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In 2004, South Africa was awarded the opportunity to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup. The opportunity to reshape their national identity in the spotlight of the World Cup came at a particularly useful time for South Africa. Despite the country's seemingly miraculous transition from apartheid to democracy—a transition lauded around the world—the country's reputation was soon dragged down by concerns about crime, unemployment, and a rising rate of HIV infections. Although a number of scholars have looked at the long- and short-term effects of South Africa's effort at creating a national identity during the 2010 FIFA World Cup, questions of process remain to be explored. What rhetorical strategies were employed to build this national image? What role did developing social media platforms play in the World Cup campaign? What were the communication tactics that led to a successful World Cup campaign? Using the theory of dialectical vernacular, I argue that South Africa was able to use the stage and emotional setting of the World Cup, in combination with a unique moment in time in branding and social media, to cultivate and deploy user-generated content to create a sense of authenticity that successfully sold a positive image of South Africa to the world. Essentially, South Africa was able to take digital material that was submitted by citizens around the country, and around the world, and use it to build a campaign that was vernacular, transnational, and embodied in nature. This allowed them to manufacture a national identity that effectively (at least in the short term) redirected conversations away from the more complicated issues affecting the country to, instead, showcase South Africa as a successful democratic nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IntroductionSmall bowel obstruction (SBO) is one of the most common causes for hospital admission in Ethiopia. The use of water-soluble contrast agents (WSCAs) such as Gastrografin to manage adhesive SBO can predict nonoperative resolution of SBO and reduce decision time to surgery and length of hospital stay. However, nothing is known about practice patterns and Gastrografin use in low-income settings. We sought to characterize current management practices, including use of WSCAs, as well as outcomes for patients with SBO in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.MethodsWe conducted a mixed-methods study consisting of a survey of surgeons throughout Ethiopia and a retrospective record review at five public, tertiary care-level teaching hospitals in Addis Ababa.ResultsOf the 76 surgeons who completed the survey, 63% had heard of the use of WSCAs for SBO and only 11% used oral agents for its management. Chart review of 149 patients admitted with SBO showed the most common etiology was adhesion (39.6% of admissions), followed by small bowel volvulus (20.8%). Most patients (83.2%) underwent surgery during their admission. The most common diagnosis in patients who did not require surgery was also adhesion (68.0%), as well as for those who had surgery (33.9%), followed by small bowel volvulus (24.2%).ConclusionsThe etiology of SBO in Ethiopia may be changing, with postoperative adhesions becoming more common than other historically more prevalent causes. Although a Gastrografin protocol as a diagnostic and potentially therapeutic aid for SBO is feasible in this population and setting, challenges can be anticipated, and future studies of protocol implementation and effectiveness are needed to further inform its utility in Ethiopia and other low-income and middle-income countries.

Assessing the shadow economy and its major determinants has been an important part of economic literature over the past few decades. In this article, we analyse the impact of exchange rate volatility on the presence of the shadow economy for the current 38 OECD countries over the period of 1991–2021 in both a linear and nonlinear manner. We provide the opportunity to test whether an exchange rate adjustment may follow a nonlinear path and analyse the asymmetric impact of exchange rate volatility on the shadow economy. We estimate a linear ARDL model for each country and find support that exchange rate variability significantly affects the shadow economy both in the short run and long run in most countries both in linear and nonlinear models. However, by estimating a nonlinear ARDL model, we find an asymmetric exchange rate volatility effect in all 38 countries concluding that exchange rate volatility and risks associated with it significantly affects the shadow economy. Thus, it is crucial that this group of nations adequately implement financial policies to minimize this risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most challenging aspects of learning the Araling Panlipunan subject is becoming familiar with the locations of countries and naming them. This study seeks to enhance the performance of students in naming Asian countries through the implementation of researcher-made geography games that will serve as an intervention. The researchers of this study used the generic qualitative approach. The intervention followed a three steps process wherein an indepth interview was given before the entire session to know how students describe their performance in naming Asian countries. After conducting the pre-intervention interview, the researchers have begun to conduct the intervention. There was a total of six sessions. Afterward, a post-intervention in-depth interview was given as the last step. The responses were collated and analyzed. The study shows participants' average knowledge and performance in naming Asian countries. This is constituted by four underlying factors, which are: unfamiliarity with Asian countries; unfamiliarity with location; difficulty in the pronunciation of country names; and difficulties in the spelling of unfamiliar country names. After the intervention, four major themes were generated: gained knowledge of countries' names; improved familiarity with the location of countries; established prior knowledge of geography; and eliciting interest in learning geography. It also shows four significant themes in students' insights on the use of the intervention: the need to improve geographical knowledge; reading and studying geography-related materials; incorporation of various approaches in learning geography; and fun learning. The study's results prove that using researcher-made geography games significantly influences students' performance through the gained knowledge and the pertained positive learning behavior, yet still makes learning enjoyable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To guide climate change mitigation efforts, we identify and characterize the different types of mitigation strategies countries adopted over the last two decades. The analysis exploits the novel and rich policy repository of the OECD's Climate Actions and Policies Measurement Framework (CAPMF), covering more than 120 policy variables and 50 countries over 2000–2020. All countries in the dataset increased the number of climate policy instruments and their stringency over the past two decades, but at a different pace and using different policy instruments. Using statistical cluster analysis, we identify four distinct types of mitigation strategies, which differ in the composition and stringency of mitigation policies. Regression results show that emissions are negatively associated with the overall stringency of the country's mitigation strategies. Evidence also supports the hypothesis that this relationship is stronger for mitigation strategies comprising a more diverse set of instruments, pointing to possible policy synergies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the convergence of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions by examining the stationarity of the relative per capita CO2 emissions of 18 selected countries on the Silk Road for the period 1990–2020. To examine the stationarity of relative per capita CO2 emissions for those 18 countries, we applied a large battery the newly proposed nonlinear panel unit root tests that allow for several forms of state-dependent and time-dependent nonlinearities. We also applied conventional linear panel unit root tests. The linear and nonlinear panel unit root tests account for cross-country dependencies, and the SPSM procedure is applied to these tests in order to see how many countries in the panel sample are converging to the steady state. The test results of linear and nonlinear panel unit root test reveal that the relative per-capita CO2 emissions of 10 out of 18 countries are stationary meaning that the CO2 emissions of these 10 countries converge to the steady-state level over time. Especially, size and sign nonlinearities better capture the convergence dynamics of per capita CO2 emissions towards the steady-state level for seven countries. As we have found that 56% of countries' per capita CO2 emissions are converging, this result has important policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine the main changes in spatial planning systems in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries after the end of communism in 1989, and to relate these changes to the main challenges facing spatial planning in these countries. The authors used the following countries as case studies: Bulgaria, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Ukraine. They analysed the framework conditions, such as the main spatial planning instruments and the main planning legislation. They then looked at the rationale behind each country’s planning legislation and examined the legal status before implementation. This allowed them to identify the main directions of significant legal changes in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Raising carbon productivity (CP) is a major challenge for economies to support sustainable growth. The literature is scant in investigating CP and is missing in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Thus, we aim to explore the effects of trade openness (TO), research and development (R&D), financial market development (FMD), and energy intensity (EI) on CP in 17 MENA countries from 2000 to 2019. The spatial Durbin model (SDM) is applied to capture the local and spillover impacts of all variables on the CP. The findings suggest that energy intensity reduces the CP domestically and in the whole MENA region. FMD does not affect local CP but helps raise the CP of neighbors and the whole MENA region. R&D raises the CP of local economies but has insignificant effects on neighbors. TO reduces the local CP and raises the CP of neighboring countries. Furthermore, the whole effect of TO is positive and TO helps to raise the CP in the entire MENA region. Moreover, the results substantiate the spillovers of CP among the MENA countries. On the whole, EI is reducing the CP and TO, R&D, and FMD are raising the CP in the MENA region. Thus, the study recommends reducing EI and promoting trade openness, R&D activities, and FMD in the MENA region to raise CP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National adaptation plans offer strategic frameworks that enable countries to integrate adaptation action with sustainable development agendas. However, the process lacks multi-actor coordination that incorporates the values of diverse interest groups, presenting obstacles to fostering inclusive development decisions. This commentary proposes incorporating IPCC perspectives on climate resilient development pathways into the national adaptation planning process to align sustainable development ambition with adaptation practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nanoscience and Technology (NST) have revolutionized the world. It has led to many innovations since it entered our lives. Meanwhile, the number and quality of people trained in this field gained importance. Currently, initiatives are being taken to integrate this field into the primary education curriculum in many countries. This study focuses on integrating NST into the curriculum as a primary education topic. In this context, meta-synthesis research was used. First, developed countries' well-known initiatives on adapting NST to the curriculum will be discussed in the paper. Then, the works on NST in the literature, especially experimental ones, will be addressed. Finally, based on the results, some suggestions will be made for creating a curriculum in this field. Although there are differences in countries' curriculums, the basic knowledge necessary for education in this field is also outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structural change has played an important role in the overall process of economic development. Africa seems to have faced greater difficulty than Asia in terms of achieving structural change. A number of hypotheses have been proposed to explain the structural change process in these two regions. The objective of this paper is to test several of these hypotheses utilizing data from a sample of Sub-Saharan African countries as well as a sample of Asian countries. Fixed effects and fully modified ordinary least squares techniques were used to test the hypotheses. The results indicate that there are many similarities between the two regions in terms of what factors are important in the process of structural change, and a few differences. Agricultural productivity, a reduction in dependence on natural resources, openness to trade all seem to be important, but for Sub-Saharan Africa efforts must also be made to aid domestic manufacturing firms so as to be able to compete. In addition, it seems that being relatively labour abundant was important for the structural change process in Asia. Policies aimed at promoting more rapid structural change in Sub-Saharan Africa include promoting agricultural productivity, improving the extent of trade openness, and additional efforts to coordinate the expansion of manufacturing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid‐twentieth century, the Global South has experienced unprecedently rapid and pervasive changes in reproductive behavior with fertility declining from high pre‐transitional levels to below 3 births per woman in most low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs). Over time a rough consensus has been reached on major theories about the causes of these declines. However, a controversy remains about the widely held view that changing reproductive preferences (i.e., declining desired family size and rising demand for birth limitation) are the dominant drivers of fertility transitions. Several studies question this conclusion and suggest instead that the rising implementation of existing demand is the main cause of the reproductive revolution in LMICs. The objective of this study is to reconcile the competing “demand” and “implementation” perspectives. This paper assesses the strengths and weaknesses of published decompositions which take trends in the observed total fertility and contraceptive prevalence and break them down into their respective demand and implementation components. The main conclusion from this exercise is that fertility transitions are driven by changes in both preferences and their implementation. Claims of a completely dominant role for either demand or implementation are based on flawed methods and hence must be rejected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children's foundational mathematical skills are critical for future academic attainment. While home mathematical activities (HMAs) have been proposed to support these skills, the extent to which engaging in them supports mathematical skills remains unclear. This preregistered systematic review and multilevel meta‐analysis identified 351 effect sizes from 72 samples in 20 countries, exploring the relation between frequency of HMAs and mathematical skills in children aged 7 years and under (Mage = 61 months). A small significant positive relation was found (r = .13), moderated by risk of bias, with larger effects associated with a higher risk of bias. Specific ways the field can move forward are discussed to better understand the role of the home mathematical environment in early mathematics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opponents of legalised assisted dying often assert that palliative care is worse in countries where assisted dying has been legalised, and imply that legalised assisted dying makes palliative care worse. This study considers five versions of this claim: that it is difficulty to access expert palliative care in countries where assisted dying has been legalised, that those countries rank low in their quality of end‐of‐life care; that legalising assisted dying doesn't expand patient choice in respect of palliative care; that growth in palliative care services has stalled in countries where assisted dying has been legalised; and that legalised assisted dying impedes the growth of palliative care or causes it to decline. In each case, it concludes that neither argumentation nor evidence supports these claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Middle East is a region of chronic insecurity due to internal and external tensions. These tensions and insecurity have made the Middle East one of the world's leading regions in military armaments. This study investigates the stochastic convergence of military burden in 10 selected Middle Eastern countries using comprehensive unit root analysis. Stochastic convergence for each country from 1977 to 2020 is examined using conventional, structural break, nonlinear, and Fourier‐based unit root tests. Empirical results provide strong evidence of convergence with regional averages in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Oman. There is also some evidence of convergence in the case of Israel, Egypt, Kuwait, Lebanon, and Turkiye. However, evidence for the existence of convergence in Iran and Jordan is weak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The report deals with the environment of the military and civil conflict in Sudan, part of its backgrounds, the map of alliances that affect it at the internal, regional and global levels, and the future of these alliances in light of the developments of the scene. The report reviews the components of the internal environment of the Sudanese conflict with its military and civilian components, its external environment represented by neighboring countries, countries and actors in it, the roots of the conflict and its field map, in addition to the map of alliances related to it. The report concluded that the conflict in the Sudan has produced a complex reality that does not indicate that it can be resolved in any direction in the near term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aimed to identify the Problems of the absence of Arab countries adopting positions supportive to the Palestinian cause and resistance in the Battle of Al-Aqsa Flood, and to identify the most prominent effects that will cast a shadow on the Arab countries as a result of the absence of adopting effective positions. The paper came out with a set of conclusions, perhaps the most prominent of which is that the Al-Aqsa Flood revealed the lack of the effectiveness of the Arab state and its positions are still hostage to international policies, especially American ones. Likewise, the Arab countries have lost their regional ability in favor of players that Arab countries consider them to be either competitors or enemies. The Arab countries have not been able to exploit the normalization agreements between them and Israel to influence American or Israeli policies, whether by threatening to sever Relationships, or even by exploiting relations to give Arab countries even a marginal space for maneuver. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decade, large-scale urban reconstruction has been ongoing in Dushanbe, Tajikistan's capital city. In this process, the city's Soviet architecture is being demolished and replaced by Dubai-inspired high-rises. This transformation of public space is a manifestation of the process of silent de-Sovietization that has taken place in Tajikistan. Unlike what has been seen in other post-Soviet countries, this form of de-Sovietization does not result from rethinking the country's Soviet past and deliberately departing from it. Rather, it is a casual by-product of Tajikistan's capitalist transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ukraine's border regions have been long associated with the country's cultural and linguistic diversity, but also with political cleavages and alternative geopolitical orientations. The annexation of Crimea by Russia and the military conflict in Donbas violently reshaped Ukraine's eastern borderlands and led to alienation between the two countries. At the same time, the Ukraine-EU Association Agreement and visa-free regime facilitated the growing reorientation of Ukrainian society toward Europe. The 2022 Russian invasion, occupation of further Ukrainian territories and mass displacement intensified these trends. While the war is forging the country together, it is experienced in very different ways in its regions, and these collective experiences will matter for postwar Ukrainian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the case of present-day Russia, this article proposes a novel way to conceptualize the intelligence-politics nexus, or else, the mutual politicization of intelligence and 'intelligencization' of politics. Recognizing the importance and salience of intelligence in Russia, the author criticizes the paradigm of the 'KGB state', arguing that rather than the FSB's penetration and subsequent capture of the state, we see a symbiosis at work. Inspired by cognitive theories of conceptual integration, the article highlights qualitatively new phenomena that do not stem from either intelligence or state, but are hybrids consisting of more than the sum of the constituent parts. Rather than representing an anachronism or an aberration from the Western norm dictating a strict division of labour between intelligence and politics, the Russian hybrid intelligence state emerges as a postmodern phenomenon. As such, it can carry lessons for the analysis of intelligence-politics relations in other countries, too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to investigate the direction of causality between income inequality and growth, income inequality and debt, and debt and growth for 11 selected countries in SSA countries (Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia). The panel bootstrap causality approach is applied to these countries from 1980 to 2018. Inequality is represented using Gini coefficient, Palma ratio, and Theil index. The findings show that there is at least a one-way causal relationship between public debt and inequality in Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda, between inequality and growth in Botswana, Lesotho, Nigeria, and South Africa and between growth and debt in Botswana, Rwanda, South Africa, and Uganda. Empirical results imply that the relations between the relevant variables in the Sub-Saharan African countries may vary according to the specific characteristics of these countries. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first paper to analyse the impact of these three macroeconomic variables together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'The term encounter has been used in various disciplines to indicate a bringing together of difference (people, groups, ideas, etc.) with an aim of some form of positive or beneficial outcome' [Standish, K., 2021. Encounter Theory. Peacebuilding, 9 (1), 1–14.]. Allport [Allport, G.W., 1954. The Nature of Prejudice. Cambridge, MA: Perseus Books] suggests that contact between different groups might lead to a positive change and the reduction in stereotypes, but later research shows that often conflict is more likely to arise. Nonetheless, while contact might presuppose co-existence and thereby, the enduring presence of conflict, encounter 'is much more than that and involves a space where being with is the outcome itself' (Standish 2021: 40). It is my contention that the ambivalent nature of the encounters that occur in the Calaisian space generates a layered level of dislocation for those who are entering this space. By definition 'ambivalent' implies that feelings and reactions are mixed or contradictory. It argues that the ambivalence of these encounters shape not only people of the move's experiences but also the discourses around them, leading to constant tensions and shifting allegiances, and ultimately the maintenance of the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Improving the conditions for the provision of tourist services is critical for the development of tourism. The World Economic Forum uses the Travel and Tourism Development Index (TTDI), calculated based on five main criteria and 17 sub-criteria, to assess these conditions and generate a ranking list of countries based on their favourable environment for conducting tourism-related activities. However, the TTDI only considers the average value of each country's criteria and sub-criteria scores without considering the significance of those criteria. This paper addresses this issue using a hybrid multi-criteria analysis, which combines the MARCOS (Measurement of Alternatives and Ranking According to Compromise Solution) and MEREC (MEthod based on the Removal Effects of Criteria) methods. The results of these methods show that the observed European countries' ranking order differs from the ranking order stated in TTDI. Spain is ranked first, Turkmenistan ranks last, and sensitivity analysis supports these findings. When ranking countries using the TTDI, the importance of the criteria must be considered to accurately reflect the conditions prevailing for tourism development in countries, which is highlighted by this research. This paper's contribution demonstrates that all criteria cannot be considered equally to form the TTDI, as the requirements cannot be equally important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a new mechanism to distribute refugees within the European Union. The usual approach of assigning mandatory refugee quotas has been heavily opposed by several countries. Our mechanism adjusts these quotas to countries' preferences on immigration. All countries become weakly better off, even though they do not exchange monetary transfers, which are ethically controversial. We formally model refugee relocation as a division problem with single-peaked preferences. Our 'quota adjustment mechanism' is the only one satisfying strategy-proofness, Pareto efficiency and a novel concept of fairness that takes account of the asymmetry across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article gives an overview of the purposes and principal requirements of the Digital Services Act and how they function specifically towards non-EU companies, using Chinese companies as a prominent example. It discusses to which extent the Digital Services Act is part of the regulatory project by which the EU, whether purposefully or not, projects power beyond its borders, and argues that at least with regard to economically powerful countries such as China, this effect has likely been somewhat overstated. The article points out that nevertheless, non-EU and specifically Chinese companies face additional challenges when trying to comply with the Digital Services Act, and provides orientation in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the literature on financialized growth, two models are often presented as complementary but opposing: some countries drive their domestic demand through debt, while others grow on the basis of exports. In this research, we identify Sweden as a country that in the midst of the financial euphoria preceding 2008 combined these two models simultaneously. By identifying this "debt&export-led" growth model, we add richness and taxonomic complexity to the literature on financialized growth models. That said, this research contributes especially to the debate on the Swedish growth model, revealing a "hybrid" model that resulted from the interaction of two sets of factors: i) the presence of a successful exports sector, driven by a commensurate regulatory framework in a context of strong international demand; and ii) the manner in which financialization operated in Sweden, through a historic increase in private debt levels simultaneous with a partial dismantling of the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutional reforms have resulted in deep transformations of the global economy. Yet, the theoretical development and accumulating insights about the effects of institutional reforms on entrepreneurial outcomes have been inconclusive. Our study applies categorisation theory to argue that flexibility- and stability-enhancing reforms may affect entrepreneurial growth ambitions in distinct ways, depending on whether more innovative versus less innovative entrepreneurs perceive specific reforms as an opportunity or a threat. Our study employs a multi-source, repeated cross-sectional dataset of approximately 150,000 entrepreneurs from 65 countries, covering the period from 2002 to 2016. Our findings indicate that flexibility-enhancing reforms lead to higher growth ambitions. They are particularly favoured by less innovative entrepreneurs. On the contrary, stability-enhancing reforms do not affect growth ambitions of entrepreneurs in general but rather increase growth ambitions of more innovative entrepreneurs. Our study provides important theoretical and practical implications about the consequences of institutional reforms on growth ambitions of entrepreneurs with different levels of innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a narrative review of 75 years of research in public administration teaching and learning in the journal of Public Administration and Development, this article focusses on the challenges and evolution of approaches for decolonizing countries. These challenges are contextualised within broader debates within the discipline of public administration. Three themes are explored: the assumption of universality of knowledge; appropriate contextualization and the applicability of knowledge; and teaching in and for decolonizing countries. Research interest in this topic has nonetheless declined in recent years, so three areas for future research are suggested: the need to support an empirical agenda which privileges the experiences of managing the tensions between imposed and indigenous systems; the need to support scholars in decolonizing countries to critically reflect on and share their approaches to teaching and learning; and the need to support a research agenda on teaching public administration which embraces more flexible and relational models for public administration and includes diverse ontologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With limited government resources, achieving all 17 SDGs by 2030 is challenging, and it would be best to prioritize the implementation of the SDGs. This study applies the SBM model of DEA to compare ASEAN with closely interacting countries. Using DEA can identify the characteristics of efficient decision‐making units (i.e., efficient countries), identify the relatively inefficient SDGs of ASEAN and the best practice peer countries, and determine the SDGs that need to be improved in the short term and the target countries to be emulated. This study further compares the efficiency of ASEAN and non‐ASEAN countries, high‐income countries, and other countries, before and after the outbreak of Covid‐19, to gain more policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of labour market and product market reforms on income inequality for 25 OECD countries between 1970 and 2020, using the local projections approach and an updated narrative-based dataset of the reform indicators. Our results suggest that both types of (endogenized) market-oriented reforms increase income inequality, but the effects are small. Consistent with this finding is that counter-reforms lead to less income inequality. Our results also indicate that the inequality-increasing effect of market-oriented reforms is mostly a result of more income going to the top of the income distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study inflation in a group of 15 countries before and during the classical Gold Standard using annual data spanning 1851–1913. The degree of co-movements between domestic and international inflation depends on geographical remoteness and openness to trade. Furthermore, international inflation acts as an 'attractor' for domestic inflation. Sub-sample estimates reveal little evidence of instability implying that international inflation was an important influence on domestic inflation throughout this time period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to investigate the direction of causality between income inequality and growth, income inequality and debt, and debt and growth for 11 selected countries in SSA countries (Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia). The panel bootstrap causality approach is applied to these countries from 1980 to 2018. Inequality is represented using Gini coefficient, Palma ratio, and Theil index. The findings show that there is at least a one-way causal relationship between public debt and inequality in Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda, between inequality and growth in Botswana, Lesotho, Nigeria, and South Africa and between growth and debt in Botswana, Rwanda, South Africa, and Uganda. Empirical results imply that the relations between the relevant variables in the Sub-Saharan African countries may vary according to the specific characteristics of these countries. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first paper to analyse the impact of these three macroeconomic variables together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interconnectedness among global economies has led to the flourishing of trade, capital flows and technology. However, a growing literature in this area started monitoring the negative externalities associated with increasing levels of integration, focusing on the spillovers from the US economy. Using a pooled mean group estimator, we analyse the impact of monetary policy uncertainty (MPU) spillovers from the US on the financial stress of advanced economies. The results suggested that changes in the MPU of the US do affect the financial stress position of advanced economies. As a result of increased uncertainty, financial stress increases in the long run as the countries are based on similar fundamentals, and stress in one country could create a crisis-like condition in others. On the contrary, in the short-run, the advanced economies are in a temporarily better-off position as increased stress in the US opens up more capital inflow to these economies. The results are relevant to international macroeconomic policymakers and call for the need to keep domestic economies equipped under circumstances of unforeseen crisis. Timely policy interventions in advanced economies can help them in control sudden flow reversals, thereby protecting the domestic economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The few existing studies on the effect of Aid for Trade (AfT) flows on economic complexity have reached inconclusive outcomes. The present analysis re-examines this issue through the lens of the concept of 'quality of AfT flows' that takes into account not only the amount of AfT flows, but also the predictability and volatility of these capital inflows. A country enjoys a better quality of AfT flows if it receives higher AfT flows in predictable and less volatile fashions. We investigate the effect of the quality of AfT flows on economic complexity, over a set of 86 countries and the period from 2004 to 2019, and using the within fixed effects estimator and the Method of Moments Quantile Regression with fixed effects approach. The findings suggest that not only does a better quality of AfT flows fosters economic complexity in recipient countries, but its positive effect is larger in less complex economies (including poorest countries) than in relatively more complex economies among recipient countries. These findings reveal that what really matters for the enhancement of economic complexity in developing countries may not be only the amounts of the total AfT flows, but more importantly the predictability and the stability of these resource inflows. Improving the quality of AfT flows by increasing AfT amounts in predictable and stable fashions would be beneficial to developing countries and particularly to a greater extent to poorest countries among them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to contribute to an investigation of the role of European integration as a potential growth driver or convergence engine for emerging Europe. We classify emerging Europe into two groups of economies: (1) 11 new EU member states from Central and Eastern Europe; and (2) six EU candidate countries from the Western Balkans. Our results are also highly relevant for the so-called 'association trio' within the EU's framework of Eastern partnership. The more specific research objectives are to explore (1) what the main driving forces behind growth dynamics in post-communist economies in Europe are; and (2) whether the experience of fast-reforming new EU member states can be replicated or adapted to the EU candidate countries. We provide evidence that the process of European integration holds strong transformative power to accelerate institutional progress and support economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal of this article is to analyse the effects of external debt accumulation on economic growth amongst Central Asian countries. We have applied a time-series methodology utilising annual data from 2000–2017 to show that external debt has had a negative and significant effect on economic growth in Central Asian countries. We found that debt overhang will cause a higher marginal tax rate on the future output of each country, thus leading to an investment slowdown and reducing output growth by limiting productivity expansion. Moreover, we can affirm that the negative effect of external debt is often associated with the poor level of institutions and governance of Central Asian countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western Balkan region has faced challenges stemming from the dissolution of the socialist Yugoslavia and ongoing ethnic-nationalistic tensions. Cultural heritage has been a central point of dispute. Despite nominally implementing the same UNESCO heritage safeguarding policy framework, ICH systems in the Republic of Serbia, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina were found to differ significantly. Examining and contrasting ICH systems with comparative critique in mind, we searched for a common model for regional cultural policies. ICH safeguarding systems in the three countries were also analysed according to additional guidelines for inventorying ICH that were provided by UNESCO in 2021, in order to help streamline regional heritage management towards the implementation of sustainable development goals. Our research shows that all three states struggle with inclusivity, but in different ways. Comparative implications for preventing the renewal of heritage-based conflicts in postconflict societies are considered and the regional policy model proposed for further testing.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractEast Asian countries, including Northeast Asian countries such as China, Japan and Korea, and Southeast Asian countries such as the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore, have endeavored to enhance their maritime domain awareness (MDA) capabilities at either the state or regional level to mitigate, prevent or respond to maritime threats. Vibrant, dynamic East Asia comprises a huge diversity of cultures, religions, political systems, and security regimes, and their perceptions of and approaches to MDA are significantly varied. The regional states need to recognize the importance and value of MDA in ensuring maritime safety and security and to allocate more resources to build up their MDA capacities accordingly. In addition, closer collaboration between Northeast and Southeast Asian countries is required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has found that citizens’ perceptions of elites’ left-right polarization are one of the causes behind affective polarization (AP). However, in many countries, political conflict and competition extend beyond the left-right axis. Using a 12-wave panel dataset, this paper examines the relationship between perceived polarization along the two main axes of political competition in Spain (the left-right axis and the territorial one) and AP. The findings reveal that perceived territorial polarization can independently contribute to AP, and provide preliminary evidence on how the salience of the territorial conflict affects this relationship. Furthermore, the impact on AP of the perceived elite conflict on each of the axes differs depending on individuals’ self-reported ideology: individuals’ perceptions of elite disagreements on the territorial dimension are strongly related to AP mainly among right-wing individuals, while perceptions of elite disagreements on the left-right dimension are somewhat more strongly related to AP among left-wing individuals. These relationships, however, are not perfectly linear, and this article also shows interesting differences between the different ideological groups. These results deepen our understanding of the causes of AP in multinational democracies and might inform future de-polarization interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arguably no two neighbours are as deeply intermeshed as Australia and New Zealand. Both have a mutually reinforcing and non-discretionary stake in the Pacific’s prosperity and security—the region of greatest strategic intersection and overlapping national interests. Although strategically aligned, New Zealand is not a ‘mini-Australia’. Australia is an Indo-Pacific middle power with equities to balance with its US ally and regional partners like Japan, Indonesia, and India. New Zealand is a small state with a Pacific identity. Despite asymmetries, New Zealand offers strategic value to Australia through Pasifika demographics, niche capabilities, and by adding another voice to shared objectives. Due to scale and culture differences, New Zealand can credibly and authentically engage with Pacific partners in a different way from Australia. The ANZUS military alliance remains the backbone of the strategic relationship. However, as the inaugural Australia-New Zealand Foreign Affairs and Defence Ministerial meeting (ANZMIN) in February 2024 affirmed, increasingly all ‘tools of statecraft’ need to be applied to the compounding challenges ahead. Further, both countries should leverage their comparative advantages as part of collective efforts. A modernised understanding of the alliance might start by re-examining each country’s geopolitical mindset and the respective strategic value each provides the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The link between European institutions and European identities remains under-explored. Similarly, we know little about how countries opting out of European integration has helped shape their citizens’ view of themselves as more or less European. Using general synthetic control models and data from 1983 to 2020, I find that people in countries with opt-outs tend to identify as more strongly European in the years after an opt-out is implemented, and most prominently so in the countries where opt-outs responded to a popular demand and were associated with great politicisation. This shows that providing individual countries with greater autonomy may strengthen their citizens’ attachment to Europe, but that any such effect is likely to depend on domestic variations in for instance elite politicisation of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evaluation of various urban planning scenarios using metrics has enhanced consensus-building in participatory planning. Nevertheless, the integration of scenario planning pedagogy remains limited in Latin American nations. To bridge this disparity, scenario planning was integrated into a graduate planning studio in Bogotá over a two-year period. Our investigation focused on enhancements in students’ comprehension of uncertainty, urban metrics, and negotiation. Findings indicate that students successfully generated multiple scenarios rapidly. However, challenges emerged concerning the interpretation of communicative concepts in planning, data accessibility and constraints, as well as issues related to the user-friendliness and interoperability of available software tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tourism literature has largely neglected another important factor that may influence the tourism and income inequality relationship. This factor reflects democratic institutions of the destination country. To contribute to the tourism literature, this study attempts to fill a gap in the corresponding literature by investigating the moderating effect of democracy on the tourism-income inequality nexus for a panel of 23 sub-Sharan African countries over the period 2000-2020. The empirical evidence is based on the panel corrected standard errors (PCSE) estimation technique. The results obtained from our study show that tourism and democracy unconditionally worsen income inequality. Moreover, democracy complements tourism to further undermine income distribution as positive synergies are apparent. Policy implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks whether, and if so how, it is possible to design a system characterised by coordination across sectors and levels of governance aimed at governing AMR. The ambition is, firstly, to analyse how coordination problems materialise in the governing of the AMR problem, and secondly, with an emphasis on the structure of decision-making and communication processes, to probe into how coordination of AMR governance is achieved. The paper’s focus is on Norway, which stands out as one of the better performing countries for AMR governance. Drawing on literature on coordination and governance, the paper argues that effective coordination of AMR governance is more likely to follow a ‘bottom-up’ sequencing pattern. It thus provides a study of the systems for governing AMR in a multi-level setting. Through public documents, literature and interviews with key officials involved in AMR management, the paper illustrates the importance of – and organisational barriers to – inter-sectoral cooperation and coordinated strategies and actions at different levels of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractNew global multi-directional migration flows are decentering extant analyses of White expatriate migration. As migration becomes more diversified, new lines of intellectual inquiry are surfacing about the experiences of middle-class non-white expatriates. This paper uses the case study of China, which with the rise in immigration, has an increasingly diverse ‘expatriate’ population. While the visibility of White expatriates in non-white-majority host countries may compel them to adopt lifestyles segregated from the local population, expatriates of Chinese heritage in China have the (dis)advantage of blending in with the local population. This paper examines the experiences of Singaporean-Chinese migrants in China where their ethnic proximity to the Chinese can be both a boon and a bane. We present our findings in three sections addressing: first, how ethnic proximity can enable mobilities including motility and a mobile sense of belonging; second, how mobilities can condition ethnic proximity as experiences of privilege but also reminders of non-belonging; and third, how participants’ change in life phases i.e. temporalities shift meanings of proximity, mobility and mobile belonging. Through highlighting the multidimensional nature of mobilities – proximity, motility, temporalities – this paper contributes to studies of middling migration, (ethnic) proximity and mobilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australian foreign policy traditionally claims middle power and good international citizenship credentials, although it also resorts to unilateral actions due to its deep-rooted condition of ‘frightened country’. This article argues that the country's irregular migration governance embodies this tension, and thus seeks to shed light on this increasingly-neglected aspect of Australian external engagement. Following a theoretical understanding of Australian foreign policy, it investigates the country's irregular migration policies between 2000 and 2024. The article finds that there is a strong continuity in such policies irrespective of the type of government in power, supported by foreign policy bipartisanship, resulting in specific foreign policy tools to stem seaborne arrivals. These include military missions; territorial excisions from the migration zone; offshore processing and/or externalisation agreements with Nauru, Papua New Guinea, Cambodia, and Sri Lanka; pushback manoeuvres, and at-sea processing of asylum claims. Inevitably, such measures complicate Australia's international status as they emphasise the uneasy coexistence of both the globalist middle power and the self-interested nation images in its foreign policy, therefore warranting new research on this under-examined condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]