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Shortly after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the country witnessed the unfolding of many crises such as the emergence of counter-revolution and centrifugal crisis in some regions, including the Kurdish region, where, they grew rapidly and showed themselves in a violent form when the leadership of these currents fell into the hands of the Democratic and Komala parties, and, consequently due to the post-revolution conditions, significant parts of the Kurdish regions came under the control of the aforementioned parties in a short period of time. The dispatch of a goodwill delegation in August 1979 could not solve the problem peacefully. Therefore, military action was also put on the agenda. In judicial dimension, Sheikh Sadeq Khalkhali was sent to the Kurdish regions in late August 1979 as religious judge to play a role in confrontation with the counter-revolution and centrifugal forces. The main objective of this research is to study the degree of success of Khalkhali to participate in this confrontation and the extent to which he could prevent the crisis of centrifugal forces in the Kurdish regions. Descriptive-analytical method has been used and the necessary data has been collected from different sources. The findings of the research indicate that although Khalkhali's measures were a reaction to the counter-revolutionary measures, they did not have a decisive effect in preventing the crisis.

Dealing with counter-revolution is a tricky business. For while the word "counter-revolution" signifies opposition to revolution, it is first important to get to grips with the principles of revolution. And while principles are ideas, their application and implementation presuppose a terrain capable of receiving them - in other words, a society ready for revolution. It's in this sense that we need to think about a counter-revolution. It's one thing to know the contours and guiding ideas, but quite another to be able to apply and realize them in a society. This is where a good counter-revolution, like a revolution, must unite the philosopher and the politician, the man of ideas and the man of realizations.

This paper aims to highlight Joseph de Maistre's pioneering work in anthropology, which 150 years before Girard came to the same conclusions as Girard: the importance of sacrifice in human societies, the logic of violence and its resolution, and the particular character of the sacrifice of Jesus Christ, which comes as a fulfillment and definitive end to the logic of bloody sacrifice. This little-known aspect of the counter-revolutionary thinker gives us a better understanding of the issues of matriarchy, patriarchy and Christian patriarchy, right up to contemporary developments with gender. He also gives us an example of the application of Catholic realism, based on theology and nourished by sound Thomistic metaphysics, and how a return to this Catholic realism in the human sciences is a key to understanding contemporary phenomena.

Grandson of King Charles X, the earl of Chambord, Henry V (1820-1883), incarnated during his life the hopes of monarchical restoration of French legitimists, exercising a true moral royalty. In his speeches and letters, he presented a political program for to counter the ideas of French Revolution. The reflection of the earl of Chambord appears, during the third quarter of the XIXth century, like the most completed expression of counter-revolutionary thinking. To restore social harmony disturbed by the Revolution, the earl of Chambord wanted to embody a Christian monarchy tempered by a new definition of representation rules, the recovery of local freedoms and the concern to restore social justice by improving the workers conditions of life. This political program encountered opposition from circles liberal-conservative who wanted to guard against the restoration of king adhering to the principles formulated by Pius IX in the Syllabus. They put to their support unacceptable conditions for the earl of Chambord, demanding to him to accept “the principles of 89”. The White flag crystallized this frontal opposition, failing the third restoration.

Intellectual historians have tended to focus on the most radical intellectuals of the counter-revolution such as Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald, but the counter-revolution was an intellectually composite movement with many intellectual currents and ideas. In this article, I shed light on the composite character of the counter-revolution by focusing on one of its most moderate members, the comte de Montlosier. The article presents contextualised analysis of Montlosier’s conception of moderation, his theory of politics, his critique of fellow counter-revolutionaries, and his ideas for a new aristocratic order build on public opinion and separation of powers. I argue that Montlosier’s moderate politics reflected a moderate enlightenment approach to politics, which was neither wholly rationalist nor wholly traditionalist. Rather, it was an attempt to find a middle ground between the two integrating a conservative view of history with a sociological approach to power and politics. I furthermore argue that even if Montlosier was unsuccessful in his endeavours to moderate the counter-revolution, he nonetheless provided a moderate response to it that would become integral to nineteenth-century conservative and liberal ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the Counter-Revolution beyond the violent paramilitary reaction in Central- and Eastern Europe in 1918–1921. To this end it looks at the case study of Norway, and the organization Samfundshjelpen (Society Aid). Norway is situated in the context of the broader upheaval the continent faced in the wake of the First World War and the Russian Revolution, highlighting that Scandinavia in no way comprised an isolated island immune from political developments in the rest of Europe. In 1920 Society Aid was founded with help from the state, an officer-led strikebreaking organization with a counter-revolutionary agenda. The model for this organization was the German Technische Nothilfe, a daughter organization of the Berlin Freikorps. These organizations quickly developed into a transnational strikebreaking network that comprised virtually every major country in Europe, with regular conferences, correspondence, and other exchanges. The Samfundshjelpen archive shows that its leading figure, Captain Christopher Fougner, played a dynamic role in this network, and helped transfer counter-revolutionary ideas, knowledge, techniques, and organizational forms to Norway and beyond. This reveals Norway played an unexpectedly prominent role in this hitherto unexplored part of the interwar Right, highlighting the importance of integrating regions like Scandinavia in European interwar political history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Joaquín Yrizar Moya (1793-1878) stands as a peculiar example of Counter-Enlightenment. Born to a family of the Basque elite, he experienced a sharp ideological shift during his long life: from being a young radical liberal, he became disillusioned with the Enlightened philosophy and veered toward more and more conservative theses up to embracing carlist absolutism. Trained as a military and mathematician, he wrote several works on the origin of languages, nations or myths, and published minor works against what he deemed as materialist deviations of modernity. His texts express nostalgia for a lost confessional and hierarchical society but, at the same time, he believed that the knowledge of the past could contribute to human progress, understood as a fulfilment of God's design. His vision of progress encompasses enlightened and millenarian aspects, showing the various meanings this concept could entail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the current legal-political crisis in Israel against the backdrop of the judicial and political powers that have led to the present situation. The disastrous Yom Kippur War of 1973 weakened the government and public confidence in the political institutions. The weaknesses of the government enabled the Supreme Court to carry out a judicial revolution, which completely changed the country's legal system. The legal revolution entered a new stage when the Supreme Court held that the Basic Laws form part of Israel's constitution. This judicially created constitution opened the way for judicial review of legislation. Its weakness stems from the fact that Basic Laws are legislated in much the same way as ordinary legislation. As a result, the Knesset can easily override any ruling of the Court that voids a statute, by amending the relevant Basic Law. The Court is now struggling to find a means of gaining some control over the legislation of Basic Laws. At the same time, the present government declared its intention to carry out legal reforms that are in effect a counter-revolution to the judicial revolution. The article examines how the fluctuation in the political support of the Court affects its decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines two outcomes of demobilization in post-revolutionary contexts, democratic transition and counter-revolution. Complementing elite-driven approaches, we argue that the way demobilization ends is conditional upon the capacity of challengers to promote enduring alliances. Following a paired controlled comparison, we analyse two cases, Egypt and Tunisia and processes of alliance building and fragmentation preceding the 2013 coup d'Etat in Egypt, and the adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 in Tunisia. Data from semi-structured and in-depth interviews were collected through fieldwork in multiple localities of Egypt and Tunisia between 2011 and 2019. Results show that the fragmentation of the challengers' coalition in post-revolutionary Egypt contributed to a counter-revolution while, in Tunisia, challengers' alliances rooted in the pre-revolutionary period lasted throughout the phase of demobilization and supported a democratic transition. We conclude by discussing some alliance-based mechanisms accounting for a democratic transition: intergroup trust-building, brokerage and ideological boundary deactivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following repeated assertions by QAnon promoters that to understand the phenomenon one must ‘do your own research’ this article seeks to unpack how ‘research’ is understood within QAnon, and how this understanding is operationalised in the production of particular tools. Drawing on exemplar literature internal to the phenomenon, it examines discourses on question of QAnon’s epistemology with particular reference to the stated purpose of ‘research’ and its difference to an allegedly hegemonic (or ‘mainstream’) episteme. The article then turns to how these discourses are operationalised in the research tools QAnon.pub and QAgg.news (‘QAgg’). Finally, it concludes by way of a reflection on how QAnon’s aggressively counter-revolutionary strategies and infrastructures can trouble the concept of the ‘minor’ in minor tech.

It is commonly assumed that far-right populist and nationalist movements and parties emerge within, and in reaction to, liberal international orders. This paper challenges that assumption. It shows that, while the rise of the far-right in interwar Europe and in recent decades in the Global North occurred during periods characterized by globalization, it was a globalization that was essentially anti-liberal in nature. During both periods, globalization was shaped, not by a liberal, competitive ethos, but by conservative and counter-revolutionary values and ideologies, and by policies which worked to 'dis-embed' local economies, promote concentration and monopoly, and widen inequality. Far-right politics emerged, therefore, in reaction, not to liberalism, but to established conservative parties which appeared either unable or unwilling to suppress pressures from 'below' and as, therefore, too weak or corrupt to ensure the continuation of conservative policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The British Protectorate of the Ionian Islands, and particularly Corfu, was a nodal point in maritime communications. Since its very creation under the Treaty of Paris (November 1815), it gave the British a significant advantage in terms of information gathering. When a general uprising broke out in the Greek mainland, the British authorities put the islands in a state of emergency. Strict Ionian neutrality was declared and harsh measures were justified, which aimed to maintain 'public tranquility' and to secure the islanders from any revolutionary ideas coming from the mainland. The implications of this neutrality are little studied, perhaps because of the perceived peripheral role of the Ionian Islands in the Greek struggle. Yet, as this paper shows, the islands were deeply affected by developments taking place in the mainland, such as the rebellion of Ali Pasha of Ioannina between 1819 and 1822, when the British increased military presence in the region. Instead of discouraging the ties between the islanders and the Greek Revolution as intended, British reactions produced the opposite result. They further alienated the Anglo-Ionian state from the Ionian society. The present article analyses how British officials utilized disproportionate fears over the spread of revolutionary ideas in the islands, as well as military escalation in the region, to impose harsh measures on the islands and to 'normalize' emergency strategies. It builds upon relevant literature not only on the movement of information in the Mediterranean, but also on British policy over the so-called 'Greek Question'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In analyzing the political significance of the Portuguese revolution of 1820 and the subsequent three-year period of liberalism – a period commonly referred to as vintismo – it is essential to bear in mind what was one of its most striking features: the existence of different sensibilities or political expressions that marked the content, the scope and pace of the changes and reforms advocated by the regenerative movement. Such is the purpose of this article: to illustrate, through some moments or problems with special relevance, the way in which the political sensibilities of vintismo were expressed, in their plurality and diversity.

This article analyzes the character and development of the Swedish Brigade, a small military volunteer unit in the Finnish Civil War of 1918, in the context of the European counter-revolution. Volunteers in the various civil wars following the Russian Revolution have been studied extensively before, but have largely focused on countries that participated in the First World War. This case study of the 'White' Swedish Brigade aims to highlight the importance of volunteers from neutral countries, and their specific role in the transnational counter-revolutionary movement. The Brigade was an ostensibly politically neutral unit, with a socially heterogeneous make-up. Heavily supported by the Swedish right-wing media, it was widely romanticized as a heroic effort to restore Sweden's honour by supporting the Finnish fight against the old Russian enemy, and defending the former Swedish province as a bulwark of Swedish culture, law and order against barbarism. While its political culture was steeped in a romanticized Finno-Swedish history and culture, shared by many of the volunteers, the brigadiers were quickly confronted by the realities of poor equipment and organization, political division, and above all an exceptionally brutal civil war and the morally degrading violence it entailed. Brigade archive documents and memoirs show that this quickly changed the character of the actual volunteer unit to contrast heavily with the right-wing press's romantic imagination. Additionally, through contacts with the Finnish and German military, and in the face of a Left Swedish critique of the Brigade as reactionary butchers, many of the volunteers reconceptualized their role in the civil war, not as one of heroic and historical significance for Sweden, but as part of a vicious European struggle against Bolshevism. This seems to some extent confirmed by their post-war history, which raises interesting questions about these volunteers' roles among the new Right of interwar Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article examines the Mano Negra affair, a case study on the construction of «evil», both social and political, in the second half of the 19th century. The case revolved around the alleged discovery and persecution of a secret society that lay on the border between anarchist maximalism and rural criminality in Andalusia between the late 1870s and early 1880s. The article analyzes the affair as part of the 19th-century European counterrevolutionary tradition and the emerging criminalization of anarchism. Finally, the author considers the event within the context of the transnational repression of the internationalist anarchist movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyses the counter-revolution in nineteenth-century Europe and considers, on the basis of existing historiography, whether it is possible and relevant to present it as the extreme right of the nineteenth century. The paper first addresses conceptual problems, then examines the ideological, militant and sociological characteristics of the counter-revolution, and finally looks at the historical development of this political culture and its legacies in the 20th century. The thesis defended is that if the counter-revolution can rightly be seen as a political culture representing the extreme right in nineteenth-century Europe, the approach of comparative history and cross-history makes it possible to move away from a very Franco-centric vision which makes it the ancestor of nationalism at the end of the century. This decentring of the focus gives us a more nuanced view of the counter-revolutionary phenomenon, which presents a diversity and complexity that the term extreme right tends to obscure.

The biography of Pierre Gaxotte questions the « far-right » as a category. As a journalist, editor and historian, Pierre Gaxotte wrote an abundant and protean work and was one of the leading figures of the French far-right for six decades, having multiple commitments, from being an editor at the Action Française in the 1920’s to the patronage of the journal Nouvelle École in the late 1970s. His itinerary is all the more intriguing since he was able - through a thorough work of biographical reconstruction - to escape the anathema that struck the French far-right after 1945. Subsequently, he was able to impose the image of a worldly and respectable reactionary, a true notable of Parisian letters, allowing him to constitute a discreet bridge between a rebuilding intellectual extreme right and the general conservative public, as evidenced in particular by the undeniable success of his most famous work, La Révolution française (1928).

The article aims to critically discuss elitist democracy as one of the possible causes of the contemporary crisis of liberal democracy. The research problem is the question about the essential elements of the concept of elitist democracy, which potentially account for the populist counter-revolution aimed at changing the political systems formed after 1989. The theoretical background of this paper is provided by the studies on the crisis of democracy, which have been conducted in recent years and presented by Jan Zielonka, or the duets of Ivan Krastev and Stephen Holmes as well as Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin. The analysis makes it possible to state that relations between elites and non-elites are crucial for elitist democracy, and they include the process of elites distancing themselves from non-elites, depreciating the needs of non-elites and their importance within the political system, and privileging the position of the elites. In turn, the indicated features of elitist democracy constitute the areas of populist criticism of liberal democracy.

Catalan Carlism was one of the most prominent versions of European anti-liberalism and counter-revolution. This article delves into a debate on the traditional and/or modern nature of the social movements; the relationship between religion, politics and identity; the impact of the civil wars on the construction of nation-states; and the exercise of power and violence. In a context of factories and workers, Carlism built the longest insurrectional guerrilla culture in all of Europe and became the theatre of operations of the “international white”

The 2011 'Arab Spring' proved to be a catalytic, region-wide phenomenon whose reverberations were felt across, far and near. While responses to this series of political uprisings were varied, questions pertaining to why some regimes perished while others stood strong remain heavily contested. Of those authoritarian regimes that emerged triumphant, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's twin-policy of containing potentially revolutionary activity in the State, coupled with accommodation for more 'progressive' political demands saw the rise of a 'reformist authoritarianism' in the post-Arab Spring political landscape. Such a recalibrated framework sought to demonstrate an openness for pragmatic considerations that go hand-in hand with a more active and security-centric policy shift, a comprehensive process that Steven Heydemann refers to as 'authoritarian upgrading.' Taking this strategic outlook into consideration, this paper seeks to critically explore how 'authoritarian upgrading' can account for Saudi Arabia's containment of the pro-democratic reform, anti-government protests that began in late January 2011. Moreover, the lessons from the 'Arab Spring' which were incorporated into the Kingdom's wider 'modernization' vision will be traced vis-à-vis incumbent Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's (MBS) key economic, societal and security-based reforms. In addition, the trajectory which shaped a more comprehensive 'counter-revolutionary' foreign policy during and after the 2011 Arab Spring will be explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 14 February 2011 Bahrainis took to the streets demanding political reform as part of a broader wave of protests that swept across the Arab world. In the months that followed, the ruling Al-Khalifa family deployed mechanisms of sovereign power in an effort to ensure the survival of the regime. This article explores counter-revolutionary efforts deployed by the Bahraini state in an effort to eviscerate protest movements born out of the Arab Uprisings. Drawing on Giorgio Agamben's ideas about sovereign power, I argue that the Al-Khalifa regime was able to deploy a range of different tools in pursuit of survival, framing Shi'a groups as nefarious fifth columnists operating within a broader regional struggle pitting Saudi Arabia and Iran against one another. The article argues that while sect-based difference is an important aspect of contemporary Bahraini politics – facilitated by securitisation processes led by the Al-Khalifa – counter-revolutionary efforts have their roots in a state building project that gave the ruling family the ability to ensure their survival. This approach created an "anti-revolutionary" environment which prevented the emergence of widespread protest, yet when faced with serious challenges, anti-revolutionary processes morphed into counter-revolutionary mechanisms.

This paper discusses the current political phase in South West Asia and North Africa (SWANA) or Middle East and North Africa (MENA) by contextualising it in global politics. First, the transformations of the nation state and neoliberal capitalism are discussed along with the mobilisational strategies shared among social movements in the region, Europe and North America, Africa, and Latin America. Second, the paper discusses how such transnational developments have influenced the scholarship on SWANA/MENA politics, highlighting a number of epistemological breaks in the content and process of knowledge production.

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In his historical novel Le Chevalier des Touches (1864), Jules Barbey d'Aurevilly paints a sombre picture of the former counterrevolutionary Chouan heroes of Normandy: over the first decades following the French Revolution, the aristocrats lose their ancestral castle and end up living in an anachronistic salon while slowly falling into collective oblivion. Therefore, this article argues that Barbey d'Aurevilly's novel is concerned with a pressing memory crisis (in the sense of the term coined by Richard Terdiman) which manifests itself in the material sphere. For this purpose, the gradual decay of the nobles' abodes will be analyzed, from the transformation of their castle to the asylum where the protagonist spends his last days. The examination of these intérieurs allows us to gain extensive insight into Barbey d'Aurevilly's attachment to the Ancien Régime and his fundamental repudiation of the social changes occasioned by the political developments in 19th-century France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The United States is at a turning point in its history. Insurrection has become a dominant motif describing a country torn between the promises and ideals of democracy and an emergent authoritarianism that trades in lies, lawlessness, and a rebranded fascist politics. In this article, I analyze the contrasting visions, politics, and role of education that are central to both notions of insurrection. In the first instance, I argue that insurrectional authoritarianism is wedded to a fascist legacy that calls for racial purity, militarism, ultra-nationalism, and state terrorism. In the second instance, I analyze insurrectional democracy as a mode of resistance that has a long legacy in the battle for racial justice, economic equality, and a politics of inclusion. The article explores how both positions are motivated by particular understandings of education, agency, and the future. Within this distinctive historical moment, both participate in a landscape in which images, the social media, and the Internet play a decisive role in merging political education, power, and cultural politics. Both notions of insurrection infuse cultural politics with a specific language that narrate their visions and work to produce particular modes of agency, identifications, and social relations. At the core of the article is an analysis of how each narrative uses language and cultural politics to define their different notions of insurrection and how education and politics merge to create militarized identities operating in a warring environment in which the very categories of politics, education and democracy are on trial. I conclude that insurrectional authoritarianism has created the context for a civil war marked by a number of counter-revolutionary interventions in which ideas are married to violence and present a threat to democracy. I conclude with a call for an insurrectional democracy that makes education central to politics in order to produce an anti-capitalist consciousness as the basis for a mass movement in defense of socialist democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article aims to understand the notion underlying the term “revolution” in René de Chateaubriand’s Essay on Revolutions, making particular reference not only to the substantial notes of the 1826 re-edition, provided by the author himself, but also to the conceptual constellation surrounding the nascent concept of revolution, in particular “history” and “revolutionary rupture”.

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This study examines the Memorandum written by the Jewish delegates of Tuscany on July 23, 1799, in the aftermath of the starkly violent anti-Jewish incidents that marked the Tuscan counter-revolution. The analysis is focused on Jewish defense against discursive and physical manifestations of anti-Judaism, and proposes to consider Jewish diplomacy as an essential component of European contentious politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SUMMARY: The Sacred Heart of Jesus was the protagonist of a devotion that became very popular in Spain during the second half of the 1800s and the former decades of the 20th century. In the Iberian Peninsula the heart of Christ became a symbol of an identity discourse that combined a fundamentalist conception of religion, a definition of the Spanish nation as intrinsically Catholic, and counter-revolutionary ideas. The aim of this article is to analyse why, during the years between 1899 and 1939, the Sacred Heart became a reference with a growing presence in the public space. Secondly, it explores why this presence caused a fierce dispute between those who considered that the Spanish Volksgeist was inherently Catholic, and those who believed otherwise. The existence of a war for the occupation and demarcation of public space stimulated the reproduction of the heart of Christ in scapulars, plaques or monuments, but also explains that the political groups who defended the secularization of society and a Spanish nationalism opposed to National-Catholic approaches reacted with anger to the spread of the Sacred Heart in the public space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a renewed scholarly interest in the politics of revolution and societal transformation following the uprisings of 2011, the defeat of the revolutionary tide in the MENA region has drawn attention to the dynamic of counter-revolution and authoritarian resilience. I criticise binary approaches to the process of regime restoration in the region. I argue that 'authoritarian resilience' should be interpreted in terms of Gramsci's concept of 'passive revolution'. I explain that this concept should be used not as a regime typology, but as an analytical 'criterion of interpretation', revealing the capacities and constraints of elites to deflect popular initiative and restructure historical blocs from above. Through the prism of passive revolution 'the regime' appears not as the constant factor, but as one of the forces that constitutes and is constituted by revolutionary struggle. I look concretely at the process of revolution and counter-revolution in Egypt between 2011 and 2013, disentangling the 18 Days of the uprising from the subsequent 'counter-revolution in democratic form' and the coda of the military-led 'counter-revolution from below'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 1919, the Entente recognized the government of István Friedrich in Hungary under the condition that a multi-party coalition government embodying popular representation was formed. The liberal and democratic parties, with the external support of the Social Democrats, held lively negotiations on the conditions and theoretical foundations for the formation of a coalition government. The result of the long-continued negotiations was that, in addition to the Smallholders’ Party, which retained its independence, democratic and liberal parties were formed, but a common party bloc could not be set up. The Christian party, whose members composed the government, prevented opposition parties from united action by any means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this article I interrogate three misapprehensions around the concept of counter‐revolution: (1) defining the old regime, (2) defining counter‐revolution's temporal boundary, and (3) different meanings of the countering actions. Using Egypt as a case study, I develop and apply a disaggregated and temporally sensitive framework to analyze the counter‐revolution. I argue that counter‐revolution was instigated during the revolutionary crisis (25 January–11 February 2011), accrued momentum during the extended transitional period (12 February 2011–30 June 2013) and achieved a decisive victory after the military coup of 3 July 2013. I interrogate the varieties of counter‐revolutionary actions in these periods: repression and propaganda, adopting a project of containment during the transitional period, then launching unlimited repression campaigns against revolutionaries, and expanding military rule. This framework helps make sense of how different forces change their positions over time, and of the contradictions and the dynamism of counter‐revolutionary actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The election of Salvador Allende and the Unidad Popular (Popular Unity) in 1970 unleashed a radical and original revolutionary process, discernible not only in the depth of its redistributive measures and the expectations it generated, but also in the ferocity with which those who identified with the counter-revolutionary ideal responded to that project. The counter-revolution, initially confined to the conservative and reactionary sectors, in a matter of months became an immense mass mobilisation that would end up paving the way for the military coup. This article analyses that counter-revolutionary process, exploring its historic roots, the main actors involved and the innovations in political practices it developed at the time. The ‘counter-revolutionary bloc’ was formed by a diverse array of political and social actors – some of whom did not have previous experience in political mobilisations – who based their actions on the adoption and socialisation of a long-standing anti-Communist script, through which they could make sense of the period’s changing reality. That script – based on decades of taking in events from other parts of the world, elaborations and accusations against all those who identified as Communists – aimed to reduce the originality of the Unidad Popular’s political project to a remake of classic socialist experiences in Chilean territory and processed in a dystopian key. The counter-revolution’s power would be projected into the military dictatorship that began in 1973, when it became a sort of official state ideology, and it would become a foundational experience for Chilean conservative sectors with reverberations even in in the present.

Our understanding of the international and transnational history of Chile during the Unidad Popular (UP) government has expanded considerably since the early 2010s. But what has new research contributed to our understanding of events in Chile and Chile’s significance in a global context? Examining the historiographical advances and questions that have driven scholarship in recent years, this article argues that international and transnational studies that focus attention on Chile and Chileans can offer new perspectives on the rise and fall of the UP. Rather than reducing international histories to an account of a select group of foreigners acting on an empty Chilean stage, these approaches foreground local actors and processes, exploring the extent to which Chileans were shaped by a multiplicity of interactions, invitations and inspirations across borders. Localising the global in this way can help us understand the reasons many within Chile conceptualised their goals, projects and actions as they did. It challenges the idea of Chilean exceptionalism. It also undermines right-wing actors’ claims to be acting solely within national frameworks by revealing their own entanglements in translational networks and intellectual imports. Suggesting that we have much still to learn, the article also highlights possible avenues for further research and reflects on the contemporary relevance of the global in Chilean political discourse today.

Our understanding of the international and transnational history of Chile during the Unidad Popular (UP) government has expanded considerably since the early 2010s. But what has new research contributed to our understanding of events in Chile and Chile's significance in a global context? Examining the historiographical advances and questions that have driven scholarship in recent years, this article argues that international and transnational studies that focus attention on Chile and Chileans can offer new perspectives on the rise and fall of the UP. Rather than reducing international histories to an account of a select group of foreigners acting on an empty Chilean stage, these approaches foreground local actors and processes, exploring the extent to which Chileans were shaped by a multiplicity of interactions, invitations and inspirations across borders. Localising the global in this way can help us understand the reasons many within Chile conceptualised their goals, projects and actions as they did. It challenges the idea of Chilean exceptionalism. It also undermines right-wing actors' claims to be acting solely within national frameworks by revealing their own entanglements in translational networks and intellectual imports. Suggesting that we have much still to learn, the article also highlights possible avenues for further research and reflects on the contemporary relevance of the global in Chilean political discourse today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the nineteenth century, anti-Masonry, or the virulent denunciation of Freemasonry and its supposed grip on society, gradually turned into a veritable doctrine within counter-revolutionary thought and action. The International Anti-Masonic Congress that took place in Trento in 1896, under the high patronage of Pope Leo XIII and the Emperor Francis-Joseph, was an important step in the rise of a transnational anti-Masonic movement. It brought together 1,500 people, including delegates of the existing anti-Masonic associations, nearly 300 newspapers and a consistent group of Catholic prelates. The thousands of telegrams in support of the Congress also testify to its international impact. This "first and grandiose international demonstration against Freemasonry" gave rise to a permanent international organization, the Universal Anti-Masonic Union, which was to become the "single center of all anti-Masonic groups" existing or to come, and whose aim was to fight by any means available a global war against the "Freemason sect". Despite its practical failure, this project is indicative of the transnational and adaptive nature of the counter-revolutionary response to modernity. By focusing on what the Congress itself represented both in terms of organization and communication, we argue that the heralds of the Counter-Revolution were fully aware of the need to adapt their methods of communication and mobilization to a time of rapid cultural change. The discussions that took place during the Congress of Trento regarding the means of action to fight Freemasonry attest to this desire for tactical renewal, but also to the very limits that led to its failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]