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The 2021 military coup in Myanmar incited widespread civil resistance, including mass street protests, a civil disobedience movement, labour strikes and armed rebellions. Despite more than three years of conflict, the junta maintains power in certain areas Of the country. This article employs an outcome-explaining. process-tracing approach to elucidate the junta's persistence. The analysis reveals that civil resistance activities are highly fragmented, with minimal convergence in their operations or long-term visions. This fragmentation stems from divergent views within the movement regarding non-violent versus armed resistance and the varied objectives Of different armed ethnic organizations opposing the military. Concurrently, the junta has bolstered its repressive capabilities by developing institutionalized methods for countering adversarial forces. These methods are deeply intertwined with Myanmar's ethnicpolitical history and the military's entrenched dominance over political institutions. Consequently, this article contends that the evolution of both resistance efforts and the junta's repressive strategies has been markedly asymmetrical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a new explanation for autocracies' political stability by focusing on the role of changes in asymmetric public perceptions of different policy dimensions. We show that the probability of policies enabling the provision of public goods on one dimension alone increases with the opacity of public perception. In turn, this implies that the probability of coups and revolts has a non-monotonic behavior in asymmetric opacity. Thus, transitional periods with changes in public perception might lead to an increase in the probability of coup and revolt attempts, reducing autocratic stability, and thereby altering some established ideas in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chadian President Idriss Déby Itno died on 20 April 2021 on the front lines against rebels from the Front for Change and Concord in Chad (FACT). Following Déby's death, a military committee headed by his son, Mahamat Déby, seized power and initiated a transition that led to Mahamat's election to presidency in May 2024. Domestic conditions have worsened in the interim, and the Lake Chad Basin and Sahel are now among the most unstable regions in the world. Idriss Déby was a key figure in regional security operations and employed gatekeeping and neopatrimonialism to direct resources towards strengthening Chad's forces, but the prolonged transition has called into question the extent to which this strategy of rentier peacekeeping can be maintained. This article assesses why Chad is facing this crisis and how the transition has impacted domestic and regional conditions. This rests on theorisation of the Chadian state, analysis of Chad's history and transition to date, and application of theories of gatekeeper states, neopatrimonialism and omnibalancing to assess where the state is headed in the immediate term, concluding that a transition lacking real democratic transformation will exacerbate rather than alleviate tensions in Chad and the surrounding region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite Giovanni Sartori's famous warning, contemporary academia has seen a new bout of conceptual stretching, as evident in the loose, expansive usage of terms such as coup and fascism. This concept creep reflects the normative progress of recent decades, which has ruled out true fascism and deterred full-scale coups. Because these normative advances have induced remaining nefarious actors to pursue their undemocratic goals through formally democratic procedures, ambiguity has blurred conceptual boundaries. The article posits that when examining this gray area, scholars may be tempted to overuse dramatic terms because concern about new threats to democracy has motivated a turn to public intellectualism and democratic engagement. Moreover, the proliferation of social media has fueled stiff competition for public attention, which may have helped to create a penchant for stark warnings. The author argues that the resulting conceptual stretching undermines the clarity and accuracy required for academic scholarship and that such imprecision can also be counterproductive for scholars' normative concerns. The overuse of dramatic terms risks distorting problem diagnosis, exacerbating polarization, and thus reinforcing the danger facing contemporary democracy, which arises primarily from the specific challenges that illiberal populism poses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The richness of the comic book format makes it possible to portray Chile from 1971 to 1973, from the implementation to the failure of the project led by Salvador Allende. It shows that the coup did not come by surprise: attacks, strikes and scandals were imposed in response to the implementation of the Popular Unity program. The political and social flourishing that emerges from this moment, the multiple reconfigurations and tensions that settle there, are restored in a historical fresco of exemplary precision.

Myanmar's unofficial minorities encompass diverse religious and ethnic groups excluded from Myanmar's list of 135 officially recognised "national races." They face exclusion due to their citizenship status as well as societal prejudices and entrenched discrimination against minority communities. Yet, debates over politics, federalism, and power-sharing in Myanmar primarily concern the relationship between the officially recognised ethnic minorities and the majority Bamar population. The Spring Revolution has opened the door to "rethink federalism," suggesting that moving beyond historically entrenched binaries of unity or ethnonational federalism may be on the table. Understanding how unofficial minorities face discrimination and disenfranchisement as well as inclusion, is imperative in not only imagining a new political system following a successful Spring Revolution, but in expanding the revolutionary process. Yet, discussions related to minorities and diversity have centred on the pre-coup model of ethno-nationalist federalism as a post-revolution power-sharing arrangement. With minority rights tied to increased autonomy for minority-dominated territories, how do minorities without territory meaningfully participate in or benefit from the revolution? How can the recognition of Myanmar's unofficial minorities – an estimated 10% of the population – be ensured? "Rethinking federalism" highlights relationships between territory, citizenship, and belonging in the Spring Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Economics, Politics, Humanities & Social Sciences / Uluslararası Ekonomi Siyaset İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of International Journal of Economics, Politics, Humanities & Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Founded in 1923, the Republic inherited many legacies from the Ottoman Empire in terms of institutional, organizational and cultural aspects. It is a tradition inherited from the Ottoman Empire to the young Republic of Turkey that soldiers intervene in the government in case the state security is in danger. Although historical continuity was interrupted by radical political changes and official history was built on the break with the Ottoman Empire, social, political, cultural, economic and philosophical dynamics point to continuity. The purpose of this study; by examining the post-Tanzimat military interventions and coups in the light of secondary sources written on the subject, it is aimed to shed light on today's Turkey's test with coups and to contribute to the literature. In this context, when the coups that the Ottoman Empire faced in the modernization process are analysed, it is seen that the influence of the great powers of the period, especially England and Russia, and the foreign policy preferences of the palace and the Sublime Porte were decisive, as well as the reasons arising from the internal politics and dynamics of the empire. Moreover; although the institutional dynamics of both periods that form the basis for military interventions differ, variables such as political culture, ideology, military training and socio-economic structure are similar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Ankara Haci Bayram Veli Universitesi Hukuk Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What explains popular support for military dictatorship? Existing literature on democratic breakdowns focuses on addressing support for democratic collapse but not subsequent authoritarian regime. This article explores pro-dictatorship sentiment before and during the military dictatorship in Thailand. It uses social media data to analyze support for the antidemocratic mobilization of the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the subsequent military dictatorship, which lasted from 2014 to 2019. It argues that support for military dictatorship prior to and after regime installment was qualitatively different both in sentiment and type of support. Prior to the coup, pro-dictatorship support was unified by antigovernment sentiment, while following the coup pro-regime support was contingent upon policy preferences of different groups. These findings fill a gap in the literature on regime change, which tends to be focused on explaining support for democratic collapse and remains silent on this support in its aftermath. This study may present the first-ever evidence of pro-dictatorship support following a collapse of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Bolivia, expectations for a decolonised society turned into a political crisis in the autumn of 2019. Discussing the limitations of progressive politics in cultivating democracy, this article identifies three narratives of authoritarianism – liberal democratic, developmentalist and colonial – which the opponents of Evo Morales use to frame their disillusionment with his rule. It argues that these multiple narratives lend meaning to contradictory experiences in a context in which hopes for a major decolonising state-transformation process have devolved into a deep polarisation of Bolivian society. The events in Bolivia are discussed in the context of rising authoritarianism throughout Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study outlines the issues that led Turkey to the February 28 process. Although there are many studies on the February 28 process, there needs to be more literature on studies that address the internal and external dimensions of the process together. This study claims to address this deficiency significantly. In this study, which is the product of an extensive literature review, the process's economic, social, political, legal, and military dimensions are not examined under separate headings. Still, they are examined as a whole for internal and external reasons. In this context, the reasons for the February 28 process were reviewed internally and externally. Internal reasons that led Turkey to the February 28 process: The Susurluk crisis, which brought the dark relationship between state-politics-mafia to the agenda, the iftar dinner given to the leaders of the sect by the then Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan at the Prime Minister Residence, the approval of the Welfare Party’s Culture Minister İsmail Kahraman for the construction of the Taksim mosque, the Welfare Party Sincan Mayor’s decision the organized Quds Night event, the anti-secular discourse and actions of the Aczimendis who have known for their closeness to the Welfare Party the damage to the interests of big capital circles by Erbakan’s implementation of the pool system and the anti-secular actions of the leading representatives of the Welfare Party. External reasons for the process can be listed as Erbakan’s trips to Iran and Libya and the D-8 initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intention of this article is to demonstrate how battles over history are always disputes over memories. To this end, I evaluate a particular case. Questioning the appeasing memories that sustain the image of a victim society resistant to dictatorship, Daniel Aarão Reis Filho reinforces, even without admitting, other collective memories linked to the political struggle and present in the historiographic debate. Namely, those who insist that society did not resist, on the contrary, was complicit, responsible, each in their own way, for the dictatorship. Including the left, who instead of being resistant democrats, were radical authoritarians [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pensamiento, Palabra y Obra is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Belgi Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Military Science Review / Hadtudományi Szemle is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)