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En Inde, les transitions énergétiques vers le charbon et l’hydroélectricité exercent une pression sur les ressources naturelles qui affecte gravement les communautés marginalisées, en particulier autochtones. Le modèle libéral de la transition « juste », centré sur la consultation et la participation des « parties prenantes », légitime en réalité les processus d’expropriation en ce qu’il ignore les asymétries et les violences d’État.

This paper investigates contemporary transformations of citizenship in India, Sri Lanka, and Myanmar in their historical trajectories. More specifically, we focus on the contestation of liberal aspects of the respective citizenship regimes, in particular principles of non-discrimination on the basis of caste, race, gender, religion, or ethnic belonging as well as a high degree of legal certainty about one's citizenship status. We advance two central arguments. Firstly, we argue that while often studied in isolation, the processes by which liberal citizenship is contested across the three countries bear remarkable similarities. We therefore develop a transnational comparative perspective to highlight the legal mechanisms and social logics by which citizenship regimes across the region are being transformed. Secondly, we argue that to capture these transformations, we need to complement the analyses of legislative changes with an investigation of socio-legal practices. This dual focus reveals how the interplay between seemingly innocent legislative changes and particular bureaucratic practices across all three countries produces zones of liminality, in which entire population groups experience increasingly precarious citizenship status. We theorise this production of liminal citizenship by focusing on the social lives of official documents and the proliferation of rules and regulations governing the respective citizenship regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introduction to the special issue Contested Categories in the Context of International Migration, we argue for the importance of critically engaging with state-created categories and classification systems. We advocate doing so in the particularly convoluted context of international migration, where states use categories to manage migrants’ entry, reception, and residence, making categorisation extremely consequential for individual migrants, even though bureaucratic documentation and everyday understandings of categories often differ greatly between migrants’ home countries and receiving states. We outline some of the scholarship on categorisation that has inspired our thinking, discuss why migration is such an important and generative site for examining categories and processes of categorisation, and finally consider how the contributions in this special issue attest to this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a product of an empirical study that argues that denominational worship praxis is a contested issue among Seventh-day Adventists (SDA s) in Nigeria today. Using analysis from fieldnotes and interviews, this article shows that there are some congregants who prefer to do worship as it was practiced by their denominational pioneers. This group keeps this memory sacred. Another group of Adventists contest the same past by leaning toward the Nigerian Pentecostal ethos. This contestation regarding the past combined with acceptance or rejection of cultural matters in the worship arena shows the diversity of Adventism in Nigeria. It also reveals how cultural and missionary traditions intersect and influence the local contemporary worship praxis of Adventist Christianity. Based on ethnographic findings, the article concludes that the example of conflicting visions of the past in one denomination (Seventh-day Adventists) in Nigeria contributes to a richer perspective in studies in world Christianity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses local contestation of data centres in the Dutch province of North Holland. I explore why and how local councillors and citizen groups mobilized against data centres and demanded democratization of decision-making processes about digital infrastructure. This analysis is used as a vantage point to problematize existing policy and academic narratives on digital sovereignty in Europe. I show, first, that most debates on digital sovereignty so far have overlooked the sub-national level, which is especially relevant for decision making on digital infrastructure. Second, I insist that what matters is not only where digital sovereignty lies, that is, who has the power to decide over digital infrastructural projects: for example, corporations, states, regions, or municipalities. What matters is also how power is exercised. Emphasizing the popular democratic dimension of sovereignty, I argue for a comprehensive democratization of digital sovereignty policies. Democratization in this context is conceived as a multimodal multi-level process, including parliaments, civil society and citizens at the national, regional and local levels alike. The shape of the cloud should be citizens' to decide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ernst B. Haas pioneered the formation of European integration studies outside the field of International Relations. The European Coal and Steal Community of 1951 was already more supranational than any existing international organisation to date. Supranationalism subsequently expanded with European integration. In his attempt to account for the supranationalism of European regionalism, Haas had developed his neofunctionalism as a general theory, which could be applied to other regions as well as the global level. EU scholars, in contrast, began to treat the EU as a case sui generis insisting on its unique supranational nature. The paper revisits the question of the uniqueness of European regionalism. Combining Ernst Haas' works on supranational regionalism and liberal nationalism, the EU is approached as a strong form of supranational regionalism that has transformed interstate relations in Europe towards what he called 'cosmopolitan internationalism'. The paper argues that liberal nationalism is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for this transformation. It, however, provides an explanation for the contestation of the EU as a model of liberal regionalism by non-liberal forms of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intervenes in debates about whether public-facing social media enable the rapid spread of hate speech, or whether these platforms can offer valuable opportunities to contest it. Advancing scholarship on 'networked counter-publics' and research emphasising the affective dimensions of digital media, we identify three different modes of counter-public contestation that coalesced on Twitter in the immediate aftermath of the Christchurch terrorist attack. Using a combined keyword and hashtag search, our research project sampled 3,099,138 tweets posted on/about the Christchurch attack and its repercussions, between 15 March 2019 and 15 April 2019. First, we examine two hashtags that trended, approaching these as nodal points for the construction of different affective responses to the terrorist attack. Second, we analyse instances where users quote-tweeted the condolences of politicians, rejecting their sentiments, arguing that the sincerity conditions of the Speech Act (condolence) were not met. Here, we focus on the ways that people invoke a discourse of indignation at either the past actions or current character of the politician, to justify rejecting their statements. Our findings illustrate a need to depart from broad narratives about how the affordances of particular social media platforms lend themselves to the circulation or contestation of hate. Instead, we argue, it is important to develop more situated empirical and conceptual approaches to interrogate how specific relationships between affective publics and structures of feeling enable or constrain political possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constitutions serve to legitimate the exercise of public power. Yet their scope is often subject to reasonable disagreement among citizens in a democracy. As Frank Michelman notes, this points to an understanding of democratic constitutions as a framework for contestation, rather than entrenched set of binding legal constraints. This understanding, however, arguably overlooks the difference between ordinary constitutional norms and those that protect the 'democratic minimum core'. For the latter, there is far less scope for reasonable disagreement, and greater prudential importance to conceptualizing constitutions as entrenched norms authorized strong-form judicial review. The essay thus explores the idea of a 'tiered' approach to constitutional design, which combines elements of strong and weak constitutional entrenchment, and judicial review. In doing so, it further considers the role that transnational norms or practices could play in helping delineate these different constitutional tiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores an enormous elephant in the Mediterranean space: European security assistance's impact on the continuation of a global postcolonial order. We identify three core practices of security assistance that provides for postcolonial readings: externally producing 'the problem' and designing 'the solutions' to be tackled; linking the 'provider' and 'recipients' in material dependencies; and contestation as 'thin' adjustments rather than 'thick' resistance. Contrary to claims of functionalism, what we observe in contemporary European security assistance practice is consistent with postcolonial logics that produce distinct subjectivities and reproduce patterns of inequalities. European states – whether former colonial powers or not –use security assistance to structure the world in hierarchical ways. We argue that security assistance is not primarily about strategic effects but principally about signalling superiority and reproducing dependencies and colonizing/colonised mentalities. Moreover, security assistance practices reveal the need for security assistance – i.e. European SA presence often gets entangled with insecurity, and as such, security assistance practice makes the need for security assistance visible – a self-producing evidentiality that is as taken out of the colonial playbook. The paper explores constitutive processes at work by drawing on insights from British, French, Italian and Swedish approaches to security assistance in Libya and Lebanon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen (ZIB) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Prior to the issuance of Supreme Court Regulation No. 2 of 2008, judges in Sharia economic dispute cases primarily relied on legal sources from kutub al-turāṡ (classical fiqh texts), including those pertaining to fiqh al-qadā’ (jurisprudence on adjudication). However, following the implementation of this regulation, some judges have continued to incorporate the Civil Code in their legal reasoning. This article seeks to examine the legal framework for resolving Sharia economic disputes in Indonesia. The theoretical foundation applied by the author is Lawrence Meir Friedman’s legal system theory. This study employs a normative legal approach to explore the legal system governing Sharia economic justice in Indonesia’s Religious Courts. It examines decisions from the Religious Courts in Purbalingga, Banyumas, and Purwokerto, focusing on rulings made both before and after the issuance of the Supreme Court Regulation on the Compilation of Sharia Economic Law (KHES), as well as five decisions from 2018-2019. The study’s findings reveal that the legal framework for Sharia economic dispute resolution in Indonesia has adequately addressed community needs, with the Religious Courts holding exclusive jurisdiction over these matters. However, there is an ongoing contestation between Islamic legal sources and civil law, which is rooted in Dutch law, in the decisions analyzed. Moreover, the absence of a Compilation of Islamic Economic Procedure Law based on Islamic Law has contributed to the suboptimal implementation of legal substance and culture. As a result, according to Friedman’s legal system theory, the legal framework for resolving Islamic economic disputes has not yet functioned effectively from the perspective of Islamic law.

In this study, it is argued that a microhistorical perspective applied to historical archaeologies provides intelligibility to certain mechanisms of exercise of power and forms of resistance in the local sphere. Adopting a microhistorical approach, two primary mechanisms of social order consensus creation and contestation are explored through the creation and negotiation of symbolic capital. Micropolitics are understood as a set of poorly formalised but meaningful practices that define, model, and negotiate forms of social domination by integrating different communicative languages. Infrapolitics shape the forms of resistance and agency of subaltern groups and, by definition, are not easy to track and identify. Through the study of small empirical illustrations from the medieval period in the Basque Country, the aim is to argue that there is a correlation between the intensity and complexity of the political practices that develop in local societies and the forms of contestation of rights and cohesion mechanisms. To carry out this analysis, material, textual, mnemonic, and oral records are used.

Over the years, ETSI, the prime European standard-setter for ICT standards, has experienced significant critique about its legitimacy, including more recently by the European Commission in the 2022 Standardization Strategy, which focused on the alleged deficiencies of its global participation model. Despite potential missteps in certain instances, ETSI has overall addressed such critique with remarkable success. In this article, we argue that this occurred thanks to various strategies that ETSI used to sustain its organizational resilience over the years. In regard to its interaction with its de facto controller, the European Commission, we argue that ETSI had recourse to three key resilience strategies: one where ETSI took a hard stance resisting to the Commission's desires (contestation), one where ETSI intentionally succumbed to the Commission's desires or preferences (orchestration), and one where ETSI opted for a reconciliatory approach to achieve commonly set objectives serving the mutual interest (collaboration). Interestingly, such strategies were not only resilience-enhancing, but also legitimacy-conducive. This article contributes to two different strings of academic literature relating to organizational resilience, on the one hand, and institutional legitimacy, on the other, by combining them in a manner that, to the best of our knowledge, had not been done before in the relevant literature. In the discussion section, we draw observations that are pertinent to discussions and developments since the 2022 European Union’s Standardization Strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do international organizations (IOs) and their proponents claim legitimacy, and how do their opponents undermine such legitimacy? This article develops a framework that accounts for the links between legitimation and delegitimation strategies and how they regularly produce 'legitimation struggles'. Drawing on the case of the African Union between 2015–2020, the study goes beyond existing research in three ways. First, legitimation struggles are not simply related to input and output legitimacy but are deeply related to the social purpose of the organization. Second, legitimation struggles do not only involve IO representatives and member-states but are strengthened by a range of other non-state agents. Third, while discursive strategies are essential, legitimation struggles are reinforced when they are combined with behavioural or institutional legitimation strategies. Future research would do well to go beyond the current Western-centric bias and draw on our findings to investigate legitimation struggles under different conditions around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Materiales para la Historia del Deporte is the property of Polytechnic University of Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This introduction, and the special issue on 'Contesting social responsibilities of business: Experiences in context' it frames, addresses the neglected question of the experience of contestation in the terrain of the social responsibilities of business. It re-conceptualises the social responsibilities of business by advancing research grounded in a relational perspective, exploring and highlighting different forms of contestation of these social responsibilities, and centring the role of context by focusing especially on contestation in overlooked geographical settings and sites of marginalisation. Contextualising contestation in this way centres silenced and/or ignored voices, generates meaningful theory, and offers an innovative critical lens on business–society relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to explain denunciation as a form of communication with regards to contestation. It examines this object within the limits posed by the conceptual triangle that associates religion, authority and media. The empirical field investigated considers the case of two virtual communities of the Congolese diaspora of the Salvation Army. Denunciatory occurrences were identified using the thematic analysis of occurrences with the aim of understanding the function and communicational substance of the public denunciation of the respective religious leadership, as well as the major issues that focus the questioning of the authority of this leadership on social media. Findings indicate that the influence of mediatization on religious diasporas have produced a challenge to religious authority that is forged through practices of public denunciation in digital media. Religious leadership, religiosity, doctrines and dogmas are subject to a communicative intention which makes them vulnerable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how a right to an explanation can enable litigants to contest judicial profiling systems used in the administration of justice. Providing such explanations can, however, be hindered by the technical opacity of these systems, the presence of integrity concerns, or external private rights and interests. To overcome these obstacles, this paper argues that the exercise of the right to an explanation relies on technical and organizational obligations that require developers to make profiling systems contestable by design. Based on this conceptual framework, this paper critically interprets EU Data Protection Law, the right to a fair trial, and the new AI-Act. It shows how these laws can (partially) protect contestation, as well as their limitations and loopholes.

Migrants have largely been viewed as forging solidaristic relationships in host countries as a response to unwelcoming attitudes from local populations. Yet, because they are gendered social actors embedded in multiple and diverse relationships within these contexts, they engage in identity constructions that sometimes result in contestations among them. In this article I show how divergent constructions of masculine respectability disrupt relations among African migrant men in Johannesburg. Based on individual in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with 20 young men from Ghana, Nigeria, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), I show that common beliefs about the provider role allow for homosocial bonding among them. However, in mobilising elements of distinction hinged on multiple intersectionalities such as age, marital and fatherhood statuses, work ethic around industriousness and laziness, class and economic hierarchisation, and educational levels, the men create and co-create each other as respectable entities, resulting in intra- and intergroup contestations. These findings contribute to research on men and African migration by exposing the complexities in migrant–migrant relations in the social spaces that masculine identities occupy in host countries. The article also nuances dominant narratives of local–migrant masculine contestations, particularly those associated with xenophobic attitudes in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historically, crises have been lauded for fostering European Union (EU) integration. Conversely, it has recently been predicted that the current 'polycrisis' will precipitate the EU's demise. However, this dichotomous perspective on crises is oversimplified. In this research note, we argue that a critical‐constructivist approach to norm contestation is uniquely placed to illuminate the shades of grey populating the continuum between these two extremes. As contestation effects may occur on both normative and institutional levels, a norm contestation approach has the potential to open the black box of crises by investigating the prerequisites, actors and processes of crisis and reminding us that these stages are linked in a circular way. Therefore, we argue that a conversation between EU studies and critical‐constructivist norm contestation research is crucial to advancing our understanding of the myriad effects crises have on the EU beyond the dichotomous distinction between integration and demise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the populist stance on public procurement policies and how populist parties exert influence on public procurement. The assessment of this influence is grounded in an original analysis of media reporting, and parliamentary questions posed by right- and left-wing populists in France and Germany. Despite the financial significance of procurement and its potential to bolster and protect national economies, the study reveals a relatively low level of salience. There is limited evidence supporting the assumption that populists actively push for more ‘economic nationalism’. Rather they mainly criticise perceived corrupt elites, reflecting a consistent trend of anti-establishment contestation across both semi-presidential and parliamentary systems. Where such advocacy occurs, ‘cultural’ and ‘economic nationalist’ positions prevail across both right- and left-wing populists. Theoretically, these findings contribute novel insights into the link between thin-populist and thick-host ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1916, Berlin, Ontario, disappeared off the map through a controversial vote. In its place came a new toponym named after British Secretary of State for War, Horatio Herbert Kitchener. Over a century later, a Facebook post about the city's name gained local media attention. For the writer of the post, the name Kitchener was synonymous for hate due to the military figure's role in expanding the use of internment camps during the Second Boer War. However, the Berlin–Kitchener controversy is far older than the recent news story; it goes back to 1991 when a news article brought up the subject a year after the city's German-Canadian community celebrated the reunification of their cultural homeland. This article examines the original resurfaced controversy over the 1916 name change as well as the recently re-emerged debate. It is argued that the origins of both debates are markedly different and reflect different concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on the post-terror setting of Norway to investigate interactions between consensus, contestation, and conflict in public debates about diversity. A consensus-oriented unity prevailed in immediate responses to the 2011 terror attacks that killed 77 people in Norway. Analysis of 40 semi-structured interviews identifies lingering perceptions that the following conditions limited the space for contestation after the attacks: the intensity of the initial unity expressions; the perpetrator's identity as a Norwegian, self-proclaimed Christian crusader; and broader patterns of limited space for nuanced contestation in diversity debates. Drawing on influential political theories on liberal democratic debate, this is an empirical inquiry into when and how contestation about migration-related diversity is impeded, and with what implications. The Norwegian case illustrates that too much consensus-orientation and inadequate space for nuance can further underline conflict and thereby impede citizens' engagement with debates about migration-related diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Parliamentary Deployment Votes Database provides data on the voting behaviour of 301 political parties in 1,022 parliamentary votes on military missions between 1990 and 2019 in 21 countries of the Global North. This special data feature introduces the database and presents descriptive statistics and basic patterns on some of its key variables: general, political, and regional characteristics of missions and votes themselves; the level of agreement; and party-political contestation. The number of deployment votes has increased over the course of the 1990s and then fluctuated around a stable annual average of 40 to 50 votes. At the same time, legislative–executive relations in security and defence policy and, as a consequence, the number of deployment votes, continue to differ substantially between countries. Whereas support for military missions has increased over time, the degree of contestation, as measured by an agreement index, differs considerably across the countries under study. Whether a political party supports a military mission depends not only on it being part of a governing coalition or in opposition but also on its political ideology: support is lowest among parties of the Radical Left, increases among green and social-democratic parties and peaks among liberal, conservative and Christian-democratic parties. Radical-right parties are less supportive than centrist parties but more supportive than radical-left parties. Regional peculiarities notwithstanding, this pattern can be found in Western and Eastern Europe, East Asia and North America. The database will be interesting for scholars of the democratic politics of military missions and particularly legislative–executive relations and political parties in security and defence policy, providing the foundations for a comparative analysis of different missions, the ideological foundations of contestation, government–opposition dynamics and legislative–executive relations in security and defence policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the French communist scientists' attack, executed in 1953, on US initiatives for the promotion of science in Europe. Collated in the anonymous booklet Un plan U.S.A. de mainmise sur la science, these accusations caused a sensation in the already tense political climate of the early 1950s by alleging that American initiatives offered cover to intelligence operations, and a chokehold on the development of European science. While US government agencies never offered an official comment on these indictments, in great secrecy their officials sought to find out about the booklet's authors, identify potential leaks of restricted information that might have informed its completion, and reorient science initiatives in Europe because of what the communist propaganda exposed. This essay thus argues that US efforts to reduce the impact that the publication had in France (and Western Europe more generally) played a role in shaping American hegemony, since finding ways to deflate the influence of dissenting voices in European science, at times stealthily, was as decisive as consensus building through the strengthening of transatlantic scientific relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) increasingly formulates and implements foreign and security policy under the constraints of internal contestation, regional fragmentation and multipolar competition. While such contextual challenges can inhibit the EU from adopting an ambitious foreign and security policy, this Special Issue shows that the EU and its member states have developed ways of mitigating their impact. Through institutional, functional and diplomatic measures, the EU has managed to reduce the adverse effect of the contextual factors on its foreign and security policy towards conflicts and crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All communities must be involved in the country's development process. Including radio media, it plays a role in the desired social change, plays an active role, contributes positively and is useful. This study aims to look at the role of Arrisilah FM Deli Serdang radio media in conveying religious development messages. The research method uses a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis carried out on the Arrisilah 95.7 FM Deli Serdang radio program. The results of the study state that Arrilahan FM Radio is a mass media that participates in developing the community of North Sumatra in the field of religion by presenting good programs so that it has superior programs in the listener's day. which has the best religious value in North Sumatra at the 2014 and 2015 KPID Award. However, on the other hand, there is a weakness, namely the reach of Arrilahan 95.7FM Deli Serdang radio. Not all areas of North Sumatra can listen to broadcasts easily, this is proven by the small number of direct interactions. However, Arrisilah FM radio tries to contribute to community development, especially in the field of religion.

Within the discourse surrounding the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), scholars have typically categorized the stakeholders as either proponents or staunch detractors, commonly referring to them as R2P ‘champions’ and ‘anti-preneurs,’ respectively. However, there is a significant gap in the existing research devoted to comprehending the nuanced positions adopted by states that fall within the spectrum between these two extremes. This article offers a comprehensive exploration of Latin American states’ stances concerning R2P norms and provides a typology based on their level of engagement with and degree of support for R2P norms. While certain states overtly contest the legitimacy of R2P, perceiving it as a pretext for external intervention, others challenge existing perceptions of how R2P should be practically implemented. To understand these diverse perspectives, the article differentiates contestation of the R2P norms themselves from contestation of the implementation mechanisms. Through an empirical analysis, it explores various Latin American countries’ perspectives on R2P from 2005 to 2023, highlighting their proposals like the Brazilian Responsibility while Protecting, as well as Costa Rica and Mexico’s contributions to the Responsibility Not to Veto initiatives. By unraveling the complexities of R2P contestation in Latin America, this article expands our understanding of how diverse regional perspectives shape and influence the advancement of R2P norms.

This article argues that social media companies' power to regulate communication in the public sphere illustrates a novel type of domination. The idea is that, since social media companies can partially dictate the terms of citizens' political participation in the public sphere, they can arbitrarily interfere with the choices individuals make qua citizens. I contend that social media companies dominate citizens in two different ways. First, I focus on the cases in which social media companies exercise direct control over political speech. They exercise quasi-public power over citizens because their regulation of speech on social media platforms implies the capacity to arbitrarily interfere with citizens' democratic contestation in the political system. Second, companies' algorithmic governance entails the capacity to interfere with citizens' choices about what mode of discursive engagement they endorse in their relationships with fellow citizens. By raising the cost of deliberative engagement, companies narrow citizens' choice menu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article problematises 'sainthood' as a sacred spiritual construct by the understanding and appropriation of the same. We have examined claims of Chishti and Dhuddi biraderies (endogamous kinship groups) as spiritually elevated and socially superior groups based on our recent fieldwork in three villages in the district of Vehari, Punjab. We take a case study of Chishti biraderi ' s claims of spiritual ascendency because of their descendance from Shaykh Farid (d. 1265 CE). Chishties' position as chosen ones is contested by Dhuddi biraderi who claim their descendance from an equally famous Sufi saint Dewan Baba Haji Sher (d. 752 CE). Our research shows how claims of saintly kinship reflect the power struggle in rural Punjab where the appropriation of saintly kinship as well as contestations of similar claims are advanced by zamindar (land owner) patrons to reproduce their position of power and privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid growing polarisation in European societies, civil society elites, encompassing resource-rich, influential and often liberal-oriented civil society organisations (CSOs), are under increased attacks by conservative and progressive actors alike. This article aims to understand who challenges civil society elites, on what grounds, and with what means do they do so in the United Kingdom, by drawing on the cultural theory of frontlash/backlash. The article portrays two ideologically opposed challengers: one coming from within the charity sector in the form of the #CharitySoWhite campaign and another from outside the charity sector led by Conservative MPs, the Common Sense group. While these two challengers are not directly connected, they are part of the broader frontlash/backlash dynamic polarising public debates, with spillover effects in civil society. By applying a frontlash/backlash perspective, the article puts an emphasis on cultural cleavages as one of the central sources of polarisation in the civil space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pixo: Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade is the property of Pixo Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Electronique Internationale Pour la Publication de Recherches Juridiques is the property of Revue Electronique Internationale Pour la Publication de Recherches Juridiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Our paper addresses the question of how governments respond to the politicisation of preferential trade agreements (PTA). How have governments responded to business interest mobilisation while negotiating PTAs? Moreover, if there has been an increase in the salience of a trade agreement, has this changed the government response? First, we assess politicisation in terms of the mobilisation patterns of private sector interests during PTA negotiations. Our central argument is that governments liberalise more when a broad range of business interests involving a large number of sectors mobilise in response to trade negotiations, as this would provide legitimacy to their policy positions. Second, we study governments' reactions to the level of salience of the trade agreement at hand. We argue that governments liberalise less when the agreement in question is highly salient and provokes increased public debate. We take an actor-centred and comparative approach to our research questions and use a novel dataset of 157 PTAs covering the period from 2005 to 2018. Both of our hypotheses are supported by our analysis. Our results also reveal an important difference between PTA 'depth' and 'rigidity', which are often perceived as closely correlated in assessing trade openness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do actors react to the politicisation of trade policy? This special issue aims to tackle this question, considering a broad set of actors including members of parliament, political parties, regional and national governments, interest groups, and the European Commission. To set the stage for the contributions to the special issue, in this introduction, we first conceptualise politicisation as the combination of high salience and high contestation. We then present existing research on the politicisation of trade policy, highlighting the relative scarcity of work on reactions to politicisation. The introduction also offers a typology of strategies available to actors in response to politicisation, which distinguishes between dodging, free riding, confronting, and bandwagoning. These strategies differ with respect to the position taken by actors relative to contestation and by their level of activity. Finally, we summarise the main lessons learned from the special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theorists of the transnational cleavage, defined as a political reaction against European integration and immigration, also regularly conceptualise international trade preferences as a component of this contemporary societal divide. Yet empirical analyses of this cleavage focus on the former two topics, while trade and the transnational cleavage has not been systematically investigated. Making use of a new item in the 2019 Chapel Hill Expert Survey that measures party support for protection of domestic producer groups versus support for trade liberalisation, we examine the applicability of explanations for European integration positioning for the topic of trade. The results show that party positions on international trade correlate with parties' underlying two-dimensional ideology: parties of the economic left and culturally conservative parties support trade protection. The findings advance previous studies on the transnational cleavage and party positioning on trade, and demonstrate the continued importance of economic factors in driving patterns of trade protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The advancement of Gibran Rakabuming Raka to become Prabowo Subiyanto's Vice President has indeed become a controversy in the political and democratic life in Indonesia. With the issuance of the Constitutional Court (MK) Decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 concerning the Granting of Additional Ownership Experience in the Minimum Age Requirements for Presidential / Vice Presidential Candidates, submitted by a student named Almas Tsaqibbirru Re A. This application was accepted by the Constitutional Court on 3 August 2023. This research uses the theory of ethics (imperative ethics) according to Immanuel Kant, which states that an action is said to be right if it is in line with the principle of obligation relevant to it. Categorical imperative ethics is an absolute command and applies generally. to be all-inclusive, in Ethics it is very clear that the categorical imperative, acts based on obligation. Act according to universal laws, i.e. laws that tend to be accepted by society. The loss of ethics in political life has implications for political practices that are Machavellistic, namely politics as a tool to do everything, good or bad without regard to decency, and norms and apply as positivistic nuances (value-free) and this is very contrary to the ethical values of Pancasila Democracy which is upheld for the Indonesian nation. If someone is running for public office, they should prioritize polite politics and heed the rule of law so that there is peace in living together as citizens in the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Most of the areas which are beyond national jurisdiction have increasingly become contested, not least because of their growing importance and the recent 'return' of geopolitics. Their boundaries are blurred, and their governance has not been settled. The European Union (EU) is developing strategies to contribute to the governance of these areas: the high seas, the polar regions, the atmosphere, outer space, and cyberspace. Its roles remain, however, under-researched. This article sets the scene for a special issue that contributes to closing that gap. First, it problematizes existing concepts such as Global Commons and instead advocates the broader and more neutral analytical concept of Global Spaces. Second, it formulates guiding questions that the individual contributions subsequently address with different theoretical approaches. Third, it offers an overview of the relevant major international treaties and EU strategic policies that identifies the EU as a latecomer to the governance of Global Spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Connected by a shared endeavour to enhance understanding of the forces that shape contestation toward the EU in its peripheries and unprohibited in approach, this special section explores the concepts of contestation and periphery. Using various methodological approaches, the section showcases a series of overlapping and cross-cutting themes which contextually strengthen the phenomenon and experiences of contestation in peripheral states. In aggregating these themes, the authors attribute contestation to the growing 'absence' of the EU's normative interest in peripheral states and the growing transactional/functional features that define peripheral state relationships with the EU. The authors draw attention to the opportunities for regional rivals, such as Russia and China to capitalize on the absence of the EU's transformative power in peripheral states, the role of domestic forces in utilizing contestation as a means to preserve regime type and satisfy sovereignty concerns, and the incidences of peripheral states in shaping/reshaping their foreign policy positions in response to the Russia-Ukraine war. Taken together, our special section shows that contestation in Europe's periphery is less an overt normative resistance against the EU and more an absence of EU normative efforts in peripheral states and the increasingly functional features which define peripheral states' relationships with the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a critical discussion of third-country access to normative contestation within the European normative order. It empirically examines the external contestation of the EU's recent sanctions policy directed towards Russia by Turkey, a candidate state, and elaborates on the context in which Turkey contested and renegotiated the normative validity of the EU's sanction policy. The study empirically suggests that Turkey, while behaviourally practising non-compliance, accessed the European normative order and negotiated the normativity of its non-alignment. In the making of this proactive contestation, the normativity of the country's positions and the invalidity of the sanctions policy have been widely negotiated in domestic politics by the political elites. Eventually, Turkey, against the EU's expectations from a candidate state, turned the normative monologue on the sanctions into a multilogue of legitimate normative differences on the validity claims of a united action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the prevalence of the cultural appropriation debate in popular music discourse, white, popular rock band, the White Stripes, appropriated African-American Delta blues culture, particularly from Son House and his song "Death Letter Blues," without causing contestation. Appropriation of Black culture has occurred ubiquitously throughout recent music history, causing widespread contestation due to power disparity and misrepresentation. Through reviewing literature regarding cultural appropriation, and semiotically analyzing the band's 2003 performance of "Death Letter" at Sydney's Livid Festival, we find that the White Stripes' intentional methods of respectful representation and stylistic disguise mitigated the perception of cultural appropriation in their performance. We posit that the band emulated a pre-established process of transculturation whereby Delta blues traits were absorbed into the 20th century evolution of rock music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]