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This study dealt with the worker's assault on the employer by beating or humiliation according to the Jordanian Law. The study of the worker's assault on the employer by beating or humiliation is a very accurate and difficult matter, as determining the form of assault by the worker controls many important legal influences. When is the act of beating or humiliation achieved that allows the employer to legitimately dismiss the worker? Does the employer own if he committed the act of beating and humiliation without investigation. This study dealt with the most prominent cases in which the worker assaulted by beating or humiliating the employer or any other person during work, leading to the worker's legitimate dismissal. Ultimately, this study found that defamation and slander must be added to the Jordanian Labor Law in order to make changes. To the pertinent article's text. In order to ensure the worker's safety, we hope that the Jordanian lawmaker makes it clear that the worker cannot be fired in the event of an assault until he has undergone an investigation by an unbiased committee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the case of the first Irish journalist to be imprisoned for refusing to reveal his sources. In his capacity as political correspondent with the Irish Press, Joseph Dennigan (1910–1950) was called as a witness in a case in December 1933 against a member of the 'Blueshirts', a quasi-fascist organisation. Dennigan declined to identify the official sources who he consulted in writing an article about the prohibition of the organisation. The decision to impose a one-month sentence on the journalist generated considerable political reaction and extensive coverage in the Irish and international press. Drawing on Dennigan papers, this article examines the contempt case and also issues that arise from this particular episode, specifically government transition and politician-source relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined legal practitioners' emotion regulation strategies and subjective moral emotions related to legal cases they handle. Forty-two participants recalled a civil law case and the emotions they experienced while handling the case. They completed the Cognitive Emotion Regulation Questionnaire to identify emotion regulation strategies they usually use. Results showed that attorneys often experienced anger and empathy and used strategies that tend to be adaptive across a wide range of contexts. There was a moderate positive correlation between Anger and Positive Refocusing, Contempt and Other-Blame, Guilt and Maladaptive emotion regulation strategies, and the Difference between parties’ agreeableness (understood as how sympathetic they seemed) and Anger. As the experience of negative emotions paired with maladaptive emotion regulation techniques might be associated with negative consequences both for the self and for the relationship with clients, the present study suggests that adding emotion regulation into legal curricula is crucial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his hopeful defense of poetry, poet Ben Lerner confesses his contempt for the artform as a kind of bulwark against the disappointment inherent in the writing and reading of poetry. Actual poems never do justice to the "transcendent impulse" that drives the poet to language, he argues, but that fact ought not provoke a rejection of Poetry. Instead, he advocates for approaching poetry with, borrowing a phrase from Marianne Moore, a "perfect contempt for it" that creates spaces of possibility for the absent perfection of a poem. In this inquiry, we consider how Lerner's description of poetry resonates with the experience of teachers and education researchers. We have, each of us, been disappointed by our pedagogy: by lessons gone awry, teaching contexts that yoke us to neoliberal methods, encounters with students that make us feel like failures. Inspired by Lerner, we wondered how we might theoretically reframe this disappointment by channeling it into a perfect contempt for teaching. To do so, we turn to the literature on so-called negative affects (e.g., the work of Sara Ahmed) and an assortment of texts—from teaching journals and email correspondence to poetry and plays—to qualitatively explore two questions: What does it mean to perfect a contempt for teaching? and How might a perfect contempt for teaching function as an affective resource for teachers suffering the sting of disappointment? In inquiring into these we hope, following Lerner, to generate places of possibility in teaching and education research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several recent studies have shown that the emotion of contempt, which is often linked to negative appraisals of competence and integrity, is the most important negative emotion in some electoral contests. Furthermore, gender-based stereotypes and prejudice have been shown to cause voters to evaluate female candidates in ways that seem contemptuous, i.e. as inferior and having undesirable traits. In this study, we analyze how sexism and gender-based prejudices may influence voters' emotions (especially their levels of contempt) in response to female political candidates in general and to those who violate gender norms. We find strong differences in emotional responses between sexist and nonsexist voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mehmet Akif Ersoy University Journal of Education Faculty is the property of Mehmet Akif Ersoy Universitesi Egitim Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The goal of this paper is to explore arguments about the moral (in)appropriateness of counter-contempt as a justified moral and pedagogical response to racist contempt. Drawing on debates for and against contempt in moral philosophy, the paper suggests a contextual approach to contempt that pays attention to both the specifics of the concrete situation that agents are in when they are experiencing racist contempt and the context of the agents themselves, understood as the conceptual and affective tools that are available to them in order to discern and challenge the meaning of racist contempt. The paper discusses the moral and pedagogical dilemmas entailed in efforts to cultivate in the classroom (and beyond) the right kind of contempt—both as a pedagogical stance and as a political message—which does not backfire but instead inspires a productive engagement with racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the election of Donald Trump as president of the United States in 2016, the transatlantic relations entered a renewed period of crisis. The former US administration challenged key international norms at the core of the EU's identity – thereby testing the EU's ability to rethink its position in the world. Against this background, studies have attempted to analyse the EU's response vis-à-vis the US mainly from a realist and socio-psychological perspectives. Yet little attention has been given to the crucial emotional component underlying the EU's response – related to EU's recognition needs. Therefore, this article proposes to analyse the transatlantic crisis under the Trump administration through the lens of recognition theories and emotions in IR. Based on the emotion discourse analysis of public statements, it shows that dynamics of misrecognition and re-affirmation of identity have been at play in this recent crisis fuelled by the powerful emotion of contempt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of China Tourism Research is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Whereas past research on the trickle-down diffusion of abusive supervision has demonstrated that abused supervisors often translate the abuse that they experience from their managers downward to their followers, we examine the active involvement of abused supervisors through leading in a more principled and positive manner. Adopting the sociofunctional perspective on emotions, we propose that supervisors who feel contempt for their abusers and are morally attentive will be motivated to morally differentiate themselves from perpetrators by treating their subordinates with greater, rather than less, interpersonal justice. Four studies, including two survey-based studies and two scenario-based experiments, based on data collected in China and the United Kingdom show consistent evidence supporting the overall moderated mediation model. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Republic , Plato's Socrates argues that the wealthy feel contempt for the poor, and the poor feel hatred for the rich. But why is Socrates, leading a life of scandalous poverty, without taking wages for philosophical work, an exception to this rule? Instead of hatred, envy, or no emotion at all, Socrates consistently treats wealth and the wealthy with ridicule and kataphronēsis – active looking-down or contempt – while meditating on the temptation of the poor to appropriate the excess flesh of the wealthy (Resp. 556d). It is contempt that allows Socrates to remain free and wageless, away from the tempting distortion wealth has on the soul (Resp. 330c, 554a–b). Socrates therefore insists his philosopher-kings should be paid only in food, the same reward he proposes for himself in the Apology. Instead of securing freedom from murderous epithumia through moderate property, Socrates implies only contemptuous poverty can safeguard a philosophic life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why is contempt seen as potentially lacking in the respect for persons and therefore prima facie subject to negative moral evaluation? This paper starts by looking at a distinctive feature of contempt in the context of thick relationships, such as those of friendship, close professional collaboration, or romantic love: there is an irreversibility effect attached to the experience of contempt. Once contempt occurs in a thick relationship, it seems very difficult to return to non-contemptuous reactive attitudes. The second part argues that the irreversibility effect is due to the fact that contempt is an affective attitude which tends to invisibilize the person who is the object of contempt. The tendency to invisibilize is inscribed in the intentional structure of contempt as well as in its motivational dimension. The final part explores some consequences of this hypothesis, and in particular argues that it also explains why contempt motivated by abject wrongdoing, as opposed to resentment, anger, or hatred, tends to block any process of forgiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Thomas Hobbes' analysis of insult or 'contumely' prefigures recent developments in moral and political philosophy in striking ways. Specifically, Hobbes's concerns about the dignitary harms in hate speech went well beyond 'fighting words' to the essential role played by expressions of hatred and contempt in making and unmaking social hierarchies. Hobbes's sensitivity to contumely's subtle power to constitute social in/equalities recalls recent work in feminist and critical race theory. Yet his expansive solutions – both negative and positive, legal and ethical – also shed light on the difficulties faced by aspirationally egalitarian societies in their efforts to eradicate contempt today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay distinguishes democratic melodrama from authoritarian melodrama. We argue that the distinction between the two forms of melodrama is not merely located in the "eye of the beholder," but can be found within the rhetorical form based on the way that the melodrama is figured. First, we argue that democratic melodrama is characterized by the use of a double gesture, which polarizes and offers the possibility of affirmation and reconnection—a key difference from authoritarian melodrama, which seeks primarily to exclude and condemn. Second, democratic melodrama generates monopathy, a unity of feeling, in its audience that enables interdependency with the other, while authoritarian melodrama engages in contempt for the other, which enables repression and oppression. Finally, the villain in democratic melodrama is typically a behavior, ideology, or institution, while in authoritarian melodrama the villain is typically scapegoated as a member of an "outgroup" that is dehumanized. In sum, democratic melodrama emphasizes interdependency while authoritarian melodrama engages in dehumanization and separation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political clowns engage in statutory, cultural, and discursive crimes. While statutory crimes are available for litigation and resolution, cultural and discursive crimes are not. To comment and correct those actions, we turn to comedic clowns to police and parody political perpetrators. Those parodies and take-downs are clever, but they do not affect the behavior of the perpetrators, nor do they the result in the resolution of repetitive and stressful experience. Instead, those parodies produce familiarity, potential retraumatization, and coverage. The problem with clowns is that critical attention increases the reach of their influence and the assumption of their inevitability. This condition has hardened our political discourse and divisions and made it difficult to see civic enactments, such as elections, as productive or therapeutic in this age of cultural trauma. This article has four sections and a discussion. Part one discusses the clown as a perpetrator of discursive crimes. Part two explores how public commentaries on clownish political perpetrators both keep them in the public eye and excuse their actions as a joke. Part three focuses on how comedic response specifically repeats the discourse of perpetrators and runs the risk of retraumatizing their spectators. Part four examines how perpetrators employ self-clowning to invite derision and to delegitimize critique. The article will close with discussion of what currency we can find in the ideas of truth and reconciliation.

In this paper we start from the idea that transformations come to a large extent from the reflection that we make of the past in relation to the present and the future projection that we desire. In this article we support the idea that there is a plurality of personal and collective identities that are constituted in relation to the social practices of any of the various conceptual frameworks, and since there are no valid reasons to believe that one identity is superior or more valuable than another, it would not be possible to despise, oppress or privilege any of them. Considering this plurality of identities, we expose that a very problematic aspect of the practices of oppression and privilege is that a world of contempt is built from them. From the position of onto-epistemological pluralism it is maintained that the subjects construct the world in which they live in relation to their social practices and assumptions, the main finding in this article has been to identify that this construction can be in relation to the present, the future, and the past. Based on Colapietro's reading of Dewey's pragmatism, we conclude that by rethinking and redefining from the personal and social sphere how the practices of contempt emerged and are sustained, the possibility of transforming them opens. A fundamental element to know that certain practices must change is in the unsatisfactory emotional quality of the experience of the subject who is treated with oppression and contempt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, there has been vigorous debate in constitutional theory about the ethics of activism in scholarship. Sparked by responses to the work of Tarun Khaitan, scholars have begun examining the ethical constraints and concerns raised when activism in pursuit of concrete social goals meets the truth-seeking mission of scholarship. An excellent contribution to this discussion has been the intervention of Adrienne Stone. She argues that, contrary to the assumption that activism is inimical to truth-seeking in scholarship, the opposite is the case. Activism may provide insight and clarity into the interpretive exercise of legal research. Whilst this may be true, it does not dissolve or answer the many vices encouraged by melding activism and scholarship as a matter of role morality. The aim of this article is to tease out exactly what some of these vices are, and how they relate to the overall role morality of both the activist and the scholar. We agree with Stone that scholarly virtue requires a commitment to the pursuit of truth, which need not involve only detached, ivory-tower theorising. However, we argue that any such pursuit of scholarly truth must be anchored in cleaving to the habit-forming standards or virtues that the role morality of scholarship demands. This role morality of scholarship may conflict with the role morality of activism, encouraging vices that threaten the ends of scholarship. Specifically, we address the vices of cowardice, inapt anger and unjust contempt. For insight to be realised, virtue must be carefully pursued, and vice actively discouraged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined how music major and non-music major participants' performances and emotional expressions differed when exposed to background music of varying tempi while completing a reading comprehension task. Two questions were addressed: (1) What effect does background music of varying tempi have on the performance of music and non-music majors while completing a reading comprehension task? and (2) What real-time expressed emotions and self-report measures may predict the reading comprehension scores between music and non-music majors? A total of 34 participants completed a reading comprehension task under each of three musical test conditions while facial-muscular emotion software analyzed their facial expressions, to understand the effect on performance. Results indicated that music majors displayed significantly different (p <.05) emotional expressions of joy and contempt, which corresponded to no significant differences in performance scores, in comparison to non-majors, whose performance varied greatly across the background music test conditions that were given. These findings support the growing literature surrounding the possible effects of music training and how differences between trained and non-musicians may be understood through emotion detection software. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aftershocks of the riot at the United States Capitol on January 6, 2021, continue to ripple through the American public square. The United States Department of Justice brought over 750 criminal charges against the assailants. The United States House of Representatives appointed a Select Committee to investigate the riot. And the public continues to discuss the meaning of January 6 as these criminal prosecutions continue and the House's investigation concludes. Although this is the first time in American history that a mob actually breached the Capitol, riots and insurrections attempting to overawe parliamentary bodies on their own grounds are well precedented in the Anglo-American legal tradition. The purpose of this article is to provide historical context for affrays like the Trump Riot of January 6 and provide a framework for how legislatures should respond. Parliamentary precedents on both sides of the Atlantic prove that anyone who riots at the legislature is in contempt of parliamentary privilege. The legislature can refer such contempt to the executive for criminal prosecution. In egregious cases, however, the legislature should not hesitate to vindicate itself by using its own contempt power. The legislature should appoint a joint select committee or independent commission to investigate and hold those politically responsible to account. There may be cases when an officer or an agent of the executive provokes or incites a riot at the Capitol. The legislature must prevail in its efforts to bring them in for a hearing and compel them to produce discovery. Of the three coordinate branches of the federal government the legislature is first among equals. Parliamentary privilege must therefore trump executive privilege during an investigation of an assault on the national assembly. Any member of the executive who contemptuously incites a mob at the seat of government is liable for discipline under the inherent power of Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polish Journal of Social Rehabilitation / Resocjalizacja Polska is the property of Pedagogium Foundation and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the most striking and controversial features of Aristotle's moral exemplar, the megalopsychos, is his tendency to be contemptuous. Not surprisingly, modern scholarship has found this attribute of the megalopsychos particularly unappealing. This article probes the question about the targets of the contempt of the Aristotelian megalopsychos and explores the forms that this contempt might take. I argue that the primary targets of the megalopsychos are people who claim superiority on the wrong grounds (their external prosperity and social status). The megalopsychos, who prioritizes virtue over external goods as a criterion of individual worth (axia), rejects the self-image these people claim for themselves and refuses to grant them the appraisal respect they are accustomed to receiving, and think they deserve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to a collection of nine papers on contempt, bringing contemporary philosophical approaches to the phenomenon into relation with its construction and presentation in the four classical cultures of China, Greece, India, and Rome. The introduction offers a brief summary of the papers and places the issues that they explore in the wider research context of the historical and cross-cultural study of emotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

That contempt and dishonor are closely related has been shown not only in recent discussions of the subject, but also in Aristotle's investigation of emotions in the judiciary. In this paper, I will discuss the ways in which the ancient Greeks—and, in particular, the polis of Athens—institutionalized what Bell calls "apt contempt" (i.e., contempt as a response to actual and serious faults of character which stems from the contemnor's concern for the values at stake) through the legal penalty of atimia ("dishonor"). Not only does Athenian evidence prove Bell's point that contempt can be "apt"—it also represents an early case study of a community that formalized such "apt" contempt in law and in the formal enactment of collectively approved social norms. And yet, the Greeks were also aware of the potential ambivalence of notions such as "contempt" and "dishonor." This ambivalence is likely to have been one of the factors that catalyzed a differentiation, within the semantic field of atimia, between "dishonoring" (atiman / atimoun) and "disrespecting" (atimazein)—between "apt" and "inapt" contempt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the wages (costs) of contempt. It argues that the social and political division and dysfunction caused by contempt and imagined content undermines political discussion and creates terrible costs for contemned and contemner in the burdens of shame and guilt they must bear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reading a passage in the Sanskrit Mahābhārata —the attempted disrobing of Princess Draupadī after her senior husband has gambled her away (after losing all his wealth, his brothers and himself)—I suggest that we see in her attitude and angry words an expression of contempt. I explore how contempt is a concept that is not thematized within Sanskrit aesthetics of emotions, but nonetheless is clearly articulated in the literature. Focusing on the significance of her gendered expression of anger and contempt, and the positive acceptance of it in the text, I suggest that contempt can be understood as a transformative attitude in a woman (even a high-born one) towards iniquities in a patriarchal culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both Confucius and Xúnzǐ take for granted that contempt, in certain situations, is an appropriate and justified response for a person of virtuous character. But Xúnzǐ departs from his predecessor in his insistence on drawing clear boundaries around contempt so as to diminish its destructive and destabilizing potential. This article argues that Xúnzǐ's efforts to circumscribe contempt reflect a shift in the vision of the ritual community from one based on affective ties to one based on an impersonal, universalist state. It also traces the implications of this connection for how we might confront the problem of toxic contempt that has pervaded our political landscape today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Sanskrit and Pali conceptions of contempt, and explores how they work in a number of ancient Indian genres, with a sustained focus on the Rāmāyaṇa. The article argues that while Indian texts often analyze emotion words and concepts systematically and with intricate granularity, contempt was not seen as an interior state to be theorized or managed therapeutically or morally. Rather, words for contempt are used to describe behaviors, etiquette, and social relationships, and are principally concerned with stipulating social status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the basis of conceptualizing militant action as non-normative political participation, the group-based model of appraisal and emotions (GAE) depicts a pathway that explains public support for militant protest as the outcome of group-based subjective situational assessment and consequent emotional feelings. With data from two samples (one identified with militant protesters and the other with moderate protesters) in the anti-ELAB movement, we validated two classical pathways in the GAE among Hong Kong residents. Among people identifying with militant protesters, perceiving excessive police action and collective efficacy with militant protesters were significantly associated with support for militant protest via contempt rather than anger. Among people identifying with moderate protesters, perceiving excessive police action and collective efficacy with moderate protesters were significantly associated with support for moderate protest via anger rather than contempt. In addition, we extended the GAE by validating a new pathway that those identifying with moderate protesters would also support militant protest when they felt contempt. The findings indicate that the association between emotion and attitude toward collective action is not fully based on group identification. Our findings unpacked public support for militant protest into support from people identifying with militant protesters and support from those identifying with moderate protesters. The results of this research indicate that the solidarity between militant and moderate protesters in the anti-ELAB movement was not only a tactical cooperation but also a common emotional response (contempt). Our findings propose political communication as a potentially effective manner to deradicalize public attitudes, the core of which should be to mitigate people's contempt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, political psychologists have given a lot of attention to the role of emotions in politics. While there have been several different research programs, the dominant paradigm has been set by affective intelligence theory (AIT), developed by George Marcus, Russell Neuman, and Michael Mackuen. AIT has helped explain many puzzles in understanding how emotions influence political decisions, as any good paradigm should. At the same time, I argue it has also had the effect of limiting broader research into the range of discrete emotions, especially contempt. While recognizing the value of AIT, I call for more research that goes beyond its boundaries, showing through several recent studies how a focus on the additional effects of contempt can improve our understanding of voter decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culture & Communication / Kültür ve İletişim is the property of Imge Publishing House and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract Surgical face masks reduce the spread of airborne pathogens but also disturb the flow of information between individuals. The risk of getting seriously ill after infection with SARS-COV-2 during the present COVID-19 pandemic amplifies with age, suggesting that face masks should be worn especially during face-to-face contact with and between older people. However, the ability to accurately perceive and understand communication signals decreases with age, and it is currently unknown whether face masks impair facial communication more severely in older people. We compared the impact of surgical face masks on dynamic facial emotion recognition in younger (18–30 years) and older (65–85 years) adults (N = 96) in an online study. Participants watched short video clips of young women who facially expressed anger, fear, contempt or sadness. Faces of half of the women were covered by a digitally added surgical face mask. As expected, emotion recognition accuracy declined with age, and face masks reduced emotion recognition accuracy in both younger and older participants. Unexpectedly, the effect of face masks did not differ between age groups. Further analyses showed that masks also reduced the participants’ overall confidence in their emotion judgements, but not their performance awareness (the difference between their confidence ratings for correct and incorrect responses). Again, there were no mask-by-age interactions. Finally, data obtained with a newly developed questionnaire (attitudes towards face masks, atom) suggest that younger and older people do not differ in how much they feel impaired in their understanding of other people’s emotions by face masks or how useful they find face masks in confining the COVID-19 pandemic. In sum, these findings do not provide evidence that the impact of face masks on the decoding of facial signals is disproportionally larger in older people.

Political clowns engage in statutory, cultural, and discursive crimes. While statutory crimes are available for litigation and resolution, cultural and discursive crimes are not. To comment and correct those actions, we turn to comedic clowns to police and parody political perpetrators. Those parodies and take-downs are clever, but they do not affect the behavior of the perpetrators, nor do they the result in the resolution of repetitive and stressful experience. Instead, those parodies produce familiarity, potential retraumatization, and coverage. The problem with clowns is that critical attention increases the reach of their influence and the assumption of their inevitability. This condition has hardened our political discourse and divisions and made it difficult to see civic enactments, such as elections, as productive or therapeutic in this age of cultural trauma. This article has four sections and a discussion. Part one discusses the clown as a perpetrator of discursive crimes. Part two explores how public commentaries on clownish political perpetrators both keep them in the public eye and excuse their actions as a joke. Part three focuses on how comedic response specifically repeats the discourse of perpetrators and runs the risk of retraumatizing their spectators. Part four examines how perpetrators employ self-clowning to invite derision and to delegitimize critique. The article will close with discussion of what currency we can find in the ideas of truth and reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political engagement, particularly in the United States, has become increasingly contentious, contemptuous, and divisive. Politicians and political parties wage ideological warfare, using rhetoric, misinformation, and attempts to silence and belittle one another in competitive strife. These politicized forms of striving for superiority are--within an Adlerian framework--predictable results of a lack of Gemeinschaftsgefühl, or "community feeling." This article provides an Adlerian conceptualization of divisive sociopolitical trends and identifies their manifestations in current political discourse. Specific attention is given to the use of politicized contempt as a mistaken method of competitive striving. The article also proposes that the Adlerian community must model healthy political engagement by acting out Gemeinschaftsgefühl in political discourse with each other and the community at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Fang Sun,1 Xiyuan Li,1 Muhammad Naseer Akhtar2 1Economics and Management School, Wuhan University, Wuhan, People’s Republic of China; 2Royal Docks School of Business and Law, The University of East London, London, UKCorrespondence: Xiyuan LiEconomics and Management School, Wuhan University, Wuhan, 430072, People’s Republic of ChinaTel +86-27-68752551Email lixiyuan@whu.edu.cnPurpose: Given the popularity of empowerment practices among scholars and practitioners, this research examines whether a manager’s differentiated empowering leadership negatively affects team members’ helping behaviors and, if so, how.Methods: The authors conducted one multi-source and time-lagged survey (with 44 managers and 212 team members) and two scenario-based experiments (with 120 participants in Study 2 and 121 participants in Study 3) to test the research model.Results: Team managers’ differentiated empowering leadership decreases team members’ helping behaviors. In particular, for team members who receive less empowerment, differentiated empowering leadership may decrease their helping behaviors by eliciting their envy. For team members who receive more empowerment, differentiated empowering leadership may decrease their helping behaviors by inducing their contempt.Conclusion: This research introduces the concept of differentiated empowering leadership in response to calls to investigate the dark side of empowering leadership. It reveals that unequal distribution of authority among team members by managers can undermine employee relations and elicit negative emotions of envy and contempt, thereby decreasing employees’ helping behaviors.Keywords: differentiated empowering leadership, envy, contempt, helping behavior

This paper questions the recognition arrangements that are available to boys and young men in male socialization in Martinican society. The latter, often based on authoritarian modes of education, complicates the valuation and recognition but does not exclude them either. The importance of the recognition by the peers group is fundamental but also exposes individuals to contempt and ambivalence.

To aid in understanding the determinants of negative interpersonal and intergroup behaviours, this research tested theories specifying which appraisals of events would be associated with distinct negative emotions felt towards other individuals. To test hypotheses, we analysed survey responses from 128 MTurk workers and undergraduates in the USA who wrote about current and prior experiences of either anger, contempt, dislike, or hatred, and rated scales measuring hypothesised appraisals and emotional responses. As predicted, anger was associated with perceiving another person as blocking one's goals, whereas contempt was associated with perceiving another person as beneath one's standards; and anger, contempt, dislike, and hatred were each associated with perceiving events as motive-inconsistent and caused by another person. However, only one item measuring prospective control fit the predicted pattern of anger and contempt involving higher control potential than dislike and hatred. These results replicate and extend previous findings on appraisal-emotion relationships in India and the United States. Similarities and differences across cultures in appraisal-emotion relationships are discussed and applied to intergroup relations in developing societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early modern period, the vast majority of philosophers who have written on contempt have understood it as a denial of respect. But there has been considerable disagreement about precisely what kind of respect we deny people when we contemn them. Contemporary philosophers who defend contempt as a morally appropriate attitude tend to understand it as a denial of what Stephen Darwall calls appraisal respect, while early modern writers, who all believe that contemning others constitutes a serious moral wrong, seem to understand it more as a denial of recognition respect. In this paper, I argue that neither of these understandings of contempt hits the mark and that we do better to conceptualize it as a denial of recognition in the sense articulated by Axel Honneth and by other critical theorists who have been influenced by his work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contempt is a powerful emotion. Marriages fail (Gottman, 1994), coworkers are shamed (Melwani & Barsade, 2011), terrorism is tended toward (Tausch et al., 2011). Despite its importance, contempt has not been investigated at the level of personality. The present research examines how our contemptuous reactions can be conceptualized and measured as a stable individual-difference variable with a range of theoretically predicted correlates. First, we introduce a measure of dispositional contempt, the tendency to look down on, distance, and derogate others who violate our standards. We then unpack the dynamics of dispositional contempt. Across 6 studies using self-report and emotion elicitation in student and MTurk samples (Ns = 165 to 1,368), we examined its (a) nomological network, (b) personality and behavioral correlates, and (c) implications for relationship functioning. Dispositional contempt was distinguished from tendencies toward related emotions and was most associated with dispositional envy, anger, and hubristic pride. Somewhat paradoxically, dispositional contempt was related to being cold and "superior," with associations found with narcissism, other-oriented perfectionism, and various antisocial tendencies (e.g., Disagreeableness, Machiavellianism, racism), but it was also related to being self-deprecating and emotionally fragile, with associations found with low self-esteem, insecure attachment, and feeling that others impose perfectionistic standards on oneself. Dispositional contempt predicted contemptuous reactions to eliciting film clips, particularly when targets showed low competence/power. Finally, perceiving one's romantic partner as dispositionally contemptuous was associated with lower commitment and satisfaction. Taken together, results give a first look at the contemptuous person and provide a new organizing framework for understanding contempt. (PsycINFO Database Record

This article presents the role of negative sentiment as a tool for re-constructing power relationships in socio-cultural relations as intentionally used by political and religious leaders across cultures. Negative sentiment facilitated the symbolic disempowerment of enemies and was an important part of the anti-language for the creation of a new or alternative reality across cultures and times. Irony, contempt and disgust have played a special role, which despite cultural changes and qualitatively new rules of public life, have returned to the public space in the 21st century due to populist leaders, with the most notable example being the previous president of the USA and global business man, Donald Trump and his leadership. Cross-cultural management as a discipline has been criticised strongly as being blind to power relations. This paper is aiming at advancing the discourse of power relations by connecting it with theoretical reflections of emotions, anti-language discourses and new populist leadership. It provides examples of different eras and cultural contexts. Further, a major aim of this article is to demonstrate that although the toxic anti-language of populists – who have historically and psychologically rooted notions of disgust or contempt – enables them to achieve a powerful position as politicians, business men and leaders, this comes at the cost of a profound destruction of public life and is in fact a form of return to tribal forms of governance that are currently inadequate. The impact of populists can, however, be tempered by the same method, that is by anti-language but with respect and acceptance of difference at its centre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Surgical face masks reduce the spread of airborne pathogens but also disturb the flow of information between individuals. The risk of getting seriously ill after infection with SARS-COV-2 during the present COVID-19 pandemic amplifies with age, suggesting that face masks should be worn especially during face-to-face contact with and between older people. However, the ability to accurately perceive and understand communication signals decreases with age, and it is currently unknown whether face masks impair facial communication more severely in older people. We compared the impact of surgical face masks on dynamic facial emotion recognition in younger (18–30 years) and older (65–85 years) adults (N = 96) in an online study. Participants watched short video clips of young women who facially expressed anger, fear, contempt or sadness. Faces of half of the women were covered by a digitally added surgical face mask. As expected, emotion recognition accuracy declined with age, and face masks reduced emotion recognition accuracy in both younger and older participants. Unexpectedly, the effect of face masks did not differ between age groups. Further analyses showed that masks also reduced the participants' overall confidence in their emotion judgements, but not their performance awareness (the difference between their confidence ratings for correct and incorrect responses). Again, there were no mask-by-age interactions. Finally, data obtained with a newly developed questionnaire (attitudes towards face masks, atom) suggest that younger and older people do not differ in how much they feel impaired in their understanding of other people's emotions by face masks or how useful they find face masks in confining the COVID-19 pandemic. In sum, these findings do not provide evidence that the impact of face masks on the decoding of facial signals is disproportionally larger in older people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Referring to the mainstream studies based on the personalization's hypothesis, which positively evaluates signals of dominance shown by leaders, the analysis of Obama's rhetoric stays a relevant exception. His risky recall, during his political talks, of his social difficulties as a child of a mixed couple was in fact one of the more surprising aspects of his success. Nevertheless, reactions to his autobiographical sharing were scarcely explored. Based on the idea that these self-disclosures signal his responsivity toward the audience of low social condition and can, therefore, be defined as a sign of humility, this research aims to test if coherence between Obama's words and his facial expressions of contempt, due to the seriousness of social injustices endured in his childhood, may influence the receivers' perception of such unexpected communication. Before reading a brief autobiographical sharing taken from a "Back-to-school" speech, a highly ritualized monolog the US President addresses each year to students, 175 Italian participants were presented with a photo of Obama displaying either an expression of contempt (taken from the video of the speech) or a neutral expression. Comparisons between self-assessments of perceptions and reactions of participants assigned to the two experimental conditions show that a facial expression of contempt, coherent with words describing his school difficulties, has been crucial for perceiving this humble political discourse as authentic and not as a simple socially desirable posturing. More studies seem to be needed, however, to understand how humble speech could enhance the positive face of leaders or backfire against them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy conflict is gaining attention in policy studies. In this paper, we explore the relation between emotional storylines and policy conflict escalation in the case of the Dutch gasquakes in the north of the country. Based on a longitudinal analysis of emotional storylines in 1308 newspaper articles and additional empirical data we find that Dutch subnational governmental actors as well as citizen action groups discursively express emotional storylines about anxiety/fear, anger, and contempt in relation to discursive expressions of trustworthiness/distrust. Over time, specific combinations of these emotional storylines shape the interpretation of the problem and point toward responsible actors. Also the way in which specific sequences of emotional storylines develop (particularly from fear to anger) suggests a discursive escalation. In addition, discursive escalation can be found in the increased intensity of specific emotional storylines. We conclude that the combinations, sequencing and increasing intensity of the emotional storylines suggest a process of emotionally expressed escalation, which we have only just begun to explore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]