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Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The presented scientific research article covers the legal scope and legal basis for the Polish Senate to carry out activities whose characteristics may indicate that they are identical to activities that, in a typical situation, serve to perform a controlling function. In the Polish political system, it is the Sejm which exercises the controlling function over the activities of the Council of Ministers. However, both the statutory provisions and the Rules of Procedure of the Senate form the legal basis for the Senate, its bodies and senators to perform a whole range of activities showing significant similarity, and in some cases essentially identical with the activities carried out by the Sejm, its bodies and members (deputies) as part of their controlling activity. So far, research on this issue has been conducted primarily in order to look for answers to the question about the legal classification of the provisions on which the various activities of the upper house of the Parliament are based. Presenting the most important views to date allows the author to deepen the analysis seeking the source of the Senate’s competences in its representative character. It is particularly important to consider this aspect in the current situation where the political groupings that make up the minority in the Sejm constitute the majority in the Senate. In addition, the specific form of political decision-making centres (outside the Parliament) significantly restricts the controlling function by the Sejm or even makes the performance of this function illusory. This circumstance, crucial in the context of the functioning of the entire political system of the state, makes it particularly important to verify the admissibility and legal nature of para-controlling activities undertaken by the Senate. In the adopted research perspective, the Parliament, which is an emanation of the Nation, should not be deprived of the insight and the possibility to address, through its members, the activities within the responsibility of the Council of Ministers. The adoption of such a perspective, in view of the adopted hypothesis of at least limited effectiveness in the performance of the controlling function by the Sejm, in turn requires verification of the effectiveness of the tools used by the Senate, its bodies and senators. The conclusions to be formulated should be valid not only for the state of scientific reflection, but also for parliamentary practice, which in this regard continues to develop appropriate tools falling within the constitutional framework.

Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper researches the decisions of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina as general sub-laws and compares them with regulations of governments on other levels of government in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The comparison of the decisions of the Council of Ministers is carried out with the regulations of the Government of the Federation and the Government of Sarajevo Canton, with the intention to determine that decisions of the Council of Ministers have in essence the same scope and subject of regulating as the aforementioned government regula tions, placing emphasis on the constitutional distribution of competencies between state, entities and cantons. The original research has determined that the Council of Ministers carries out the majority of legislative activities with their decisions, but rulebooks and instructions also appear as sub-laws, which isn't the case on federal and cantonal levels, where rulebooks and instructions are exclusively adopted by administrative bodies, although administrative bodies on the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina also adopt these types of legislation. It has been determined that most decisions, rulebooks and instructions of the Council of Ministers, as well as regulations of governments are adopted for the purpose of executing the law, therefore as classical sub-laws, although different examples also appear. Finally, an amendment to the law is proposed in the sense that the Council of Ministers adopts regulations as sub-laws, with the cessation of adoption of rulebooks and instructions, which would be more appropriate from the aspect of our administrative law and bring about more order and would systematise this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

N. A. Milyutin’s “Comments” on the article “Aristocracy and the interests of the nobility. Thoughts and remarks on the peasant issue” by V. P. Bezobrazov reveal an under-reported episode of government policy in the field of the press during the development of peasant and local selfgovernment reforms. Consideration of V. P. Bezobrazov’s article in a special meeting of the Council of Ministers and the subsequent censorship repressions demonstrate both the inconsistency of the attitude of the supreme power to the periodical press and the personal positions of Alexander II and N. A. Milyutin regarding the political ambitions of the nobility during the discussion of draft reforms.

Governmental legislative procedure with parliamentary legislative procedure are the most important types of legislative procedures and sources of absolute majority of legal acts. Therefore all amendments to these procedures are worth analysing to verify an impact on quality of drafting legal acts. The article describes main changes introduced to Polish governmental legislative procedure from 2015 to 2021. During this period the current political majority created government who was able to reform the procedure according to defined needs. The subject of science interest determines historical legal analysis as the main methodology. There were three main amendments introduced to the governmental legislative procedure during this period: reducing the role and finally cancelling assumptions of a draft bill as a separate type of pre-legislative document; reducing the possibility of Team of Government Work Programming to block on early stage of the procedure any of draft bill; extending of the scope of bodies participating in interministerial consultations. All presented changes shall be found as having negative influence on legislative procedure coherence. Regardless of the assumptions of their authors the changes are going to weaken the position of a prime minister and bodies subordinated to a prime minister. Despite all critical remarks the author of the article emphasizes there are no important difficulties for a government to play its crucial role at submitting draft bills to the parliament.

In the article the senior management of the regional executive and administrative authority as an example of the supreme body of State governance of an autonomous republic the Council of Ministers of the Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic is considered. The changes in the Council of Ministers in the last years of the existence of the USSR is analyzed. The reforms initiated by the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M.S. Gorbachev affected practically all sectors of society, including the functioning of public administration. Meanwhile, the system of power in Mordovia had some peculiarities, largely associated with the conservatism and external cohesion of the regional elites, which have had to respond to processes in the country at the same time. In the chronological period selected in the article, there were two compositions of the Council of Ministers, which were formed on March 15, 1985 at the first session of the MASSR Supreme Council of the 11th convocation and on April 10, 1990 at the first session of the MASSR Supreme Council of the 12th convocation. The authors provide information about age, social origin, nationality, educational level, tenure for members of the MASSR Government. In preparing the article, materials from the funds of the Central State Archives of the Republic of Mordovia, the regional press, published memoirs of participants in the events, as well as biographical information about the Soviet, Party and economic leaders from open sources were used.

The article presents the author’s interpretation of Petrine reforms of higher management in Russia. The author of the article asks the question, how successful was the attempt made by Peter I to create a rational system of public administration in Russia according to Western models? Among the main features of Peter’s reformation, the author highlights the lack of a clear and well-thought-out plan for the reforms carried out by Peter I, most of which were mainly “experimental” in nature, were carried out hastily and were subordinated to the tasks of the ongoing war with Sweden. Based on the analysis of the transformations carried out at the beginning of the XVIII century in the system of higher administration, the author of the article concludes about the strengthening of the personal principle in public administration during the reign of Peter I, which casts doubt on the widespread opinion about the formation of a rational system of public administration during the reforms carried out by Peter I. According to the author of the article, the use of Weber’s concept of “patrimonialism” (“patrimonial bureaucracy”) as a special type of domination based on the principle of personal loyalty to the patrimonial ruler (monarch) may become more correct in this regard when describing the Peter’s administrative system.

The article is devoted to the development and correction of the village reform project, one of the least studied reforms of Pyotr A. Stolypin. Based on the documents of the Council of Ministers, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the State Duma of the Russian Empire, the author reconstructs the process of creating a draft law of the village reform and making amendments to it during 1905–08. It is shown that this bill was part of the complex Stolypin reforms of local self-government and was developed in compliance with the legislative acts of the tsarist government of 1903 and 1904, taking into account the views of the local committees of the Special Meeting on the Needs of the Agricultural Industry. There are several versions of the draft law: the initial one, which was discussed at the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Council of Ministers in 1905–06; the draft law for submission to the Second State Duma in 1907; the draft law revised in the Council for Local Economy Affairs which was submitted to the Third State Duma in 1908. The article considers the discussions in the executive bodies and at the congress of the United Nobility regarding the most important articles of the draft law on property qualification, women’s suffrage, and inclusion in the village regulatory body without elections.

The article continues the series of publications devoted to the assessment of activities of the heads of the Ministry of Railways of the Russian Empire. In this article, the authors attempt to systematize and analyze historical data on the activities of Klavdii Semyonovich Nemeshaev as the Minister of Railways of the Russian Empire. There are numerous biographical studies devoted to K. S. Nemeshaev, but little is known about his activities as a minister, and to date the data are scattered and not systematized. The analysis of archival materials, scientific publications, memoirs of Nemeshaev's contemporaries and colleagues allowed us to conduct a detailed assessment of his activities and ministerial policy. It has been found that despite his short term of office, Nemeshaev's consistent policy and extensive managerial experience allowed him to carry out two significant reforms in a short time. The first one involved redistribution of the state-owned railway lines between separate local administrations and merging them into larger groups, which was important in terms of improving their operations and facilitating the cost efficiency, as well as speeding up freight traffic. In opinion of the authors of this article, another important achievement of Nemeshaev as the Minister of Railways was the establishment in 1906 of the central, local and district committees regulating mass transportation of goods. This was the first centralized measure aimed at managing the rolling stock. Nemeshaev's extensive managerial experience, high erudition and energy also led to prominent outcomes in some other areas of the Ministry operation. Attempts were made to create syndicates of shipowners in river transport. Modernization of river and sea vessels was carried out. Works on projects for the development of the Northern Sea Route has begun. The article also assesses the development and construction of railway network in the Russian Empire during Nemeshaev's office, in particular, of the Amur Line and Moscow Encircle Railway, as well as the increase in the capacity of the Trans-Siberian Railway. It has been found out that K. S. Nemeshaev paid great attention to various social aspects of railway employees’ activities. The article also highlights the legislative policy of the Ministry of Railways of that period. Nemeshaev's participation in the preparation of the French scientist’s Paul Pelliot and the Russian officer’s Carl Gustaf Mannerheim joint trip to China has been analyzed. Due to the mass replacement of light and worn-out rails on state-owned railways with heavier ones and the need to discharge a significant number of steam locomotives built in the 1850s and 1860s, an introduction of more powerful steam locomotives was expedient. The article discusses K. S. Nemeshaev's contribution to the development of technology and the introduction of a new type of freight steam locomotive for state-owned railways. Nemeshaev's political views have also been assessed.

The article is devoted to the little-studied issue of the development and adjustment of the reform provisions of the zemstvo representation of P.A. Stolypin in 1906—1907. The main programmatic requirements of liberal circles to change the procedure for elections to zemstvo assemblies, developed by zemstvo assemblies, zemstvo congresses, as well as local committees of the Special Meeting on the needs of the agricultural industry. For the first time, on the materials of the Russian State Historical Archive, the evolution of the provisions of the draft and their criticism in the Council of Ministers, as well as at the Congress of the United Nobility in 1907, is shown. It is emphasized that the development of the reform was a consequence of the Manifesto adopted in 1903 and 1904 and the decree on the need to transform local government and self-government. The author states that initially P. A. Stolypin sought to increase the share of representatives from cities and commercial and industrialists in zemstvo assemblies, however, at the insistence of the Council of Ministers, he was forced to retain the majority for landowners. The criticism of the united nobility in relation to the reform in connection with the expansion of the circle of voters and the organization of elections at the beginning of the non-class is highlighted in the article. It is concluded that the transformation of elections into zemstvo assemblies, planned by P. A. Stolypin was aimed at involving broad strata of the population in the representative institutions of local self-government at the expense of an unclassified beginning and the organization of elections based on a tax qualification.

This paper introduces the updated version of our dataset, which is the third iteration of the Decision-making in the European Union (DEU-III) dataset. We outline the DEU project before describing the dataset in detail, including the case-selection criteria, and the definitions and operationalisations of the main constructs. The paper discusses the integration of the dataset with other variables that are used in many of the contributions to this special issue and other studies. Finally, we describe validity and reliability test of the DEU-III dataset as well as some avenues for its future use by scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia z Zakresu Nauk Prawnoustrojowych. Miscellanea is the property of Kujawy & Pomorze University in Bydgoszcz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Commission has been active in proposing legislation on the exchange of information on Intergovernmental Agreements (IGAs) in the field of energy, pushing for an ex ante control mechanism which most member states have been reluctant to accept. This article aims to explain the extent to which and the conditions under which the Commission has been able to achieve its IGAs objectives. It argues that they have been achieved to a considerable extent due to the ability of the Commission to build on its agenda‐setting powers and the preference alignment of member states. The article offers a thorough analysis of two consecutive legislative processes: the first leading to Decision 994/2012 and the second repealing the former and leading to Decision 2017/684. The analysis builds on legislative documents, secondary sources and data collected during two rounds of interviews in 2013 and 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and energy policy laggards blocking more ambitious EU decarbonization targets. Although recent literature has increasingly acknowledged the differences in national positions on energy and climate issues among these states, there has been little comprehensive evidence about their positioning on EU climate and energy policies and the domestic interests which shape government preferences. The article addresses this gap by tracing the voting behavior of six CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania) on EU energy-related legislation in the Council of Ministers between 2007–2018. The article shows that the contestation of energy policies, particularly of climate-related legislation, in the Council of Ministers has increased over time and that these six CEE countries have indeed most often objected to the adoption of EU legislation. The CEE states do not, however, have a common regional positioning on all EU energy policies. Voting coalitions among the six CEE countries differ substantially across energy policy areas. The lack of a common regional position and changing national preferences have enabled the adoption of a relatively ambitious EU Energy and Climate Package for 2030. The differences in national voting patterns are explained by the evolving interests and the ability of key domestic political and economic actors to adapt to and explore benefits from the ever-expanding EU energy and climate policies.

Copyright of Ankara Barosu Dergileri is the property of Ankara Bar Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This special issue brings together seven original contributions on actors involved in trilogue negotiations whose role has largely been neglecled: the Commission, the Council, the Court, the Ombudsman, national parliaments, organised interests and Eurosceptic groups. This introduction outlines the setup and work processes of trilogues, and highlights the key findings of the issue's contributions, namely how actors at the edge of the negotiations can shape power relations in trilogues and how micro-behaviour shapes macro-processes of inter-institutional bargaining. It also discusses the ongoing tension between transparency and efficiency, notably when it comes to institutional oversight mechanisms and the legitimacy of trilogues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Selcuk Law Review / Selçuk Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Selcuk Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article covers the course of creation and activity of the State Chancellery under the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian State in 1918. Its managerial and personnel structure, structural divisions and methods of work are investigated. The tasks and responsibilities assigned to this state institution are analyzed, its role in the legislative system and significance in the creation of Ukrainian statehood during the existence of Hetmanate P. Skoropadsky (April 29 – December 14, 1918) are revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although agenda-setting dynamics in the European Union are a well-studied phenomenon, there is a gap in the literature between the current focus on issue attention dynamics (a policy input) and the impact attention dynamics have on policy outputs. This study examines how the rotating Council Presidency's stated policy goals for their term in office affect EU decision-making efficiency. We show that the salience the rotating chair of the Council attaches to a given policy area affects legislative efficiency in that policy area. We also demonstrate how this effect is conditioned on government effectiveness in the state of the Presidency in question, and is independent of Commission policy priorities. This suggests that the Presidency can drive EU policy outputs and push for its priorities when it holds the chair, but that its ability to do so is contingent on the domestic organisation and effectiveness of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the first time an attempt was made to analyze the source base of the study of socio-economic policy of 1945-1953 (the period of so-called “late” Stalinism) in relation to the peasantry of the North Ossetian ASSR. The author identifies the main groups in the complex of archival documents and carries out their source critics. Documentary materials are characterized in terms of representativeness in archival collections. The novelty of the study is seen in the fact that for the first time specific thematic areas are presented for the development of which the information potential of archival sources can be used: the campaign to combat violations of the Charter of the agricultural artel, repression against the peasantry on the basis of The decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of June 2, 1948, the execution of state grain procurement plans by collective farms. Particular attention is paid to such an important group of archival documents as the resolutions of the Council of Ministers of the North Ossetian ASSR, including those made with the Bureau of the regional Committee of the party. The analysis of these sources allowed the author to come to a conclusion about gross violations of bases of democratic management of collective farms and actual discharge of workers from making administrative decisions. In general, the source critics presented in the article shows that a highly informative complex of documentary materials has been deposited in the archives of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania, allowing to explore many aspects of the declared topic.

The article is devoted to the study of the solution of the agrarian question in the Ukrainian State in 1918 and in modern Ukraine. The authors analyzed the content of the agrarian legislation in the Hetmanate period and on the basis of the study of sources and scientific literature, it was found out the common and different from the current agrarian legislation in Ukraine

This article explores the development of all new EEC institutions between 1957 and 1992 within policy areas relevant to the possible development of a European single currency. It argues that if most institutions created pre-1992 were not crisis management institutions as would be the case post-2008, some important institutions were created in response to the perception of a structural international banking/political/economic crisis, particularly in the 1970s. This comparison in time underlines the continuity of reflections about the missing elements of a functioning single currency area, the obstacles to reform, and sheds light on the radical institutional changes that occurred post-2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper examines the administrative law aspects of the legal relations between the regional governor and the Council of Ministers as the central body of the Executive. It clarifies the role of the regional governor as a local body of the Executive implementing the State’s policy. On the basis of this analysis the author draws conclusions and makes generalizations of theoretical and practical value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article refers to the judgment no 52 of 2016 of the Italian Constitutional Court, in which it adjudicated that the Cassation Court, in passing judgment no 16305 of 2013 in the case concerning the refusal of the Council of Ministers to enter into negotiations with the Union of Rational Atheists and Agnostics (Unione degli Atei e degli Agnostici Razionalisti) on the basis of Article 8 of the Constitution of the Republic of Italy, ineligibly infringed the sphere of competences of the Council of Ministers and its President. The discussed judgment of the Constitutional Court is an authoritative response to doubts related to such matters and the nature of the government's decision on entering into negotiations aimed at concluding an agreement in accordance with Article 8(3) of the Italian Constitution, or the Council of Minister's scope of liberty in making such decisions. It may also be considered an input in the debate on validity of equalising the legal situation of non-confessional associations with the status of churches and other religious associations. The analysis of the discussed judgment, taking into consideration evaluations formulated in the Italian literature, allows a new perspective on the problems related to Article 25(5) of the Polish Constitution, indeed based on Italian models. The conclusions contain the postulate to specify a uniform, objective and non-ideological criterion, which must be fulfilled by religious associations in order for them to exercise their right to enter into negotiations aiming at concluding an agreement with the government. According to the article's authors, and contrary to some opinions of the doctrine, introducing such a criterion would not be inconsistent with the provisions of the Polish fundamental law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and energy policy laggards blocking more ambitious EU decarbonization targets. Although recent literature has increasingly acknowledged the differences in national positions on energy and climate issues among these states, there has been little comprehensive evidence about their positioning on EU climate and energy policies and the domestic interests which shape government preferences. The article addresses this gap by tracing the voting behavior of six CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania) on EU energy-related legislation in the Council of Ministers between 2007-2018. The article shows that the contestation of energy policies, particularly of climate-related legislation, in the Council of Ministers has increased over time and that these six CEE countries have indeed most often objected to the adoption of EU legislation. The CEE states do not, however, have a common regional positioning on all EU energy policies. Voting coalitions among the six CEE countries differ substantially across energy policy areas. The lack of a common regional position and changing national preferences have enabled the adoption of a relatively ambitious EU Energy and Climate Package for 2030. The differences in national voting patterns are explained by the evolving interests and the ability of key domestic political and economic actors to adapt to and explore benefits from the ever-expanding EU energy and climate policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author assesses the possibility of withdrawing motion to pass a vote of no confidence in the Council of Ministers, finding it. unacceptable, notwithstanding that this matter has not been literally regulated in law. Although this problem was not analyzed in the constitutional literature, an analysis of the current provisions of the Standing Orders of the supports the above conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time of visible oppositions and some tensed relations between Member States of the EU, the article aims to advance the study of bargaining and unilateralism in reiterative consensus building processes such as multilateral negotiations within the EU. It examines how bargaining tendencies influence the three dimensions of any negotiation: the architecture of the negotiation; the deal-making and haggling; and the interpersonal level. Using selected theory and research, it identifies the essential elements of a successful bargaining formula applied to EU negotiations. The article proposes to combine principles and techniques originating from game theory; hostage negotiations and crisis bargaining; and military methodology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents the internal context that led to the establishment of the authoritarian regime and also describe the unfolding of the events of February 10th/ 11th, 1938. It is also analyzed the plan for establishing the regime and, at the same time, the way that the King Carol II positioned at that moment on the Romanian political scene. Another purpose of the research is to identify the relation between the King and the Romanian political class and to observe the manner in which the Sovereign has capitalized on the authoritarian position that the new regime has offered him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Does voting behaviour in the Council of Ministers reflect different national interests? In this article, we explore this question by studying requests for authorization of genetically modified organisms (GMOs). The fact that GMOs constitute a highly contentious issue in the European Union enables us to look underneath the ‘culture of consensus’ which usually characterizes voting behaviour in the Council. We argue that the focus on one issue area can help us to discover more specific voting patterns than those that have previously been found in EU legislative studies. Indeed, based on a dataset comprising all authorization requests voted on in the Council between 2004 and 2014, we find that ministers' voting behaviour is significantly influenced by important national factors such as public opinion, party politics, and structural as well as sectoral interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will present and also analyze the context of the elections from December 1937. I perceived the context of the elections as a game of power involving many variables and in which the main actors were, on the one hand, the King Carol II, who tried to control the political parties, and, on the other hand, some of the leaders of the traditional political parties who acted as a counterparty and chosen to maximize their chances in relation to the growing influence that the Sovereign manifests on the political scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Toruńskie Studia Polsko-Włoskie / Studi Polacco-Italiani di Toruń is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun, Faculty of Law & Administration and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)