutic community model and psychological practice are analyzed in accordance with the Organic Law of the Jurisdiction of Minors (LOJTM) and the Juvenile Criminal Justice Law (LJPJ). Method: The qualitative methodological perspective feeds this research and the analysis material is based on semi-structured interviews with key informants (psychology professionals) and documentary review. Results: From the analysis it emerges that the therapeutic community model was implemented in a differentiated way in youth centers. Its implementation was weakened due to social, political and economic changes that began in the eighties and in the following years, which had a negative impact on the work carried out with juvenile offenders. In addition, when contrasting the psychological work within the framework of the LOJTM and the LJPJ, the complex relationship that has prevailed between the legal and psychosocial criteria in these venues is evident. Conclusions: The margins of action for professionals in psychology have been reduced over the years, from the perspective of the people interviewed, this delimits and sometimes limits the work. While it is perceived that there is a tendency towards the judicialization of psychological care in these facilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a zemiological perspective, organizations causing social harm in their pursuit of profit is a form of white-collar deviance. In the case of sport and violence committed by athletes outside of the field of play, the structures of professional sport and the decisions made by organizations can impact not only the athletes involved, but victims, potential victims and society at large. Interviewing National Basketball Association (NBA) and National Football League (NFL) front office members and journalists, I explore how teams in both elite professional sports leagues make player evaluation decisions regarding players who have been accused of criminality and violence against women, to assess sport organizations and leagues' role in the violence of athletes. Interviewees noted that the talent of the player, their ability to produce value for the organization, and the potential backlash from fans and media play a pre-eminent role in organizational decision-making. Paired with professional sport's privileging of dominance and aggression by athletes, this talent and production-based sanctioning of players accused of VAW illustrates organizational, league and capitalist sport structures' complicity in continued acts of violence by athletes. Implications for contemporary conceptualizations of deviant leisure and organizational white-collar crime are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical criminology, from the very beginning of its establishment, has paid attention to how mass media participate in defining, displaying, social control and analyzing crime. Based on this, critical criminology's attention to issues such as media, culture, customs, etc., has led to the formation of a sub-branch called cultural criminology in this field of study. Cultural criminology, which its main issues focuse on crime as culture, culture as crime, media representation of crime and crime carnival, considers the truth of crime and the process of criminalization as the result of media procedures. Based on this, certain behaviors are first criminalized by the media, and then, the official discourse of criminal justice institutions recognizes this process and analyzes the necessary measures for official criminalization. Therefore, the important finding of this research, in regard to cultural criminology approaches, is that the media can be considered the initiator of informal criminalization process and the facilitator of the formal criminalization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Revista de Derecho is the property of Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Derecho Penal y Criminologia is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia, Departamento de Derecho Penal y Criminologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Criminal approaches, stemming from social discrimination and injustice, highlight social inequality as a key driver of crime.. They suggest that crime in lower classes is more linked to criminogenic structures than individual dangerousness. This research uses Fiske's semiotic method to analyze the relationship between crime and social inequality in the film "Snowpiercer". The method operates at three levels: representation, reality, and ideology. The representation level uses various cinematic techniques to depict class disparity. The reality level portrays social stratification in capitalist societies and suggests that social inequality can lead to crime and potentially rebellion. The ideology level emphasizes class conflict and criticizes capitalism, using a carriage as a metaphor for social classes. The film's ending reflects the failure of the proletarian revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The predominance of power relations in academic environments, including deviations from the worthy path of thought, leads to the consecration of the position of thinkers and the epistemological reflection of their scientific achievements. Power is not used without knowledge and it is rare that power is not the source of knowledge. All sciences are mature and synergistic based on the premise and establishment of knowledge and power relations. Measuring the discourses related to power and knowledge reveals a special effect in the reflection of power and knowledge relations, which is the power-seeking of a few academics in some educational and research centers of the world. A rare but dangerous manifestation of the wide field of power-seeking is bully-like academic misbehavior, which, in the form of white-collar workers who are not criminalized, causes an imbalance in the relations between power actors in academic environments; it is a type of purposeful, complex and mostly hidden behavior in some academic environments, which is committed with the aim of threatening, subjugating or rejecting the victim's softness.With the aim of knowing the manifestations and legal-structural factors of the phenomenon of "academic bullying" from the zoological-criminological perspective, this research investigates the hypothesis that the lack of amendment and approval of the "Mental Health" bill, the lack of formulation of the "Job Design Bill" (especially in the department of academic staff members), failure to amend disciplinary laws and regulations and promotion of academic staff members of educational and research institutions of the Ministry of Science, the continuation of defects and gaps in the "instructions on how to deal with the abandonment of the legal duties of managers and employees and its prevention" and laxity in the implementation That along with weakness of competent legal policy in preventing academic violations and reacting to them, is a significant distance from the rule of "legal state" and "knowledge preservation" among the inadequacies of Iran's criminal policy in maintaining the health of academic relations. The increasing growth of this challenge causes the flow of pseudo-science to increase and to strengthen the suspicion of fabrication and unreality of a significant part of the created knowledge according to the claim of some scientific institutions of the country.The most important cultural-attitudinal factors of academic corruption can be considered as follows: the incorrect understanding of the place of knowledge in the development of society and governance, mass and degree-oriented higher education, the disorganization of the major unemployability crisis of graduates, the big market of scientific fraud and its spread from fraudulent students to professors applying for fraud, the discourse of commodification of higher education, populism and managerial populism, the decline of scientific creativity in society, the reduction of public trust in scientific mechanisms, the weakness of the knowledge and skills of graduates, and the effect of corruption in other forms on misconduct in academic behavior."Criminal personality theory", "interactionism theory", "organizational critical theory", "anomie theory", "social strain theory", "labeling theory", "weakness of self-control theory", are among the most prominent critical criminological theories which, in connection with the teachings of organizational behavior and human resource management, have the ability to explain the reasons for "academic bullying". These theories also have the ability to provide solutions for situational and social crime prevention methods, primary and secondary and prevention methods, and specific and criminal/non-criminal prevention methods to reduce power imbalance factors in academic relations. On the other hand, and from the perspective of victimological criminology, victims of academic bullying, in addition to being victims of abuse of power by their academic colleagues, are also considered victims of governmental crime; because the lack of legal regulations to prevent academic bullying is a feature of the neglect of the government system in protecting academic freedom and peace, and it encourages academic bullies in this non-criminalized bullying. Also, the existence of administrative regulations and organizational procedures for promotion of scientific rank of university scholars, whose gross defects and major inadequacies have been widely criticized, are other manifestation of government crime.This article, in the context of zemiology, discusses what capacity critical criminology has in strengthening criminal policy to control academic bullying (severe abuses that are highly contrary to the dignity and ethics expected from the environment of educational and research institutions). Therefore, after examining the research background of the subject and describing the effects of this phenomenon that violates the ethics of knowledge, and by explaining the theoretical foundations help reduce the imbalance of power in academic relations, and discuses ability of some criminological theories in the etiology of academic bullying.

Prison abolition has emerged as a new framework for critical analysis, policies, and practices with implications for social welfare. Mobilized through a series of social movement events and formations from the late 1990s, prison abolition has taken on public prominence since the summer of 2020 and unprecedented U.S. and global protests of racialized police violence. While proponents of abolition have called for the dismantling of the carceral state or that sphere of the state represented by policing, jails, and prisons, the implications for the welfare state have been less clear. This conceptual article provides an overview of the welfare state and its development since the New Deal, outlining critical debates regarding its contributions to well-being as well as its punitive functions. Building upon David Garland's categories of welfare state sectors, the article offers an initial framing and set of analytical questions for further inquiry into abolitionist informed frameworks and strategies with regard to the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the relationship between crime and property values is reshaped by the transformation of houses into investible assets. Departing from neoclassical economics of crime, we introduce the notion of "capitalization of crime" to illustrate how crime is utilized to generate forward-looking financial expectations and shape housing markets in gentrifying neighborhoods. The study, based in Haifa, Israel, combines quantitative and qualitative data to demonstrate how investors and renters each play a role in constructing the value of crime by capitalizing crime in opposite directions. First, using a geographic information system to map crime alongside real-estate prices, we show that the effect of crime on property values is offset by prospects of future gentrification, thereby contributing to housing speculation. Second, using digital ethnography, we show how renters use "crime" to dampen investor expectations, reduce rents, and delay their displacement. Thus, our study adds to the established body of critical criminology, which examines the manipulation of crime for economic and political gains. It further contributes to emergent debates in urban criminology by explicating how the financialization of rental housing is remaking urban politics of crime and criminalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper invites a conversation between world-systems perspective and radical criminology to contribute to a more robust materialist, historical, and global understanding of policing, prisons, and carceral power. We trace the genealogy of these two approaches to the larger transformations of global capitalism in the 1960s and 1970s, including ruling class responses to capitalist crises vis a vis neoliberal restructuring as well as the social struggles waged by antisystemic movements. Both world-systems and radical criminology brought a critical and Marxist perspective to the liberal social sciences, yet dialogue between them has been lacking. On the one hand, worldsystems analysis offers a structural explanation of capitalism but often side steps the role that carceral power plays to manage the system's deepening contradictions. On the other hand, radical criminology focuses on carceral power but often limits its analysis to advanced core countries and not to the entire capitalist system. We argue that bringing these two critical approaches together can offer us a renewed Marxist perspective to the interrelated issues of capitalist crisis and carceral power and thus make possible new lines of inquiry and research best suited for grappling with the major contradictions of capitalism in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Argumenta: Journal Law / Revista Jurídica is the property of Argumenta: Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Derecho Penal y Criminologia is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia, Departamento de Derecho Penal y Criminologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ethnographic activism and critical criminology: The methods of ethnography have been employed in critical criminology to expose social ills and power differentials endemic to the political economy, culture and history of the global capitalist society. Over three decades, I have continued this tradition in research projects that advance criminological knowledge while contributing to the personal and collective struggles of diverse sub-populations to overcome their oppressed and/or subaltern status. I demonstrate this praxis of activist research through three criminological projects: gangs, deportation and credible messengers. I argue these cases show the possibilities and potential of an activist research agenda based on a commitment to decolonizing methodologies and a radical treatment of theory development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical criminology and political engagement: What role do political commitment and activism play in today's academic thinking and praxis? After a period in which academics tended to prefer an allegedly 'apolitical' position, this changes around 2020, when new social movements against mainly environmental destruction and institutional racism and sexism gain broad support in society. In this context, also academics increasingly demonstrate 'whose side they are on'. In this article we first examine the current role of critical criminology, and which are the key-developments in the political arena, and then we analyse what this means for the political engagement of academics, and indeed for the way we do research. In this context, we also point at some epistemological, methodological, and societal implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Responsible and critical? Exploring the impact of ethics committees on critical criminology: In recent years, there has been a rapid expansion of institutional research ethics boards (REBs) in universities across Europe. While ostensibly part of a growing awareness and concern for the potentially harmful impacts of social science research, this growing institutionalisation of research ethics has also attracted critics who have questioned its impact on academic freedom, methodological innovation, and scholarly independence. These concerns are especially vital for critical criminology, which has a long-standing tradition of investigating the crimes and social harms of the powerful. In this paper, we critically examine the role of REBs specifically in relation to critical criminological research and explore the possibilities for conducting socially and ethically responsible research, while continuing to maintain our commitment to challenging the social harms and crimes committed by institutions of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Czech & Slovak Social Work / Sociální Práce / Sociálna Práca is the property of Czech & Slovak Social Work and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper makes a call for a critical historical criminology of the antipodean and the Global South. It makes a preliminary argument for a critical historical criminology that is against method and in favour of political alliances with critical perspectives that can enrich historico‑criminological understandings in an antipodean and Southern context. In particular, this paper explores the potential for a politico-academic alliance between critical historical criminology and postcolonial studies, Southern theory and Indigenous research. Such politico-academic alliances reveal that critical historical criminology is best understood as a negation of both criminology and history and that historical criminology does not have to be understood as a new sub-discipline and academic specialism at the intersection of history and criminology. On the contrary, this paper argues that historical criminology can be approached as a critical attempt to ‘unthink the social sciences’ and to ‘de-discipline ourselves’.