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The article examines the memoirs of four women who provided nursing care in the Crimean War: Mary Seacole, Elizabeth Davis, Martha Nicol and Fanny Margaret Taylor. It argues that these memoirs are also Orientalist travelogues that reflect the women's participation in Britain's informal empire in the eastern Mediterranean. These women used Orientalist tropes, such as scenic vistas, idle servants and foreign customs like the harem, to attract a readership for their publications. Additionally, by allying themselves with the British civilizing mission, these women sought acceptance from British society. The middle-class volunteer nurses, like Fanny Margaret Taylor or Martha Nicol, attempted to excuse their seemingly unconventional behavior in journeying far from the traditional female domestic sphere to serve as war nurses, while Elizabeth Davis, a working-class nurse, aimed to overcome the stereotypes of intemperance and immorality associated with her profession. Finally, as a mixed-race woman, Mary Seacole faced a great difficulty in gaining the sympathy of her white British readership but by intensively associating herself with the British military and its customs, she gained the affection of the British public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Frances Duberly aimed to address a nation enraptured by the Crimean War (1853–1856) in her 1855 Journal Kept During the Russian War. Travelling with her officer husband and living amongst the army for two years, she wrote as a self-professed authority on the conflict and constructed herself as a ‘Crimean heroine’. Duberly attempted to secure her own sense of belonging, which existed in tension with many contemporary social standards, by presenting the publication of her Journal as a patriotic act and constructing herself in terms of an extension of the soldiers’ heroism. However, that patriotic display proved fragile and problematic in the face of a competing narrative of feminine heroism, constructed around Florence Nightingale, which dominated the public consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 1855, the British House of Commons appointed a Select Committee to investigate the parlous state of the British army then encamped before Sebastopol. Originally a radical project driven by the Radical MP John Arthur Roebuck, the Sebastopol Committee wound up tamer than its origins implied. At its outset, it collapsed a government, and prompted anguished complaints from traditionalists that it was overthrowing the constitution. Yet in choosing to work through a Select Committee – a long-established form, albeit one not previously used to investigate an ongoing military operation – Roebuck made a calculated gamble that did not entirely pay off. Sacrificing control over his Committee's composition to secure wide parliamentary approval and thereby legitimacy, he wound up unable to influence its conclusions in his preferred direction. Instead, his more 'establishment' colleagues declined to censure individuals, refused even to consider the government's wider strategic approach, and produced a set of recommendations almost identical to what the government was doing anyway. The effect was to neuter Roebuck's radical inquiry. In the end, the fact that the Sebastopol Committee happened matters more than anything it did, or anything it found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In much the same way as today, nineteenth-century diplomats were expected to represent their government politically abroad and implement foreign policy as decided by their superiors. However, quite a few of them held personal views that conflicted with their instructions, causing numerous difficulties. British diplomats sent to the Habsburg Monarchy provide a prime example of this problem, with Anglo-Austrian relations strained by ideological conflicts and British ambassadors repeatedly ending up supporting the Austrian point of view. This article uses two of them, Lord Ponsonby and Lord Westmorland, as case studies, focusing on their diplomatic practice and the changing relationships with their superiors. It examines the extent of their agency, the consequences of rebellious behaviour, and their ability to influence British foreign policy according to their own convictions.

Research Objectives: Studying the contributions of the Crimean and Nogai Tatars to the military efforts of the Ottoman state from the moment that the Crimean Khanate fell under the Turkish protectorate until the mid-19th century. Research materials. The article is based on an analysis of sources and rich historiographical material, the works of domestic and foreign scientists on the topic of research. Results and Novelty of the Research: An analysis of sources and historiography shows that over the centuries, thousands of Tatars (Crimean, Nogai, Kazan) fought in the ranks of the Ottoman army. The participation of the troops of the Crimean Khanate significantly strengthened the capabilities of the Sultan’s armies. After the joining of Crimea in 1783, thousands of Crimean and Nogai Tatars left the territory of the Khanate and continued to fight against Russia. In 1787, the Ottoman authorities proclaimed the revival of the Crimean Khanate. The armed forces of the Girays fought against the Russians and Austrians in the Russo-Turkish War of 1787–1791. After the war of 1787–1791, despite the liquidation of the Khanate, the Ottoman government continued to actively involve Tatars in military service. The Tatar cavalry fought on the side of the Sultan in the Russian-Turkish wars of 1806–1812 and 1828–1829. Military personnel of the Dobruja Tatar Regiment took part in a number of key events in the Turkish military history of the 19th century. During the Crimean War (1853–1856), the combined forces of British, French and Turkish troops landed in Crimea. The allies, at the same time, used the help from the Crimean Tatar population. Later, Crimean Tatars also participated in Turkish wars, such as the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 and World War I (1914–1918).

In much the same way as today, nineteenth-century diplomats were expected to represent their government politically abroad and implement foreign policy as decided by their superiors. However, quite a few of them held personal views that conflicted with their instructions, causing numerous difficulties. British diplomats sent to the Habsburg Monarchy provide a prime example of this problem, with Anglo-Austrian relations strained by ideological conflicts and British ambassadors repeatedly ending up supporting the Austrian point of view. This article uses two of them, Lord Ponsonby and Lord Westmorland, as case studies, focusing on their diplomatic practice and the changing relationships with their superiors. It examines the extent of their agency, the consequences of rebellious behaviour, and their ability to influence British foreign policy according to their own convictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the supply crisis in Sevastopol during the Crimean War as a case study of war, economy, and society. Evidence shows that structural change and policy developments, rather than a technology deficit, produced systemic shortages across the Russian Empire. The resulting supply crisis on the battlefield spread from the military through the home front, and back again. Protests erupted as hungry soldiers and civilians sought scapegoats in vulnerable social groups. A new suspicion of internal enemies connected to supply networks emerged, and lasted into the Soviet era. While many aspects are unique to the Russian and Ukrainian historical experience, the potential social threat inherent to military supply remains universal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay closely examines the role played by the Crimean War in Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis’s 1900 novel Dom Casmurro. In portraying the narrator of the novel, Bento Santiago, nicknamed “Casmurro,” and his boyhood friend, Manduca, as quarreling over their preference in the 1854-56 conflict between Russia and an Anglo-French-Ottoman coalition, Machado delineates certain character traits in the two friends, differentiating the sympathetic Manduca, doomed or die young, and the dour, longer-lasting Casmurro. But Machado also comments on the global reach of the Crimean War (in which Brazil was neutral) and of the global canvas on which a Brazilian novelist of this era inevitably drew. Though the world was not as well-connected as it is today, these reverberations allow us to speak of a developing semi-global environment in the mid-nineteenth century. Given Machado’s own racial background, and the persistence of slavery and colonialism worldwide, examining the Crimean War reference in the novel can speak both to the narrative strategies within Dom Casmurro and to the novel’s wider sociopolitical applicability.

Between 1854 and 1856 the shape of private and public collections of arms, armour, and ordnance were influenced directly by the conflict with Russia, especially from the main theatre in the Crimea and its key military engagements including Alma, Balaklava, Inkerman, and Sevastopol. While antiquities and some examples of militaria had entered private collections through personal travel during the first half of the nineteenth century, it was the outbreak of war with Russia that perhaps had the strongest influence on collections. The new theatre of war provided fresh opportunities to begin a collection or expand an existing one. Moreover, a greater number of individuals from all levels of society were given chances to acquire objects than hithertofore, from militaria to objets d'art to ordinary domestic items. Pictures and photographs were often the most highly prized, particularly of the time before war had started and the destruction of cities such as Sevastopol had occurred.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Wonderful Adventures of Mrs Seacole in Many Lands (1857) Mary Seacole investigates assumptions about where bodies should be and how they should be treated during times of cholera epidemic negotiating ideas promoted by race science and maintained within the disciplined orderings of certain nineteenth-century medical spaces. Offering an alternative to these temporal orderings Seacole revives antiquated formations of medicine centered on the early Christian hospital while also drawing upon diasporic knowledge cast outside the bounds of medical modernity. In doing so Wonderful Adventures illustrates that "progress" does not necessarily entail ethical advancements. Seacole's hotels medical praxis and theories of nature and disease simultaneously borrow from and offer alternatives to the liberal linear orderings of a history written in European centers of science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 17th century Japan decided to pursue a policy of limiting or completely prohibiting external contacts. This policy lasted more than two centuries. During the XVIII ‒ early XIX centuries Russia made attempts to establish diplomatic and trade relations with the Land of the Rising Sun, which had only limited success. The end of the isolation policy is associated with the expeditions to Japan by E. V. Putyatin in 1853–1854. The article gives a general overview of the international situation that had developed around Japan at that time. The role of the Russian-American company in supplying the expedition of E. V. Putyatin is noted. An analysis of the negotiations between Russia and Japan is carried out, its features are shown. The Treaty of Shimoda is being studied. The article provides memoirs of contemporaries of those events. The agreement became a model for similar agreements between other countries and Japan. Simultaneously with Putyatin’s journey, the defense of Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky took place, as part of the Crimean War. The article shows how those events influenced the establishment of relations with Japan. The article has been prepared using an interdisciplinary approach that combines historical and linguistic methods as well. Close attention is paid to publications by Japanese authors and work with archival materials, especially with documents from the Russian State Archive of the Navy, the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, the State Archive of the Irkutsk Region, the Manuscript Department of the Russian National Library and the electronic archive of the National Diet Library of Japan.

The readers are invited to review the book by Andrey Petrovich Dmitriev “The Aksakov Family: Literary Heritage and Civic Position: From Archival Research.” It is dedicated to the 200th anniversary of the birth of Ivan Sergeevich Aksakov, an outstanding Russian publicist of Slavophile trend, poet and public figure. The monograph explores various aspects of the life and activities of the representatives of the famous Aksakov family, who in their writings and correspondence actively responded to all the most important events in the cultural and social life of Russia. The research is based on extensive archival data, partly introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. In addition to covering a wide range of subjects the book provides a new approach to the accumulation of research potential in the study of the history of Russian clans and social processes in Russian society of the 19th century. The research is provided with illustrations, a list of abbreviations, an index of names and a valuable bibliographic references to the first publications of the materials placed or mentioned in the book.

Florence Nightingale rose to fame early in 1855 at a time when provincialism was assuming unprecedented importance in Victorian culture. The London papers The Times and the Illustrated London News linked Nightingale to the typically provincial domain of the parish and the home: her public image reflecting the wish to extend domestic comfort to soldiers, adrift on foreign land and neglected by uncaring military authorities. Nightingale's campaigns to improve soldiers' conditions then galvanized the charitable enthusiasms of households across Britain and its colonies, as the public sent contributions ranging from knitted slippers to bedsheets repurposed as wound dressings on ships to the Crimea. Nightingale subsequently introduced army reading rooms stocked with works of regional and provincial fiction, either as actual volumes or as instalments in periodicals such as Household Words , to bring the imaginative connections between the parish and the Scutari hospitals closer still. While recent work by Stefanie Markovits and Holly Furneaux has shown how the cultural lives of 'home' and 'the East' were closer than previously thought, I contend that two distinctively provincial features of Nightingale's place within the conflict have not been sufficiently recognized. First, Nightingale drew on gendered notions of the home and domesticity that were crucial to the provincial as it gained appeal and meaning during the middle of the century. Second, in facilitating imaginative connections between soldiers and the reading public many thousands of miles away, Nightingale showed that the provincial operated most effectively at distance, where its effects were felt most strongly among an increasingly dispersed and fragmented nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article aims to historicise the making of the border between the Russian and Ottoman empires in southern Bessarabia, drawn in the post-Crimean War context in 1856–1857. An international commission was appointed for this purpose, and delegates from five empires – Austrian, British, French, Russian and Ottoman – gathered in the province on the ground to demarcate the border decided by Europe's powers. Based on the commission's lengthy protocols, and on the memoirs of several experts involved in surveying, mapping and demarcating the border on the ground, this article delves into the mechanisms of border-making in the field, examining the challenges that commission members encountered with finding a common vocabulary and with balancing larger geopolitical interests with local geographical realities. The case study is also an excellent illustration of what it means to zoom in and out of the different scales involved in bordering. From the diplomatic meetings in Paris to the commissioners' negotiations in Chișinău and the land surveyors adding names on maps after discussions with peasants in a village close to the Dniester, border making is a complex process that operated simultaneously at different scales, spaces and times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An attempt is undertaken to analyze the controversy that unfolded among Russian officers around the results of the Russo–Japanese War. In the context of the stated topic, special attention is paid to the consideration of the discussion participants' appeals to the experience of the Crimean War and its historical memory. The comparison of these two military conflicts seemed very relevant to contemporaries owing to the similar historical context and their results, disappointing for Russia. However, while the defeat in the Crimean War, according to the ideas established in the historical memory of that time, covered Russian weapons with glory, in the events of the war in the Far East, contemporaries found little reason to console wounded national pride. After all, this time Russia was defeated not by a powerful European coalition but by an Asian country that until recently had not been perceived as an equal subject in international relations. In addition to heroic mythology, the memory of the Crimean War was also closely linked with the subsequent Great Reforms of Emperor Alexander II. The hope for national revival, which was supposed to begin after the humiliating defeat that clearly demonstrated the internal crisis, was the pragmatic political meaning of turning to the memory of the Crimean War for many Russian officers who survived the Russo–Japanese War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main methods and forms of updating the historical memory of the events of 1812–1814 in legislative acts, periodicals, brochures, and books are presented. The complex of historical sources on this issue includes manifestos, rescripts, appeals, and letters of Alexander I, citing which contemporaries demonstrated the similarities between the Patriotic War of 1812 and the Eastern (Crimean) War of 1853–1856; a set of issues of the newspaper Severnaya Pchela (Northern Post) (March 1854); and book editions The General Militia of Russia for the Faith, the Tsar, and the Fatherland and The 40th Anniversary of the Russians' Entry into Paris on March 19, 1814, directly devoted to the comparison of the events of 1812 and 1853–1856. As a result of a comparative contextual analysis of texts of different origins and genre and stylistic features, three content blocks were identified through which the historical memory of the Patriotic War of 1812 and the foreign campaigns of the Russian army was updated in the public space of the Russian Empire during the Crimean War. The first problem–thematic block is represented by texts the authors of which, using historical analogies, showed the contradictory nature of the alliance of England, France, and Turkey against Russia; the disparity between the figures of Napoleon Bonaparte and Napoleon III; and the "true" goals of the Allies' participation in the war. The content of the texts conditionally grouped into the second problem–thematic block clearly demonstrates the variety of genres and rhetorical techniques used to justify Russia's intentions and actions in the comparative retrospective of the two wars. The third problem–thematic block of texts has made it possible to identify the main ways of updating the memory of the conflict that had happened forty years before to show the reader the continuity of generations and the readiness of the entire society to sacrifice themselves to achieve common goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reasons that prompted the Kingdom of Sardinia to join the coalition of England and France during the Crimean War are analyzed. After the defeat in the so-called First War of Liberation (1848–1849), the kingdom's political influence in Italy was seriously weakened. The urgent need to find allies to confront the Austrian Empire and, in the future, to remove obstacles to the process of unification of Italy, inevitably raised the question of the price of allied obligations assumed in such a case. Participation in the Crimean campaign initially did not guarantee Sardinia-Piedmont's unconditional achievement of ambitious goals in Italy. However, the possibility of discussing Italian problems after the end of the Crimean War by the great European powers was considered by the head of the Sardinian government, Camillo Benso di Cavour, at least as eliminating the Austrian threat. Sardinia-Piedmont, thanks to its participation in the Crimean War, managed to officially bring the Italian problem to the international diplomatic arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The financial structure of the Russian Empire during the Crimean War is examined. The purpose of this article was to study the impact of wartime emergency expenditures on monetary circulation. In this context, special attention is paid to the problems of external and internal fluctuations in the value of the Russian currency and private speculation caused by the war, as well as financial management measures taken to solve existing difficulties. It is concluded that the monetary system, despite serious shocks, withstood the stress of wartime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay looks at the medical services of the Great Powers—Russia, France, and Britain—during the Crimean War 1853–1856, highlighting the unprecedented challenges that these countries had encountered while struggling to save health of their serving ranks during the conflict. Paying special attention to the Russian medical service during the war and its numerous logistical and tactical difficulties in comparison with those of the Allied forces, the essay reexamines the prevailed in historiography and public imagination notion of its total failure which is believed to be one of the major drivers behind the loss in the conflict. The military medical planning and patterns of the medical casualties of all three countries during the war are carefully studied and some general conclusions regarding the impact the Crimean War had on Russian, British and French military medical science, as well as its long-lasting legacy, are drawn at the end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the works of a prominent representative of the liberal pro-Western trend in Russian social thought B.N. Chicherin, his views on the causes and unsuccessful for Russia outcome of the Crimean War are examined. The components of the author's concept are revealed, which were formulated by him in identifying the main trends of European politics in the first half of the 19th century and assessing the political consequences of the formation of the Holy Alliance and the activities of its participants, aimed at preserving the monarchical principle in European countries by any means. Particular attention is paid to Chicherin's analysis of the reasons for the conservative turn in the foreign and domestic policies of the government of Nicholas I and the author's substantiation of the thesis that the European choice of Peter I did not guarantee progressive advance in the development of Russia but only opened opportunities, the implementation of which depended on the policy of the imperial authorities. In this context, such features of the system of autocratic governance of the country are considered as the predominance of the personal principle and the lack of opportunities and mechanisms for representatives of society to influence the decisions, which were defined by Chicherin as major factors that contributed to the establishment of a protective course in foreign and domestic policy. The author considers the "European loneliness" of Russia and stagnation in socioeconomic development to be a consequence of this policy, which determined the country's defeat in the Crimean War, which, however, is considered by Chicherin not only as evidence of the crisis of the existing system but also as an incentive for renewal based on a program in the development of which he actively participated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The course of the struggle between Russian and French sappers in Sevastopol during the Crimean War (1853–1856) is analyzed, and the plans adopted during the fighting for waging an underground war on the part of both besiegers and defenders are studied. The purpose of this article is to study the tactics chosen by Russian and French military engineers to achieve their goals during the siege of Sevastopol (1854–1855), to analyze the general results of their confrontation, and to clarify the influence of the underground war on the general course of the siege of the fortress city and on the further development of military engineering science. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the records of both sides (Russian and French combat logs) to identify what information about the enemy the besiegers and the defenders had at various stages of the siege and from what premises they proceeded when making certain decisions in planning their underground work. Both tactical and technical aspects of the confrontation between Russian and French miners are examined, and organizational factors in the construction of countermine systems in front of Russian fortifications are identified that allowed Russian miners to effectively contain French underground work until the end of the siege of the city. It is demonstrated that due to more advanced underground warfare tactics, Russian military engineers, despite the limited technical means available (especially at the initial stages of countermine construction), managed to achieve superiority over the enemy, preventing French sappers from damaging the fortifications of the defensive line on the southern side of Sevastopol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Crimean War not only affected the Ottoman Empire politically, but also caused it to suffer economically. Although the war originated as an Ottoman-Russian war, there were essentially two sides of the war, Russian and British. France also supported the Ottoman Empire in order to protect both its domestic policy and foreign interests in the face of Russian expansionism. Britain, who adopted a policy of neutrality at the beginning of the war, perceived the Russian advance as a great threat to British interests in the following months and built a foreign policy to preserve the territorial integrity of the Ottomans. For the Ottoman Empire, even if the war was won, it started a great financial collapse. Because the Ottoman Empire had attempted to borrow foreign debt for the first time in its history. The foreign debts borrowed from Britain and France were almost the turning point for the future collapse of the Ottoman finance. On the other hand, when the researches on the Crimean War are examined, it is seen that important works have been revealed in the Turkish literature written on the war in almost the last twenty years. In our study, we will give priority to these works and introduce them briefly, and then we will try to examine the economic collapse caused by the war for the Ottomans in the context of foreign borrowing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bells of Sevastopol: On Nietzsche's First Musical Composition. This article offers an interpretation and new dating of Nietzsche's early musical compositions. These documents – harmony exercises and small compositions – are crucial for understanding the beginning of Nietzsche's study of music. Of these musical scores, the most interesting is the so-called "melody fragment." This short "melody" is not simply an adolescent's attempt to write music; it is instead an interesting document on the intellectual activity of the young Nietzsche during the years of the Crimean War. A comparison of some notebooks of the period reveals similarities that allow us a precise dating. Moreover, this "melody" suggestively recalls the death knell after "the fall of Sevastopol." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. Diary manuscripts in historical scholarship are a curious material, which in most cases is a unique testimony of the era. Numerous such sources have been discovered and published on the Russian history of the 19th century. It was mainly the nobility and intellectuals who had the opportunity to keep diaries. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries they were joined by merchants. Materials and methods.The rarest phenomenon remains the diaries of city dwellers, in particular those of peasant origin. In 2009, Tambov historians prof. Kanischev and Lyamin published a unique material: the diary of E. A. Kovrigin, a Tambovite. Results. This source contains interesting information on the life of a man who belonged to the trade-industrial strata of the provincial town - the so-called "silent estate". The article presents an analysis of the diary in its historical context, in particular the notes concerning the author's participation in the State Mobile Militia. The part of the diary devoted to the author's participation in the Tambov militia is of particular interest because it allows us to compare the official data available to us - such as the route of the squads - with the real state of affairs. Conclusion. The study and analysis of the diary of Kovrigin not only showed us a portrait of a particular man and the details of his personal life, but also revealed important details of significant events in Russian history, the realities of everyday life of a 19th century man, and also showed by example how the mentality of a provincial man was transformed in the transition from a traditional to an industrial society.

The article deals with the Sevastopol stories of Leo Tolstoy in comparison with memoir sources and documents reflecting the events of the Crimean War of 1853‒1856. The works of M. I. Bogdanovich, E. I. Totleben, H. J. Gubbenet, F. K. Zatler, N. I. Pirogov, N. V. Berg, O. I. Konstantinov demonstrate the examples of historical evidence. The article shows that the source of the genre nature of the Sevastopol stories was the military experience of the young officer Tolstoy, who created a panorama of events woven from a qualitatively different figurative and artistic material and having an immeasurably greater impact than statistics and official documents. The analysis covrers artistic techniques of the writer in the paintings of the Sevastopol hospital, the assault on the Malakhov Kurgan and the departure of the Russian army from Sevastopol. Summing up the results, it can be concluded that the artistic scale of the Sevastopol stories created by Tolstoy corresponds to the historical scale of military events. The author not only did not deviate from the historical truth, but revealed the tragic depth and sacred meaning of the Crimean War in Russian history.

The article examines the multifaceted process of voluntary entry of Ossetia into the Russian state. Based on numerous archival sources, the author concludes that the annexation of Ossetia to Russia was the only possible positive vector of development for it. At an early stage in the formation of Russian-Ossetian relations in the second half of the 18th century, cooperation in the military sphere was especially fruitful. During the Seven Years' War in 1760, by decree of Empress Elizabeth Petrovna, a detachment was formed from the Caucasian highlanders, among whom were Ossetians. In 1763, in Mozdok, a mountain team of ―Mozdok Cossack Brothers‖ was formed from Ossetians and baptized Circassians, numbering 214 people. A significant military detachment of Ossetians as part of the regular units of the Russian army took part in the Russian-Turkish war of 1768-1774. At the beginning of the 19th century, the Caucasian squadron was formed in St. Petersburg, in which, along with other highlanders, there were Ossetians. In 1828, on the initiative of the Ossetians themselves, a military detachment was formed, the members of which heroically proved themselves during the Russian-Turkish war. The creation of the Ossetian military detachment was the first event of its kind in the Caucasus, which makes this fact of particular importance in the context of the entire history of Russian-Caucasian relations.

The article is devoted to the analysis of new sources found in the National Archives of the Republic of Tatarstan in Kazan, which clarify the picture of the censorship policy of the tsarist government during the war years. The study was carried out based on the modernization concept of Russian history, in which the printed word appears as one of the main engines of modernization, as well as on the methods of intellectual history, in which book publishing and the press are studied in close connection with issues of censorship policy. The modern historiography of the Crimean (Eastern) War continues to be enriched with new works devoted to Russian public life and connected with the history of the press and censorship. А rich literature is devoted to the history of Russian periodicals and journalism, but not to the censorship policy of the Russian Empire. The article considers a number of circulars of the Ministry of Public Education, which was the leading state body in the implementation of the censorship policy, but in war conditions it carefully took into account the requirements of the Military Censorship Committee under the General Staff. The emperor actively intervened in censorship issues, especially in publicizing literary works in the press. For example, the newspaper Samarskiye Gubernskiye Vedomosti shows, that the provincial press reprinted notes and reports about the war from the capital news that had already passed the censorship check. Despite the selection of information, these reports did not hide information about the losses of Russian troops

Based mainly on original French archival sources, this paper discusses the conduct and extent of French military and civil activities in Ottoman Istanbul during the Crimean War. Using both qualitative and quantitative indicators, the paper shows how the necessities generated by the war, promoted an unprecedented growth in the French military and civil presence in Istanbul. Through this approach, the paper explains to what degree the war created new market opportunities for various French products and services, a favourable environment for the establishment of French hospitals, and also occasions for cultural encounters between the French and the Ottomans in Istanbul. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Raycho Nikolov is among the builders of the modern Bulgarian army, a typical person of the nineteenth century, charged with ardent patriotism driving him to brave exploits on the battlefields. This work observes the life of this man, a popular hero in Bulgaria and Russia, involved in military conflicts also in Poland and Serbia. Strangely, his popularity has not led to serious scholarly research so far, and until recently, knowledge about him was shrouded in obscurity. The present study of a long-unused collection of his documental heritage at the Plovdiv Regional History Museum reveals various misunderstandings and wrong interpretations by previous researchers, who in many cases created an image far removed from the actual one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the sources that Nikolaj Leskov used for "The Tale of Cross-eyed Lefty from Tula and the Steel Flea." The research of the historical context for the creation of "Lefty" and of some previously unaccounted-for pretexts and sources allows us to assert that behind Leskov's stylization and imitation of the oral speech of an ingenuous narrator lies a stinging parody of Russian propaganda literature of the 1850s–1870s. Leskov focuses on the representation of folk speech in this literature by the literary elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The monograph under review is a successful attempt to reconstruct the place of Sevastopol in the cultural memory of the Soviet period by means of in-depth analysis of the system of discourse related to the history of this city, “places of memory,” and commemorative practices (with special attention to the celebration of historical anniversaries). The authors managed to create a holistic image of how the main stages in the history of the “City of Russian Glory” together with the related narratives and personalities were included in the general context of the Soviet politics of history and are presented in the collective consciousness. To achieve the purpose of the study, they gave a detailed description of numerous memorial constructions, museum expositions, works of fine art, musical works, scientific and popular-science literature, memoirs and fiction, theatrical productions, documentaries and feature films – all the things that determined general visual and discourse content of the collective memory of the past in the context of the 20th century. The monograph under review is of great significance for Russian memory studies and is recommended to those who are interested in the history of Sevastopol and engaged in memory studies, new cultural history, symbolic policy, and discourse studies. At the same time, despite the variety of the topics raised and the depth of the analysis conducted, there remains a broad heuristic field for new studies devoted to the legendary “City of Russian Glory” in domestic memorial culture and historical memory.

In the past 40 years, interpretations of European military history during the "long nineteenth century" (1789-1914) have retained much of their post-Second World War fascination with the Prusso-German military system. Moreover, British military history of the period continues to dominate Anglophone historiography. These Anglo-German master narratives need to be refocused on the larger European context. As a result, the military history of this era should equally integrate the wars of Empire and their impact on continental European armies. Finally, if scholars are to truly understand war in the Industrial Age, the obsession with technological determinism must be properly tempered. When contextualized, leadership – not technology – proved a more decisive factor in the outcome of European wars between the French Revolution and the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines L.N. Tolstoy’s Sevastopol stories. The analysis is provided with hitherto unpublished archival sources, namely letters to Archbishop Innokenty (Borisov) of Crimean monks and white clergy. The study reveals the reasons why the Crimean War, according to some, turned out to be a defeat for Russia, and according to others, it was the victory of the indestructible Russian spirit. The author shows how Tolstoy recreated the psychological picture of the Crimean War in the Sevastopol stories, clearly outlined its spiritual meanings; and how an artistic, imaginative system of Tolstoy’s narrative is built in an interpolar space: peace and war, eternal and momentary, divine and human. Truth is the protagonist of the Sevastopol stories, and it is revealed in them in all the variety of Tolstoy’s artistic techniques, the origin of which lies in real life. Tolstoy’s own unique system of moral assessments was further developed in the novel “War and Peace.” The author of the article outlines parallels between the Crimean War and the Patriotic War of 1812 — both in historical memory and in the work of Tolstoy.

Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine has reawakened interest in the long-running historical, political, and cultural sources of the conflict, and produced a vast discourse from Russian, Ukrainian, Western, and other regional, national, and international actors. While such analyses often focus on Vladimir Putin's perceived desire to rebuild the Soviet Union as it existed from 1922 to 1991, this article argues that his chief motivations, and the ultimate sources of his rhetoric, are drawn from much deeper medieval roots. It explores the premodern ancestries of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus, Prince Vladimir the Great's conversion to Orthodox Christianity in circa 988, and Russia's deeply complicated relationship with the medieval crusades, especially in regard to the thirteenth-century Baltic expeditions and the heroic depiction of Prince Aleksandr Nevsky (1221-63) as a crusading defender against aggressive Western invaders. By demonstrating how the conflict between Russia and the West has long been perceived or cast in metaphors, rhetoric, and symbolism with explicit crusading origins, from the Baltic crusades to the Crimean War (1853-56) to the present-day struggle, the article offers a comparative perspective on medieval and modern historiography, illuminates the medieval origins of an ongoing modern global and geopolitical issue, and urges scholars to consider more complex frames of reference for both this war and the memory and usage of the crusades more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revue Roumaine d'Histoire de l'Art. Serie Beaux-Arts is the property of G. Oprescu Institute of Art History of the Romanian Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the Crimean War (1854–56), infamous for its high death rate from disease at 212 per thousand British troops annually – one third of which was due to cholera or dysentery – skin disease was common, accounting for 13% of all admissions and 4.2% of all deaths. Excluding typhus, skin disease caused 252 per thousand annual admissions and 8.8 per thousand annual deaths, with an overall case fatality of 3.4%. The commonest skin diseases were: localised cellulitis/abscess, ulcer, venereal disease, frostbite, scurvy, eruptive rashes and scabies. The biggest number of skin disease-related deaths were from frostbite and scurvy. Cutaneous afflictions with the highest case fatality were erysipelas (27%), gangrene (25%), smallpox (21%) and frostbite (19%). Problems from frostbite lessened during the better provisioned second winter. The experience of skin disease in the Crimea highlights the importance of public health and personal sanitation to skin health in the military context, and shows that skin-related infections and nutritional deficiencies easily develop if environmental conditions deteriorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the example of commemoration of various wars and key historical events, it is possible to reconstruct and comprehend the value orientations of states at certain phases of their development. In this article, we propose to turn to the Crimean War of 1853-1856, which was reflected in the historical memory of the two participating countries - Russia and France. With such a comparative approach, attention is drawn to different levels of commemoration of this event: we are talking about scientific research on the Crimean campaign, about the people's memory of generations, about state and political practices. The authors analyze these aspects and identify which of them are most widespread in Russia and Europe, so that the memory of the Crimean War is preserved in modern society. The authors analyze the phenomenon of the forgotten war - a term that has entered the scientific lexicon of the French community and is used to describe the campaign of 1854-1856. The study of the problem makes it possible to answer an important question: why do certain traditions of memory exist, whether they help to form a certain consciousness, value attitudes.

This article examines the previously neglected history of Lancaster's Crimean War monument, dedicated in November 1860. It connects the monument to two key features of the town's mid-century history: Tory paternalism and a resurgent popular patriotism linked to the contemporary 'Volunteer Movement'. It also establishes the broader significance of the structure, especially in terms of British approaches to war commemoration. In particular, it argues that a key feature of the monument—it carries the names of nineteen of the town's servicemen, all rank and file—complicates the generally accepted chronology of when interest in commemorating the 'common soldier' first emerged in Britain. In this sense, Lancaster's Crimean War monument is one of several mid- and late-Victorian monuments, as the Boer War took place in the later Victorian period, that anticipated the defining quality of war remembrance in the post-1918 period, what Thomas Laqueur has called 'necronominalism' (that is, the naming of the dead, regardless of class or status). The monument is thus indicative of Lancaster's mid-century social politics and it also nuances, usefully, key details regarding the history of British war commemoration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Accounting & Financial History Research Journal / Muhasebe ve Finans Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi. is the property of Association of Accounting & Financial History Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper provides an overview of military remembrance in the context of Florence Nightingale's determination to memorialize fallen soldiers at Castle Hospital, Balaklava in the Crimean War (1854-56), It includes previously unpublished correspondence between Florence Nightingale and the Commander-in-Chief of the British army at the time, Lieutenant General W J. Codrington. This correspondence reveals a moving and astonishing commitment from Nightingale to secure and erect what would prove to be ati ill-fated monument commemorating fallen soldiers as the British Army pulled out of Crimea after the victory over Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When does the war party win in the decision-making process? Why does the peace party lose even if war is too risky? In this article, we show that certain balancing acts of the peace party might increase the confidence of the war party. We examine how the Ottoman Empire's risky Crimean War decision and its war declaration against Russia on 4 October 1853 were shaped by internal debating through time, foreign penetration, and dynamic interplay between the Ottoman decision makers and a changing European strategic environment. The large literature on the Crimean War does not include a systematic analysis of the Ottoman origins of the Crimean War and the Ottoman war decision. We trace the Ottoman decision-making process in the fateful months of 1853 to establish the origins of the Crimean War. We empirically demonstrate the gradual formation of the Porte's war decision by showing how the peace front stumbled upon war by inadvertently changing the decision structure in favor of the war party within a year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is investigating how the Crimean War (1853 – 1856) was depicted in the Journals of Queen Victoria. The Queen's Journals are a valuable source of information about this phase of the Eastern Question. They can provide an important perspective on the conflict between the West and Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]