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Frank Algernon Hall (1846-1899) was an English surgeon who practised in Lewes, Sussex. He is remembered for an attempt on his life in 1882 by "feloniously shooting". This premeditated act took place at the Lewes surgery where he practised and lived. No reason for the attack is documented and his assailant, Edwin Battersby, was removed to Broadmoor asylum. The author reflects on the value of historical accounts in promoting awareness of assaults on clinicians.

An ex-employee of a Newark straw hat factory, 15-year-old Robert Alden Fales battered the factory's cashier Thomas Haydon on the head multiple times with a wooden staff. Fales then applied a chloroform-soaked handkerchief to Haydon's nose until the cashier stopped moving. Arrested and convicted of murder, Fales had his death sentence commuted to life imprisonment. At 23 years of age, the criminal chloroformist died in jail from tuberculosis., (Copyright © 2020 Anesthesia History Association. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

This study examines Adolphe Quêtelet's conception of deviance. It investigates how he identified social marginalities and what actions he recommended governments to undertake. To get a close understanding of his views, this paper examines three cases of "monstrosities," namely mental alienation, drunkenness, and criminality. My main thesis is that Quêtelet provided scientific authority to a conception of deviance as sickness, immorality, and cost thus encouraging legislators to use statistics for containing social marginalities. The case of alienation shows that Quêtelet viewed insanity as a pathology of civilization to be understood through phrenology. The case of drunkenness demonstrates how Quêtelet conflated the notion of statistical mean with moral decency. The case of criminality illustrates Quêtelet's major concern with the cost of criminals for the state. While advocating for the perfectibility of mankind, Quêtelet urged governments to take actions against what he considered the monstrosities of society., (© 2019 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

This article analyzes medical-legal associations between madness and criminality in department of Antioquia (Colombia) during the three first decades of 20th century. The analysis was oriented by two overlapping axes: discourses and practices. The ideas of four doctors, generated between 1917 and 1925, were examined in order to identify the theoretical debates that delimited and defined mental illnesses in legal cases. The use of qualified knowledge and their place as experts were analyzed in a judicial case, initiated in 1921, in which theoretical confrontations surfaced among the doctors that debated the possible insanity of the defendant.

Lampião, the most infamous Brazilian brigand leader, was killed and decapitated during an ambush in 1938. The Alagoas police coroner, Dr. José Lages Filho, performed an autopsy of his head. Strongly biased toward the anthropologic ideas of the famous Italian psychiatrist and criminalist Cesare Lombroso, the examination found only a few of the so-called criminal inborn traits. The Lombrosian doctrine and a number of related theories strongly influenced medical and political reasoning in the first half of the 20th century. Modern genetic and neuroscientific studies are still looking for the potential biological roots of misbehavior and criminality.

Over 30 years ago, the U.S. Supreme Court held that indigent defendants raising psychiatric issues are entitled to the assistance of a mental health expert. However, the exact dimensions of that assistance, and whether the expert must be assigned exclusively to assist the defense, have been in contention ever since. In its recent decision in McWilliams v. Dunn, the Court underscored that the state-funded expert must be available to consult with the defense, not merely to evaluate the defendant, but declined to opine on whether the defense is entitled to its own expert for the purpose.

A current situation in Connecticut of whether a violent insane acquittee should be held in a state prison or psychiatric facility raises difficult issues in jurisprudence and medical ethics. Overlooked is that the present case of Francis Anderson reiterates much of the debate over rationalization of policy during the formative nineteenth century. Contrary to theories of social control and state absolutism, governance in Connecticut was largely episodic, indecisive and dilatory over much of the century. The extraordinary urban and industrial transformation at the end of the Gilded Age finally forced a coherent response in keeping with longstanding legal and medical perspectives.

Through an examination of previously unseen archival records, including patients' letters, this article examines the treatment and experiences of patients in late Victorian Broadmoor Criminal Lunatic Asylum and stakes the place of this institution within the broader history of therapeutic regimes in British asylums. Two main arguments are put forth. The first relates to the evolution of treatment in Victorian asylums. Historians tend to agree that in the 1860s and 1870s 'psychiatric pessimism' took hold, as the optimism that had accompanied the growth of moral treatment, along with its promise of a cure for insanity, abated. It has hitherto been taken for granted that all asylums reflected this change. I question this assumption by showing that Broadmoor did not sit neatly within this framework. Rather, the continued emphasis on work, leisure and kindness privileged at this institution into the late Victorian period was often welcomed positively by patients and physicians alike. Second, I show that, in Broadmoor's case, moral treatment was determined not so much by the distinction between the sexes as the two different classes of patients - Queen's pleasure patients and insane convicts - in the asylum. This distinction between patients not only led to different modes of treatment within Broadmoor, but had an impact on patients' asylum experiences. The privileged access to patients' letters that the Broadmoor records provide not only offers a new perspective on the evolution of treatment in Victorian asylums, but also reveals the rarely accessible views of asylum patients and their families on asylum care.

In recent years, we have worked with many psychiatric records kept by the Archive Services of the Institut universitaire en santé mentale de Montréal (IUSMM). The proposed article is focused on the February 12th 1959 document Assemblée des médecins located within the records of six illegitimate children admitted to the Hôpital Saint-Jean-de-Dieu in the late 1950s. Our study, inspired by the work of historian Roy Porter and his approach from below, contributes to the historical discourse seeking to incorporate patient's voices, in this case, a gang of young offenders identified by a life course shaped by repeated institutional experience.

The Anatomical Institute at the Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg is among the anatomical departments for which a comprehensive account of its history during National Socialism (NS) is still missing. Previous investigations (such as in: Grün et al., 2002) have revealed the political activities of some anatomists, but, in the absence of relevant body-registers, a more comprehensive examination of the anatomical body procurement has not been attempted. The inspection of records in university and municipal archives allows insight into the activities in the institute within the historical context. The Freiburg Institute shared the experience of the impact of NS politics with other German anatomies. Four anatomists were dismissed because of NS racial discrimination, and chairman von Möllendorf left for political reasons. His successor Nauck's appointment was politically motivated, as he was a staunch Nazi. His colleagues were also members of NS political organizations. Body procurement was controversial between the public and the anatomists in Freiburg prior to and following the Third Reich, and much of the anatomists' efforts focused on the improvement of the body supply. In 1935, and, again during the war, the number of bodies was sufficient for anatomical education. Among the traditional sources of body procurement were increasing numbers of NS victims. Forty-four of them can be identified, among them 21 forced laborers and their children who died of so-called natural causes, and 22 men who had been executed at Stuttgart prison on April 6, 1943. While the victims' names have been ascertained, their biographies still need restoration to ensure an appropriate commemoration., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier GmbH. All rights reserved.)

This is the first comprehensive account of body procurement at the Anatomical Institute at Greifswald University during National Socialism (NS). As in all other German anatomical departments, the bodies received during this period included increasing numbers of victims of the NS regime. Prior to 1939, 90% of all bodies came from hospitals, state nursing homes and mental institutions (Heil- und Pflegeanstalten), but dropped to less than 30% after 1941. While the total catchment area for body procurement decreased, the number of suppliers increased and included prisons, POW camps, Gestapo offices and military jurisdiction authorities. Among the 432 documented bodies delivered to the institute, 132 came from state nursing homes and mental institutions, mainly from Ueckermünde. These were bodies of persons, who probably were victims of "euthanasia" crimes. The Anatomical Institute also procured 46 bodies of forced laborers, of whom at least twelve had been executed. Other groups of victims included 21 bodies of executed Wehrmacht soldiers and 16 Russian prisoners of war from the camp Stalag II C in Greifswald, who had died of starvation and exhaustion. From 1941 onwards, the number of bodies delivered from prisons and penitentiaries greatly increased. In total, 60 bodies of prisoners, mainly from the penitentiary in Gollnow, were delivered to the Anatomical Institute. Greifswald Anatomical Institute was not just a passive recipient of bodies from all of these sources, but the anatomists actively lobbied with the authorities for an increased body supply for teaching and research purposes., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier GmbH. All rights reserved.)

August Hirt (1898-1945) was director of the Institute of Anatomy of the Reichsuniversität Strassburg from November 1941 to November 1944. During this period, he was involved in many criminal activities: mustard gas experiments on prisoners of KL Natzweiler-Struthof, creating a collection of Jewish skeletons by gassing 86 Jews from KL Auschwitz in the Struthof-Natzweiler gas chamber, and involvement in experiments on phosgene gas performed by Otto Bickenbach. Extensive literature exists on these crimes. However, there has been very little work completed on the so-called normal activity of the Institute of Anatomy of which he was head and in particular the question of deliveries of corpses. We estimate that between 244 and 724 bodies were delivered to the Anatomical Institute of the Reichsuniversität Strassburg between 1942 and 1944. In the course of our investigations, we have determined the identity of 232 corpses received between 1942 and 1944, the vast majority of Soviet prisoners of war from two hospitals for prisoners of war (Strassburg and Mutzig). Other sources of dead bodies have been found, such as hospital patients and French citizens who had been executed by shooting. Most of the corpses were used for dissection by medical students, but many anatomical preparations were also made from the bodies. The bodies were buried during and after the war, but the fate of the anatomical and histological specimens is unknown. Newly discovered archival record allowed us to identify and find three jars with tissues from the 86 gassed Jews. These pieces were in the Museum of the Institute of Forensic Medicine of Strasbourg. At this point the following proposals are made: (1) opening of the Medical Faculty of Strasbourg archives, (2) creation of an historical commission, (3) identification and publication of the complete inventory of all preparations at the Strasbourg Anatomical Museum, (4) research of the fate of the dry and wet preparations made under National Socialism, (5) verification of histological slides, embryological specimens and the tissues from the institutes already existing under National Socialism, (6) verification of the pieces of the Museum of Forensic Medicine, (7) publications of these results and information of the press and (8) creation of a memorial for the victims of the NS delivered to the Institute of Anatomy., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier GmbH. All rights reserved.)

"Political criminals" of the early 20th century were adjudged to be psychopaths, a term which was generally accompanied by a negative moral judgement. However, other more positive appraisals were also made at this time. These contradictory moral judgements by psychiatrists expose the need for an examination of the historical development of concepts, traditions and moral debates associated with political criminals (anarchists, assassins, revolutionaries). This will be undertaken in the context of psychiatry/ criminology, security (and surveillance) policy as well as culture and the arts in German-speaking countries from 1880 to the early 1920s.

This article traces the genealogy of the category of 'abnormals' in psychiatry. It focuses on the French alienist Felix Voisin (1794-1872) who played a decisive role in the creation of alienist knowledge and institutions for problem children, criminals, idiots and lunatics. After a presentation of the category of 'abnormals' as understood at the end of the nineteenth century, I identify in the works of Voisin a key moment in the concept's evolution. I show how, based on concepts borrowed from phrenology and applied first to idiocy, Voisin allows alienism to establish links between the medico-legal (including penitentiary) and medical-educational fields (including difficult childhood). I stress the extent to which this enterprise is related to Voisin's humanism, which claimed to remodel pedagogy and the right to punish on the anthropological particularities of individuals, in order to improve them., (© The Author(s) 2015.)

On 22 July 2011, a 32-year-old Norwegian launched two planned murderous rampages claiming the lives of 77 victims. Shortly before his attacks, Anders Behring Breivik uploaded to the internet a self-styled compendium written in English in which he explained the motivation for his attacks. By deconstructing this text and the documentation contained in the first [court-ordered] psychiatric evaluation of Breivik, we can undertake to analyse his sense of persecution. In pursing this analysis, we start with Breivik's description of his personal concept of contemporary European history and politics, and then proceed to the autobiographical and phantasmic aspects of his discourse. The analysis reveals the transformation of love into hate, the original persecutor, the installation of a projection mechanism, notions of betrayal and their subsequent development into an ideology. With Breivik's conceptions thus revealed, we conclude by comparing different psychoanalytic hypotheses which deepen or challenge the Freudian thesis of a defence against a feeling of homosexual love in persecution, and which to the contrary favour the importance of the relationship with the mother, anal sadism or the 'narcissistic rage' behind the genesis of these ideas. We leave open the question of whether there is a constant relationship between feelings of persecution and the tendency to commit criminal acts., (Copyright © 2015 Institute of Psychoanalysis.)

Seventy years ago, psychiatrists and psychologists had unusual access to the Nazi leaders awaiting trial by the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg. Early leaders in the field of psychosomatic medicine were instrumental in facilitating these interviews as well as arranging for the administration of psychological testing with the Rorschach inkblot test. These observations were kept under wraps for decades and there remains controversy even now about what these Rorschachs revealed-demonic psychopaths or just morally corrupt individuals., (Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

Encephalitis lethargica (EL) was an epidemic that spread throughout Europe and North America during the 1920s. Although it could affect both children and adults alike, there were a strange series of chronic symptoms that exclusively affected its younger victims: behavioural disorders which could include criminal propensities. In Britain, which had passed the Mental Deficiency Act in 1913, the concept of mental deficiency was well understood when EL appeared. However, EL defied some of the basic precepts of mental deficiency to such an extent that amendments were made to the Mental Deficiency Act in 1927. I examine how clinicians approached the sequelae of EL in children during the 1920s, and how their work and the social problem that these children posed eventually led to changes in the legal definition of mental deficiency. EL serves as an example of how diseases are not only framed by the society they emerge in, but can also help to frame and change existing concepts within that same society., (Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Social and behavioral scientists have increasingly attended to the contexts and motivational dynamics underlying parricidal events. These efforts notwithstanding, most research has focused on adolescent or adult male offender populations. One largely neglected area of study is that of adult female offender parricide. The present study utilizes archival records to examine the contexts and sources of conflict that gave rise to adult female offender parricides in the late 19th century. Three general themes emerged, representing the primary contexts behind adult female offender parricide: (1) abuse and neglect; (2) instrumental, financially-motivated killings; and (3) expressive killings, often during the course of arguments. Each of these contexts is explored.

Fran Gundrum (1856-1919) was a Croatian physician, encyclopedist, and an advocate of medical enlightenment and healthy lifestyle. In order to identify and analyze Gundrum's ideas about the problems of prostitution and criminality, we studied all of his books, booklets, and articles published between 1905 and 1914. We showed that Gundrum's theories of heredity, morality, and sexual hygiene incorporated many of the important discussions of his time, especially those related to the Darwinian paradigm. Gundrum's project of collecting statistics on prostitutes was the first such study published on the territory of today's Croatia. Although he rejected the notions of born prostitutes and born criminals, defended by Italian criminal anthropologist Cesare Lombroso, he still regarded eugenics as a convenient method of dealing with the ills of society. He believed that criminals were degenerate individuals representing a violent threat to the society and that it was legitimate to use radical means, such as sterilization and deportation, to deal with this problem. Organicistic view of the society prevented him from seeing the individual rights as important as that of the society to protect itself. Nevertheless, this view led to many humanistic ideas, such as the binomial illness/poverty in case of prostitution, which influenced many prominent works of social medicine movement.

Cesare Lombroso (1835-1909) still represents one of the most famous and, at the same time, controversial figures of neuropsychiatry. His idea of the "atavist" criminal, prisoner of his/her biologic inheritance, became extremely popular in Western countries. Unfortunately, Lombroso's theory of a strict connection between epilepsy and the criminal personality exerted a long-lasting negative influence on both medical and public opinion, and strongly contributed to the stigmatization of patients with epilepsy. In this report, we aim to present the complete and unabridged series of passages of Cesare Lombroso's works, published only in the Italian language, discussing the issue of epilepsy and crime. All original Italian quotations are offered and an English translation is provided. Although we believe that the medical profession must be well aware of the "evil" distortions generated by Lombrosian theories, which clearly emerge from his original transactions, any comment is deliberately avoided because, in our opinion, people and their ideas must be judged in accordance with the historical period to which they belonged., (Wiley Periodicals, Inc. © 2011 International League Against Epilepsy.)

In the 1960s and 1970s African American “supergangs” emerged in Chicago. Many scholars have touted the “prosocial” goals of these gangs but fail to contextualize them in the larger history of black organized crime. Thus, they have overlooked how gang members sought to reclaim the underground economy in their neighborhoods. Yet even as gangs drove out white organized crime figures, they often lacked the know-how to reorganize the complex informal economy. Inexperienced gang members turned to extreme violence, excessive recruitment programs, and unforgiving extortion schemes to take power over criminal activities. These methods alienated black citizens and exacerbated tensions with law enforcement. In addition, the political shelter enjoyed by the previous generation of black criminals was turned into pervasive pressure to break up street gangs. Black street gangs fulfilled their narrow goal of community control of vice. Their interactions with their neighbors, however, remained contentious.

Research demonstrates a complex relationship between television viewing and fear of crime. Social critics assert that media depictions perpetuate the dominant cultural ideology about crime and criminal justice. This article examines whether program type differentially affects fear of crime and perceptions of the crime rate. Next, it tests whether such programming differentially affects viewers' attitudes about the criminal justice system, and if these relationships are mediated by fear. Results indicated that fear mediated the relationship between viewing nonfictional shows and lack of support for the justice system. Viewing crime dramas predicted support for the death penalty, but this relationship was not mediated by fear. News viewership was unrelated to either fear or attitudes. The results support the idea that program type matters when it comes to understanding people's fear of crime and their attitudes about criminal justice.

In 1862 His Honor, Justice Johnston, issued his instructions to the jury of the New Zealand Supreme Court for two simultaneous rape trials – the alleged rape of a European woman by two Māori men, and an alleged “assault with intent to commit a rape” of a Māori woman by a European man. This article argues that those instructions should be read within an historiographical critique of British colonial expansion, print capitalism and violence. Drawing on feminist postcolonial theorizing the question posed here, is, “What is the historical, ideological context for a newspaper reporting of the possible rape of a Māori woman in 1862?

In this article, I argue that the practice of forced disappearance of persons on the part of paramilitary groups has become linked to specific processes of globalization. Global flows related to biopolitics, global crime networks, and dehumanizing imaginations reproduced by mass media together constitute a driving force behind forced disappearances. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in the Colombian city of Medellín, I analyze how these global flows interact with local armed actors, helping create a climate conducive to forced disappearance. These mechanisms in Colombia show similarities to those in some African and Asian countries. Gaining insight into the mechanisms behind forced disappearance may help prevent it from occurring in the future. Enhancing social inclusion of residents, unraveling the transnational crime networks in which perpetrators are involved, and disseminating rehumanizing images of victims all contribute to curbing the practice of forced disappearance.

From an identity theory perspective, reflected appraisals from others are relevant for social behavior, because behavior is motivated by the desire to achieve congruence between reflected appraisals and the self-view for a particular identity. This study extends prior identity theory work from the laboratory setting by examining identity processes with respect to the criminal identity in the unique “natural” setting of a total institution. The findings build on prior work which finds that reflected appraisals do have an influence on identities and behavior by demonstrating that the relationship one has to the source of reflected appraisals is important for the way in which reflected appraisals influence the criminal self-view for an incarcerated population.

Using a national probability sample of adolescents (12–17), this study applies general strain theory to how violent victimization, vicarious violent victimization, and dual violent victimization affect juvenile violent/property crime and drug use. In addition, the mediating effect and moderating effect of depression, low social control, and delinquent peer association on the victimization–delinquency relationship is also examined. Based on SEM analyses and contingency tables, the results indicate that all three types of violent victimization have significant and positive direct effects on violent/property crime and drug use. In addition, the expected mediating effects and moderating effects are also found. Limitations and future directions are discussed.

In recent years, oral history has been celebrated by its practitioners for its humanizing potential, and its ability to democratize history by bringing the narratives of people and communities typically absent in the archives into conversation with that of the political and intellectual elites who generally write history. And when dealing with the narratives of ordinary people living in conditions of social and political stability, the value of oral history is unquestionable. However, in recent years, oral historians have increasingly expanded their gaze to consider intimate accounts of extreme human experiences, such as narratives of survival and flight in response to mass atrocities. This shift in academic and practical interests begs the questions: Are there limits to oral historical methods and theory? And if so, what are these limits? This paper begins to address these questions by drawing upon fourteen months of fieldwork in Rwanda and Bosnia-Hercegovina, during which I conducted multiple life history interviews with approximately one hundred survivors, ex-combatants, and perpetrators of genocide and related mass atrocities. I argue that there are limits to the application of oral history, particularly when working amid highly politicized research settings.

The Rio de Janeiro state archive's collection of entry logs for the city's central detention center, going back to the mid-nineteenth century, provides a rare glimpse into the lives of Rio's—and Brazil's—poor and working classes who otherwise left few written records behind. During the time when the institution maintained the entry logs, police exercised broad power to make arrests. Although relatively few detainees were ever prosecuted or even formally charged, the detention center kept detailed records of detainees' physical appearance, attire, home address, nationality, sex, affiliation, and so on, as well as information about any criminal charges. This article explores the wealth of empirical data that the entry logs provide. It also suggests how scrutinizing this type of document across time shows how record keeping itself changed, in turn affording researchers rare insight into the inner workings of modern Latin American society.

Talking of the Act LXXX. of 2009, the amendment of the Act IV. of 1978 on Criminal Code, the author reviews the Hungarian history of the changes of regulations referring to mentally ill criminals. He discusses the treatment regulations referring to criminals identified as insane, too. From historical and legal philosophical points of view, those parts of the modification of Criminal Code are analyzed that deal with mandatory treatment and took effect in he May 2010. The changes are judged as paradigm changing in a negative course that represents a doubtful step from the direction of perpetrator based criminal law to criminal act based criminal law.

Reintegrative shaming theory (RST) argues that social aggregates characterized by high levels of communitarianism and nonstigmatizing shaming practices benefit from relatively low levels of crime. We combine aggregate measures from the World Values Survey with available macro-level data to test this hypothesis. Additionally, we examine the extent to which communitarianism and shaming mediate the effects of cultural and structural factors featured prominently in other macro-level theoretical frameworks (e.g., inequality, modernity, sex ratio, etc.). Findings provide some support for RST, showing homicide to vary with societal levels of communitarianism and informal stigmatization. However, while the effects of modernity and sex ratio were mediated by RST processes, suppression was indicated for economic inequality. Implications for theory and research are discussed.

The borderland of the val de Lièpvre, with lands in Alsace and in the Duchy of Lorraine, and divided by religion and language, offers a rich collection of sources for the history of witchcraft persecution. The territory sharply reveals what was undoubtedly characteristic of witchcraft trials more widely. The crime of witchcraft was considered abominable before the Christian community and God, and its prosecution justified abandoning many of the safeguards and constraints in legal procedure, whether restrictions on the use of torture, the reliance on dubious testimony or even denial of advocacy to the witches. The action of the judges was nonetheless, as they understood it, the rendering of true justice, by punishing the culprits with a harshness that would expiate their crimes before the community and preserve them from damnation in the face of God's judgment.

Ellen Pence helped build the foundation of batterer programming with the Duluth program. The program forged new ground and bridged the concerns of advocates and criminal justice officials by developing its "Power and Control Wheel" from women's experiences with abuse. Its dialogical format, responding to vignettes and control logs, helps to engage men in a reflective process, to monitor their behavior, and to identify alternative outlooks and responses. At the same time, Ellen's work remains rooted in a gender analysis and a coordinated community response. Critics of Duluth programming miss the mark with a distorted caricature of Duluth, neglect of substantiating research, and the bias from their own personal agendas. Ellen's personal touch of insightful humor and personal interest has helped to move forward the lessons of Duluth and the field itself. Her groundbreaking program helps to sort through the disarray of approaches among batterer programs today.

Ellen Pence has changed the framework for doing supervised visitation and safe exchanges in cases of domestic violence. Ellen challenged the basic tenets of "neutrality" and a primary focus on "safety for children" in the supervised visitation field. By incorporating equal regard for the safety of adult victims of domestic violence and children, Ellen challenged supervised visitation centers to reexamine their mission, role, intake/orientation, documentation, and rules for their programming. She designed services for supervised visitation that would account for battering of women and children while not being excessively policing and providing a respectful and fair atmosphere for men who batter.

This essay offers reflections, both personal and professional, on the contributions of Ellen Pence to changes in law enforcement responses to domestic violence victims and offenders.

This article argues that a new diagram is emerging in the criminal justice system as it encounters developments in the neurosciences. This does not take the form that concerns many "neuroethicists" -- it does not entail a challenge to doctrines of free will and the notion of the autonomous legal subject -- but is developing around the themes of susceptibility, risk, pre-emption and precaution. I term this diagram "screen and intervene" and in this article I attempt to trace out this new configuration and consider some of the consequences.

This article explores the image of the psychopath in Alfred Hitchcock’s 1960 film Psycho. The famed director’s portrayal of a psychologically damaged young man connected with a much larger discussion over political and sexual deviance in the early Cold War, a discussion that cantered on the image of the psychopath as the dominant threat to national security and that played upon normative assumptions about adolescent development and mother-son relations.

During 2008, rumours about revolting incestuous encounters between sons and their mothers circulated in the Bushbuckridge municipality of the South African lowveld. This article views these rumours as expressing moral panic, paying particular attention to the historical contexts of their emergence and circulation, and to their temporal orientation. I locate these rumours in the periphery of South Africa's de-industrialising economy, marked by increased unemployment and criminality among men and by a growing prominence of women-headed households. They express a regressive temporalisation and pessimistic vision, not of development, progress and civilisation, but rather of deterioration and de-civilisation. Through the alleged act of incest, sons who engage in crime usurp the authority of fathers who once produced value in strategic industries and mines. As such the rumours envision a dystopia marked by the 'death of the father' and chaotic disorder without morality and law.

This study of teenage violent crime in Britain in 2008, extracted from a longer briefing paper published by the Institute of Race Relations, aims to provide a description of who was killed, by whom and in what circumstances — a factual description which has been largely missing from much media and political evaluation.

Latinos are moving beyond traditional areas and settling in new, potentially disorganized destinations. Without an established immigrant community, new destinations appear to rely more on the local religious ecology to regulate community life and to keep crime low. We examine the link between religious ecology and Latino homicide victimization for traditional and new destination counties. We observe four findings. (1) A Catholic presence has no effect on Latino violence in the old and well-organized traditional settlement areas. But in new Latino settlement areas, a Catholic presence substantially lowers violence against Latinos. In contrast, mainline Protestantism is linked to high levels of violence against Latinos in new destinations. (2) Previous claims that Latino communities are safe do not apply to new destinations, where Latinos are murdered at a high rate. (3) Previous claims that areas with high Latino immigration are safe for Latinos are not true for new destinations. (4) New Latino destinations offer little insulation from the effects of economic deprivation on violence. We discuss the implications of the findings.