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Although many studies have attempted to examine the consequences of Mexico-U.S. migration for Mexican immigrants' health, few have had adequate data to generate the appropriate comparisons. In this article, we use data from two waves of the Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS) to compare the health of current migrants from Mexico with those of earlier migrants and nonmigrants. Because the longitudinal data permit us to examine short-term changes in health status subsequent to the baseline survey for current migrants and for Mexican residents, as well as to control for the potential health selectivity of migrants, the results provide a clearer picture of the consequences of immigration for Mexican migrant health than have previous studies. Our findings demonstrate that current migrants are more likely to experience recent changes in health status-both improvements and declines-than either earlier migrants or nonmigrants. The net effect, however, is a decline in health for current migrants: compared with never migrants, the health of current migrants is much more likely to have declined in the year or two since migration and not significantly more likely to have improved. Thus, it appears that the migration process itself and/or the experiences of the immediate post-migration period detrimentally affect Mexican immigrants' health.

We investigated the link between migration, family structure, and the risk of dropping out of upper secondary school in Mexico. Using two waves of the Mexican Family Life Survey, which includes 1,080 upper secondary students, we longitudinally modeled the role of family structure in the subsequent risk of dropping out, focusing on the role of migration in single motherhood. We found that children living without a father because of international migration or divorce or separation are at a greater risk relative to children in 2-parent households. Economic characteristics of the household provide a partial explanation for children living in single-mother households because of divorce or separation but do not explain the greater risk of dropping out for children with fathers in the United States.

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2010.00525.x Byline: MICHAEL B. KATZ (1), MATHEW J. CREIGHTON (2), DANIEL AMSTERDAM (3), MERLIN CHOWKWANYUN (4) Abstract: ABSTRACT: In this article, we argue for understanding immigrant suburbanization as one outcome of the mass migrations associated with economic globalization, a process that has coincided with and shaped the decentralization and reconfiguration of the American metropolis. We contend, as well, that economic differentiation among the foreign-born translates into distinctive residential patterns that reflect the diversity of new metropolitan geographies. Using individual and tract-level data from metropolitan Philadelphia since 1970, we describe the intersection of spatial differentiation (suburban variety) with both demographic diversity (ethnic and racial differentiation) and linked patterns of ethnic and racial population growth and decline. We highlight the importance of immigration to population and economic growth, the diversity among immigrants, the inability of 'suburb' to capture the region's residential ecology, and the surprising links between the growth of immigrant and African-American populations in the same places. We clearly show how the residential experience of African Americans differs from that of both immigrants and native-born whites. Author Affiliation: (1)University of Pennsylvania (2)Universitat Pompeu Fabra (3)Ohio State University (4)University of Pennsylvania Article note: Direct correspondence to: Michael B. Katz, Department of History, School of Arts and Sciences, College Hall 215A, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104-6379. E-mail: mkatzpa@gmail.com.

Research and evidence suggest that the expression of targeted intolerance increasingly manifests in subtle ways. Innovative work on colour-blind racism and unconscious bias underlines the unacknowledged ways that prejudicial attitudes are perpetuated/emerge without being overtly expressed. Building upon this work, we identify an additional dimension of intolerance defined by the intentional masking of anti-immigrant sentiment directed at immigrant groups defined by nation, race and religion. Using two survey experiments – conducted before and after the Brexit vote in the UK – we reveal that individuals mask intolerance strategically and that these strategies shift depending on the normative context. In particular, Muslim immigrants, who experienced little protection from overtly expressed intolerance before the Brexit referendum, confront a post-Brexit landscape in which intolerance is significantly overstated. The root of this emergent masking of intolerance is attributable to the Brexit campaign that simultaneously normalized AND stigmatized anti-immigrant sentiment. We conclude that our understanding of emergence and perpetuation of intolerance needs to account for the strategic and intentional disclosure of intolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work uses a list experiment to directly test for differences in attitudes towards poor, racially different and racially similar immigrants to the Netherlands in terms of (1) overt support and (2) covert support and (3) the difference between the two (i.e., social desirability bias). Results show that the expression of opposition to immigrants is significantly masked, suggesting that anonymous acts (e.g., voting) could capture greater opposition. Racially similar immigrants are subject to greater opposition relative to racially different or poorer immigrants, but only when anonymity is offered to respondents. The implication is that overt estimates (i.e., openly expressed) are misleading as levels of support appear consistent across immigrant groups. Going forward, we suggest the utility of the list experiment to better account for observable downward bias in estimates at least on the aggregate level or in contexts with clear normative pressure to appear tolerant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do racial and ethnic characteristics of non-immigrants play an important role in shaping attitudes toward immigrants in the U.S.? Using a 2010 survey experiment representative of the U.S. general population, this paper examines differences in opposition to immigration by the race or ethnicity of the respondent. By manipulating the amount of anonymity offered to respondents, the experiment allows explicit opposition to be distinguished from implicit opposition, which offers unique insight into the extent to which opposition is masked. Consistent with theories of in-group solidarity, we find that Hispanics, who comprise nearly half of all immigrants in the U.S., overtly express a less restrictive posture, which, relative to Black and White respondents, is not significantly masked. In contrast, White and Black respondents only overtly express more openness to immigration. When offered absolute anonymity, opposition is significantly and substantively greater. The implications are profound in that differences in the extent to which opposition is masked, rather than overtly expressed, fundamentally patterns racial and ethnic differences in opposition to immigration in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a framework derived from Identity Theory, this work focuses on the extent to which attitudes towards immigration are structured by the prominence and exclusivity of national identity. Prominence refers to the value of an identity relative to others. Exclusivity is when the prominence of a single identity negates all other comparable identities. Prominence and exclusivity are relevant for understanding attitudes towards immigration in that they imply degrees of flexibility on the very dimension of identity that most distinguishes immigrants—nationality. Catalonia, an autonomous region of Northwestern Spain that is home to multiple autochthonous identities and a recent large influx of immigrants, allows the role of identity exclusivity and prominence to be directly assessed. Using a representative survey of attitudes towards immigration collected in 2010 (n = 1389), results show that, contrary to expectations, exclusive and prominent identifiers (i.e. only Spanish or only Catalan) are not significantly more opposed to immigration. Future work should consider national identity to be a relevant contextual dimension not for its independent predictive power, but because of its intersection with other salient predictors such as education, employment and class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our last issue as editors is also our first thematic issue, I Advancing Social Justice for Sex Workers i . We warmly thank Barbara Górnicka who served as book reviews editor, and Rubén Flores, who served as debates editor. We would also like to thank SAGE production editors, Shivank Joshi and Ashwani Shahi, for the care and attention to detail given to each manuscript as it went through the production process. [Extracted from the article]

The I Irish Journal of Sociology i awards a distinguished article each calendar year. This award, adjudicated by an independent committee of experts, is an opportunity to underline work that is exceptional in scope, contribution and relevance to sociology in Ireland and to the discipline more broadly. For a contribution that provides a unique and original perspective that greatly advanced our understanding of food poverty and multiple deprivations in Ireland, we proudly celebrate the following article: Healy AE (2019) Measuring food poverty in Ireland: The importance of including exclusion. [Extracted from the article]