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Political orientation has been shown to affect the opinions of ordinary people when it comes to socio-political issues. In Colombia, 74% of citizens indicated that they did not identify with any political party; however, opinions against and in favour of peace and its processes are characterised by a dynamic of constant tension among citizens, similar to that among the country's political parties: left, right, and centre. The purpose of the present study was to identify conceptualisations about peace, its benefits, and the strategies to achieve it after the peace agreement signed in 2016 between the government and the FARC guerrilla based on the political orientation reported by the participants. Textual data were analysed using KH-Coder software to identify co-occurrence networks of peace conceptualisations, benefits, and strategies. A total of 346 men and women participated in the study. Results show differences among the conceptualisations of peace and the peacebuilding process among supporters of each political orientation, including apolitical participants, although right-wing participants were the most differentiated. Results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Six years after signing the Peace Agreement between the farc-ep and the Colombian government, the main rural transformations were delayed, while the violence figures show that peace had not materialized. Using an activist methodology, working in the Department of Cauca with rural communities, this article analyses three phases of the 'territorial peace' model: the local turn, characterized by the participatory and densely bureaucratic implementation of the Peace Agreement; the militarist turn, which replaced integral territorial development; and the new cycle of internal armed conflict, emphasizing the ethnic and racial dimension of violence. We conclude that peacebuilding has deviated from the roadmap to comprehensively address the structural causes of war, opting instead for militaristic securitization and stabilization, which generates the re-victimization and hopelessness of impoverished rural inhabitants, who are once again caught between new and recycled conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Trabajo Social is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores processes that are significantly interconnected from a psychosocial perspective: forgiveness, justice, reconciliation, and peace. It encompasses part of the findings from the research project “Psychosocial Barriers to Peacebuilding and Reconciliation in Colombia,” conducted during 2019 and the first half of 2020. The study was intended to understand beliefs about forgiveness, justice, and reconciliation among 256 individuals from 9 cities in Colombia. A qualitative design and a phenomenological-hermeneutic method were used, employing semi-structured and in-depth interviews. An intratextual and intertextual content analysis and theoretical coding at two levels (descriptive and hermeneutic) were performed, leading to the emergence of five categories: 1) conditional forgiveness and retributive justice; 2) neither forgiveness nor forgetting: death penalty and punitive retaliation: 3) compensatory forgiveness and transitional justice; 4) delegitimization of transitional justice: the offended; and 5) opportunities for reconciliation. The main results reveal that a retributive perspective of justice prevails among the participants, limiting the possibilities of forgiveness and reconciliation within the framework of the peace agreement between the Colombian State and the FARC-EP guerrilla. A significant but smaller group of interviewees find paths to forgiveness through the transitional justice mechanisms established by the agreement. The discussion revolves around how the prospect of creating spaces for peace and reconciliation appears to hinge on the potential to humanize the aggressor, particularly the low-ranking ex-combatant (a point of convergence in perspectives), presenting an opportunity for leveraging psychosocial interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Civil resistance" is a concept widely disseminated among academia and Colombian social organizations. Its study is of singular importance, given the various conflicts faced by the country, including the armed conflict of the last sixty years. In academia, theoretical and conceptual definitions are varied. In praxis, the concept is polysemic and transcends the scopes or limitations that have been described by theoreticians on the subject, as evidenced by social movements and organizations. Objective: The objective of this article is to provide a conceptual approach to civil resistance by reviewing different authors and then examining its relevance in the context of Montes de María, where social organizations have practiced civil resistance in the framework of the armed conflict and as part of the transition toward building territorial peace. Methodology: This was qualitative research, through the PAR approach, conducted in the municipality of Ovejas with four social processes. The text will examine the experiences of several social organizations in the historic territory of the Colombian Caribbean, including the Asociación de campesinos productores del corregimiento de San Rafael, the Asociación de Campesinos de la finca la Europa, the Asociación de Víctimas de Chengue, and the Corporación de mujeres Narrar para Vivir. These organizations have developed civil resistance practices in the context of the armed conflict. Results: The concept of "civil resistance" has evolved over time, as different perspectives have enriched it through practical development in history. The article begins by providing several approaches to help readers understand the concept of civil resistance, and then examines how this concept relates to the actions taken by social organizations in Montes de María. It then discusses the different conflicts present in the territory, including the armed conflict. The results of the research suggest that these forms of resistance can be classified based on time as permanent, conjunctural, or emergent, and based on the margin of action as active or passive. Conclusions: In the Montes de María region, social organizations have implemented forms of civil resistance that have enabled them to overcome the armed conflict, as well as promote territorial development and make progress in the construction of territorial peace based on their collective and individual experiences of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research article we describe the contribution of Afro-descendant traditional midwives of the Colombian Pacific to peace building in their communities. For the study we conducted a qualitative approach through a semi-structured interview technique with midwives and laboring women from the Colombian Pacific region, residents of Cali and Buenaventura, in addition to participant observation in organizational meetings of midwives belonging to the Association of United Midwives of the Pacific (Asoparupa), and a bibliographic review. As a result, we found that the daily practices of Afro-descendant traditional midwives of the Colombian Pacific generate a type of autonomy, agency, social reflection and endogenous transformation, which allows the attribution of capacities for community cohesion, the defense of life and cultural diversity. This translates into practices that strengthen peace building and, therefore, contribute to the search for social justice in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary Brazilian context offers a growing artistic and cultural production, generated by LGBTQIA+ subjects, which disputes narratives and sensitivity, and suggests new ways of being in the social world. This article looks at how such artistic-cultural production can bring critiques and contributions on peacebuilding. The article questions how to think peacebuilding from queer perspectives: it confronts peacebuilding with dissident critiques, in order to think a possible idea of queer peace. This is proposed through the aesthetic experience, in articulations between affection and politics that mobilize relations of recognition and otherness, from a sensitive perception of the discourses of resistance and affirmation of existence. To conduct an analysis that values culture --and its aesthetic and sensitive character-- as a relevant field for research in the social and political sciences, we discuss the short film Negrum3 by filmmaker Diego Paulino. This audiovisual object is analyzed through a brief historical incursion, which presents a picture of LGBTQIA+ public policies in Brazil and their possible bridges with an idea of peacebuilding, and a theoretical reflection that contrasts decolonial theories with figures from the European academia. Thus, we reflect on how a queer peace can be built in the dimension of aesthetic experience, which is also political, and allows us to imagine and enable new forms of life. Our conclusion is that queer peace is a challenging conception, which retains its challenges and is based on a critique of hegemonic and institutionalized apprehensions of peace. In this sense, the artistic-cultural production, with its aesthetic approaches, appears as an inventive path. The originality of the article consists in its articulation of queer theories and, above all, of aesthetic and political practices, to think about peacebuilding in Brazil's social reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores what queer as a concept brings to peacebuilding, presenting a guiding framework and introduction for a special issue on queer peacebuilding. It offers an initial approach to the topic, which means to center queer and trans perspectives of peace and bring queer epistemologies to bear on how peace is constituted so as to rearticulate the concept both in theory and praxis. In doing so, it addresses an unexamined gap in peacebuilding efforts to achieve gender justice and inclusive security in conflict-affected societies, namely the unique experiences of LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and queer) individuals and their collective efforts to achieve social justice in these contexts. The authors approach the topic of queer peacebuilding through three questions: What is queer peacebuilding?, 'Why is queer peacebuilding important? and What can queer peacebuilding contribute? While the impacts of queer peacebuilding in sites of contentious politics around the globe are visible, it remains an emergent and somewhat elusive concept, still under construction within peace and security scholarship and practice. By presenting a conceptualization of the notion of queer peacebuiling, the authors seek to further academic efforts to construct and analyze queer peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to analyze the education of the Colombian Armed Forces in the context of the post-happening phase of the Havana (Cuba) peace agreement and whether this has been assimilated by the members of the Military and Police Forces to propose guidelines for the transformation of the Armed Forces based on the educational and doctrinal training of its members. In this sense, the education of the Colombian Public Force will be approached from the jus post bellum, based on three fundamental aspects: in the first place, the implications of the jus post bellum in the members of the Public Force and the challenges posed by education, for which descriptive and quantitative techniques were used, such as the survey to investigate military personnel of senior officers (Army, Navy, and Air Force), who are taking their related training courses for the immediately superior promotion grade. Secondly, with a proposal of strategies for the transformation of the Armed Forces through education in a jus post bellum environment in Colombia, and thirdly, with guidelines to define a graduate profile for the military and police, in the framework of the post-agreement, from the educational processes of the different Forces, in alignment with the Education Policy for the Public Force (Pefup). The document has a socio-legal approach, for which the documentary review model was applied in its construction, supported by the inductive method, through the analysis and description of constitutional texts and some jurisprudential developments, especially those of the Constitutional Court. Likewise, fieldwork (surveys) was considered, a contact established with a determined population of senior officers of the Colombian Military Forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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What is the local? This is one of the most controversial questions the local turn in peacebuilding faces. For some, the local refers to institutions and social movements, while others understand it as networks or processes in flux. Critics argue, among other points, that this literature tends to reify an international-local binary, whereas others emphasize the incoherence of adopting anti-foundationalist ontologies while defending the possibility of emancipation. In this article, I discuss these subjects through the lens of Ernesto Laclau's political theory and propose to frame the local as a form of non-essentialist collective identity. To do this, I review recent contributions to the local turn and identify some of its controversies. Considering the theoretical lacuna found, I propose Laclaunian concepts, such as the people, antagonism, and hegemony, as conceptual alternatives. Finally, I present some consequences to the study of peacebuilding which this type of discussion might open. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The research that gave rise to this article explored, from a qualitative perspective, with a narrative and ethnographic focus, the daily process through which people in disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) processes in Colombia experience, after the 2016 peace agreement, having as methodological strategies the approaches of narrative practices and their expression in textile narratives. The article collects the experience of a group of peace signatories in San José de León, Mutatá, Antioquia, in order to understand, from their own voices and practices, the paths traveled towards building and managing their new living environment, through a sensitive approach to this group of new neighbors, to influence the narratives of the "enemy" sustained during decades of conflict. From the analysis of the implementation of the peace agreement, a description is presented of the arrival of former combatants to the territory, identifying dynamics, practices and daily transformations that have made it possible to build this new home. Based on the empirical data, the paradoxes, complexities and challenges are presented, but also the possibilities for building and/or reconstructing social relations in the local context, between the peace signatories, their families and their new neighbors, as a complex process dynamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios de Derecho is the property of Estudios de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Razón Crítica is the property of La Fundacion Universidad de Bogota Jorge Tadeo Lozano and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper proposes a reading of the "neither peace nor war" setting in Casamance, Senegal, one of the more persistent conflicts in West Africa. It examines peacebuilding and development policies through a comprehensive review lens of existing literature and field knowledge to analyze the failure of the anti-mine program. The paper argues that the anti-mine development policy and peacebuilding outline applied in Casamance relates to the discourse and framework of liberal peace. It reveals that the mindset of the liberal peace agenda is not consistent with the dialogue required to achieve a sustainable peace and implement an effective demining program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La Casamance connait depuis près de quarante ans un conflit larvé assimilé à un « ni guerre ni paix ». Dans ce contexte, près de 200 organisations féminines de la société civile sont fédérées dans une entité dénommée Plateforme des Femmes pour la Paix en Casamance (PFPC) afin de mener des actions en faveur d'une paix définitive et accompagner les populations dans leurs efforts de résilience. Toutefois, les femmes de la PFPC ont différentes approches conceptuelles et opérationnelles de la paix, et leur capacité à avoir un impact politique déterminant pour la fin du conflit est à ce jour limitée. Cet article se propose d'analyser les effets de leur engagement afin d'en démontrer les forces mais aussi les faiblesses car malgré leur mobilisation, la paix n'est toujours pas définitive en Casamance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Trabajo Social is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: the article seeks to analyze the psychosocial intervention characteristics of the Magdalena Medio Peace and Development Programme (PDPMM) founded in 1995 and highlight it as an experience developed from grassroots groups, revealing manners of citizen participation and social organization. Methodology: the research was structured under a qualitative approach, using the content analysis method, through a documentary matrix instrument. This methodological process yielded an analysis of three moments: first, the characterization of the Program foundation; second, the theoretical perspective of the psychosocial and, third, the analysis of the characteristics of psychosocial intervention of the Magdalena Medio Peace and Development Programme (PDPMM). Results: it was found that one of the main elements of the PDPMM was to define itself from its beginnings as a social process in permanent construction, changing, dynamic and subject to a recomposition of itself. On the other hand, it was evidenced that it is vitally important to know and validate the experiences of peacebuilding in Colombia, in this particular case the PDPMM, which proposes, from a participatory methodology, an alternative to assume and live a territory, thinking about the regional and assign a new meaning to the processes generated with the actors of civil society. Conclusions: it is concluded that with the Magdalena Medio Peace and Development Programme, the community processes strengthened elements such as, participation, the political subject, the social fabric, and the construction of the public for the sake of collective well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: to analyze the contributions of peace-building women leaders from Medellín's Comuna 1 in the exercise of their community leadership, which contributes to the consolidation of a grassroots peace-building concept and a critical and relational perspective of human rights. Methodology: research of a socio-legal nature with a qualitative approach, developed from a case study with peace-building women leaders of Medellín's Comuna 1. In the execution of the research, documentary (analysis of concepts and specialized literature), conversational (semi-structured interviews) and interactive techniques (field work in the territory) were combined. Results: regular, i.e. daily evidence of peace at the territorial level by women leaders were found, in addition to various expressions of resistance and re-existence aimed at reaffirming human dignity and collective action through ethical-political stakes in building peace in Comuna 1. Conclusions: women leaders who build peace in the studied territory are one step ahead of the hegemonic theory of human rights and the postulates of liberal peace, their understanding and interpretation of society and its conflicts is advanced. This exemplifies very well how one can continue to fight in the sociopolitical sphere for a more just and peaceful society from a grassroots perspective, to materialize continued peace in their neighborhood and community contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: this article is a reflection seeking to contribute to the foundation of a peace-building approach that focuses on the scale of the local-everyday (of the world of life), without neglecting the interaction and mutual influence that may exist with other scales of the regional, national and transnational or global. Methodology: this article is structured based on a set of premises that open paths and scenarios for reflection; it is a perspective to work in the theoretical-practical field of conflicts and peace. Results: the need to think critically about the theoretical-practical field of conflicts and peace from a transdisciplinary and multiscale perspective of phenomena, actions and power relations was identified. A perspective that evidences the colonization processes of this theoretical-practical field by the models of a (neo) liberal peace is also unavoidable and that, in turn, manages to transcend the critical polarizing scheme of the North and the South. It is important to vindicate the scale of everyday life, as it offers experiences, practices, resources, perspectives and relevant interpretations for the understanding and transformation of conflicts and peace. Conclusions: it is required to problematize peace in everyday life to address its tensions, contradictions, dilemmas and problems. This is intended to stimulate understanding and conversation around the conditions of possibility of an approach to understanding and strengthening everyday peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Someone recently suggested to me: "war is more profitable than peace" (J. Rodríguez, personal communication, October 24th, 2017). This prompted my consideration of the idea that peace construction in multiple settings could entail purposes other than the taken-for-granted and literal ones (Aldana, in press). In this reflective article, within the journal's language and conflict theme, I will discuss discourses related to the handling of peace construction in order to examine its transformation in governmental, academic and media documents up to 2019. Documents containing the word peace in various contexts were selected, and as such the period varied. The work is approached from my position as a mixed-race educator and researcher with a decolonial and critical epistemological perspective. This qualitative exploratory study approaches peace construction in ELT from a field of methodological uncertainties and a creative toolbox. Both historicizing and critical discourse analysis resources are employed in an inclusionary manner to achieve the eventualisation (Restrepo, 2008) of multiple ways of understanding and referring to the construction of peace in ELT. In this sense, the role of language appears as an underlying starting point. The results discuss the discourse about pacification for progress in ELT as a discursive event with different universal and market interests. It constitutes an alternative reading of peace construction in ELT as linked to seemingly disperse discursive events mediated by language in real documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to explore the meanings about conflict and peacebuilding present in a group of young people and older adults from the city of Bucaramanga, Santander, Colombia. With a qualitative approach, a phenomenological design and a non-probabilistic sample made up of 22 young people and 20 older adults, an in-depth interview designed and validated by the research hotbed was used, through which issues related to daily conflict and peace building were addressed. As a result, it was found that both young people and older adults defined conflict as a "problem" situation, which brings disagreements between the parties involved. Regarding resolution mechanisms, dialogue prevailed. Finally, it is possible to identify that older adults have greater hope towards the possibility of achieving peace compared to young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Quaestiones Disputatae is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas, Seccional Tunja and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The idea that men and women approach conflict resolution differently forms the backbone of the international agenda on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) and is supported by a growing body of scholarship in international relations. However, the role of women who represent insurgent groups in peace talks remains understudied, given the relatively rare appearance of such women in peace processes. The present study examines how men and women from the negotiating team of the Revolutionary Armed Forced of Colombia (FARC) engaged in public-facing discourse on Twitter leading up to a referendum on the peace accords in 2016. Using a mixed-methods approach that includes computational analysis and a close reading of social media posts, I demonstrate that women in the FARC's negotiating team were more successful social media users than their male counterparts and that they offered a distinct contribution to the discourse on peace, centring the relevance of gender and promoting issue linkages like the need to address LGBTI rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay I try to solve the following questions: How has the performance of community radio stations under the armed conflict? What experiences do you have around building peace and coexistence? What networks have they woven with the community and social organizations? What lessons are there for the community radio sector, post-conflict reconciliation and healing with the FARC_EP? As a methodological strategy, I travel through trails and rivers looking for communication processes and peace bets. I found that communicative processes for social transformation continue to be the basis of popular community communication. It is concluded that the work of these radio stations in the midst of the war has energized the imaginary of a peace made from the communities and their organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: this article is a Background Review that derives from an investigation and intervention with rural women in support of associative groups in the department of Nariño. It is, then, to analyze various experiences of rural women in Colombia about resistance practices that involve principles of government of the commons and that these associations are presented as resistance strategies for the claim of the identity of the rural women and their political positioning in the deconstruction of economic inequality and structural violence. Methodology: documentary review was applied in the main databases such as Ebosh, Proquest and Redylac, in order to collect updated information on the object of study, with quality criteria. Results: it was possible to synthesize three sections based on the material that was collected: 1) challenges of the peasants in the framework of the Havana agreements, 2) the associations of women farmers, 3) the ethical and political project of Social Work. Conclusions: it is concluded that, although the proposals had economic or memory senses, it is always necessary to have an integrative approach that puts the economic and the political perspective in a gender perspective in conversation with the cultural. From there, the reflexive praxis of the social worker must influence the construction of these associations in order to position women, especially in rural contexts still affected by violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Maguaré is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Departamento de Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dixi is the property of Universidad Cooperativa de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Post-conflict societies struggle with several interlocking problems that often relate to security and legitimacy. To address these issues, the international community has often turned to Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs) or Security Sector Reform (SSR) programs. In this article, the authors present different aspects of these evolving concepts and what theoretical problems each tool aim to resolve. Furthermore, a symbiosis is found to exist between the ability of PKOs to provide protection in the immediate aftermath of conflict and the long-term benefits that SSR provides through the creation of accountable, efficient and professional security institutions. PKOs contribute to creating necessary preconditions successful SSR implementation, namely a safe environment. However, four additional preconditions must be met: a common vision, external support, local ownership and donor collaboration. Inability to provide these conditions will lead to a sub-optimal implementation and a security sector reform failing to deliver legitimate and professional institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]