Search

This article examines the use of cinema by the Young Turk Movement, which played a significant role in transforming the Ottoman Empire from an absolutist regime into a constitutional monarchy in 1908. Upon gaining power, the Young Turks faced various external and internal political challenges, such as imperialist ambitions over Ottoman territory, Balkan states' efforts to reclaim lost lands, and separatist movements within the empire. This article explores how they used cinema to promote their political agenda and address these challenges. It argues that cinema was employed not only to display power and spread propaganda but also to project an image of governance aligned with constitutional ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to investigate and compare the characteristics and outcomes of top-down revolutions in Prussia and the Ottoman Empire. Top-down revolutions are distinguished by extensive social and economic transformations that do not lead to the displacement of the ruling classes. As case studies, we examine the Ottoman Empire, which was characterized by a dysfunctional parliamentary monarchy and an underdeveloped state, and Prussia, an industrialized kingdom with a functioning parliamentary monarchy. The research examines revolutionary processes and class relations and concludes that the outcome and success of top-down revolutions are influenced by geographical size, political structure, economic understanding, and class formations. The study classifies top-down revolutions as either progressive or regressive based on these criteria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the importance of endogenous changes in the foundations of legitimacy for political regimes. It focuses on the central role of legitimacy changes in the rise of constitutional monarchy in England. It first defines legitimacy and briefly elaborates a theoretical framework enabling a historical study of this unobservable variable. It proceeds to substantiate that the low-legitimacy, post-Reformation Tudor monarchs promoted Parliament to enhance their legitimacy, thereby changing the legislative process from the "crown and Parliament" to the "crown in Parliament" that still prevails in England. The break with Rome permanently altered England's political development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Müfide Ferit Tek, was one of the active women writers of the Second Constitutional Monarchy and Republic periods. Her prominent novel is Aydemir. The idea of Turkic unity constitutes the thesis of the novel. While this idea was transformed into a fictional case, motifs from Turkic mythology were reflected in the novel. In this study, the motifs of Turkic mythology in the novel were analysed one by one and the underlying meanings of the motifs were revealed. The protagonist of the novel, Demir, and the fictional case of the novel were associated with mythological motifs, and it was aimed to reveal the mythological motifs reflected in the novel of Müfide Ferit Tek, who is connected to Turkish belief and thought. In this context, the characteristic of being the protector and saviour of the nation attributed to the protagonist was explained with the symbols of "moon", "iron", "wisdom" and "number 12". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to the dominant narrative of the historical formation of democracy in Denmark, which emphasises a smooth and gradual linear transition to democracy and modernity, this paper accentuates a discontinuous and contentious road towards democratisation. Based on quantitative and qualitative sources, this article identifies four major waves of popular mobilisation that paved the way for the introduction and expansion of political rights. The first wave of popular protest began in the 1830s and culminated in 1848 with the fall of absolutism and the transition to constitutional monarchy. The next protest wave from 1885 to 1887 arose from the so‐called 'constitutional struggle' and mobilised hundreds of thousands of ordinary Danes and contributed to the nationalisation and parliamentarisation of the political system. The third wave unfolded around the end of the Second World War, while the hitherto last wave of popular struggle erupted in 1968 with the youth rebellion. The analysis shows that 'democracy' was the central issue of contention in all four protest waves and supports the main thesis that periods of intense interaction between popular protest and the state have had a decisive formative influence on the genesis and further development of Danish democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ÖZ: Bu çalışmada II. Abdülhamid döneminden II. Meşrutiyet dönemine miras kalan Osmanlı Devlet’in göç politikası, Kürt muhacir ve mülteciler özelinde karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde değerlendirilmektedir. Buna göre II. Abdülhamid döneminde, yoğun bir Müslüman muhacir topluluğunun Osmanlı topraklarına gelmesine, Müslüman nüfusun artmasına yol açacağı için olumsuz bir nazarla bakılmadığı görülmektedir. Zira çoğunluğunu Kafkasya’dan gelenlerin oluşturduğu bu muhacirler; savaş, kıtlık, Kürt aşiretlerinin saldırıları veya ekonomik sıkıntılardan ötürü çareyi göç etmekte bulan Ermenilerin bıraktıkları topraklara iskân edilecekleri için doğuda daha güvenli bir bölge oluşturulabilecektir. Bu yaklaşım Meşrutiyet’in ilanından bir süre sonra devam etse de zaman içerisinde bazı değişiklikler yaşanmış, özellikle Türkçülük düşüncesinin bürokraside hâkim olması nedeniyle Müslüman muhacirlerin iskânında İslamî bakış açısının yerini daha çok milliyet eksenli bir anlayış almıştır. Öyle ki Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda savaş mıntıkalarından kaçmak zorunda kalan çok sayıda Kürt mülteci, milliyet ekseninde iskân edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Böyle bir politika izlenmesindeki temel amaç ise göçebe-yarı göçebe bir yaşam sürdüren Kürtlerin, Türklerin çoğunlukta olduğu Anadolu içlerine iskân edilerek yerleşik hayata geçişlerinin sağlanmasıdır. Bu sayede, vergi ve askerlik gibi birtakım mükellefiyetleri yerine getirecekleri planlanmış; kimliklerini, yaşam tarzlarını değiştirmeleriyle birlikte ise faydalı bir unsur olmaları hedeflenmiştir. ABSTRACT: The present study comparatively analyzed the migration policy of the Ottoman Empire inherited from the reign of Abdülhamid II to the Second Constitutional Period, with a special focus on Kurdish muhajirs (migrants, coined from the Arabic word meaning “one who migrated from Mecca to Medina”) and refugees. In this regard, it was observed that the arrival of a significantly large Muslim muhajir group to the Ottoman lands was not viewed negatively during the reign of Abdülhamid II, as it would lead to an increase in the Muslim population. The reason behind this was that these muhajirs, the majority of whom came from the Caucasus, would be settled in the lands left by Armenians who had migrated due to war, famine, attacks by Kurdish tribes, or economic difficulties, and thus a safer region could be created in the east. Although this approach was maintained for an extended period of time after the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy, certain changes occurred over time, and the Islamic perspective was replaced by a more nationalist-oriented understanding in the resettlement of Muslim muhajirs, especially as the Turkist idea became dominant in the bureaucracy. Thus, attempts were made to settle many Kurdish refugees fleeing from the war zones during the First World War on the axis of nationality. The main purpose of such a policy was to ensure that the Kurds, who led a nomadic or semi-nomadic life, were settled in Anatolia, where Turks were the majority. In this way, it was envisioned that they would fulfill certain obligations, such as taxation and military service, and that by changing their identities and lifestyles, could become a useful element.

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present study comparatively analyzed the migration policy of the Ottoman Empire inherited from the reign of Ab dülhamid II to the Second Constitutional Period, with a special focus on Kurdish muhajirs (migrants, coined from the Arabic word meaning "one who migrated from Mecca to Medina") and refugees. In this regard, it was observed that the arrival of a significantly large Muslim muhajir group to the Ottoman lands was not viewed negatively during the reign of Abdülhamid II, as it would lead to an increase in the Muslim population. The reason behind this was that these muhajirs, the majority of whom came from the Caucasus, would be settled in the lands left by Armenians who had migrated due to war, famine, attacks by Kurdish tribes, or economic difficulties, and thus a safer region could be created in the east. Although this approach was maintained for an extended period of time after the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy, certain changes occurred over time, and the Islamic perspective was replaced by a more nationalist-oriented understanding in the resettlement of Muslim muhajirs, especially as the Turkist idea became dominant in the bureaucracy. Thus, attempts were made to settle many Kurdish refugees fleeing from the war zones during the First World War on the axis of nationality. The main purpose of such a policy was to ensure that the Kurds, who led a nomadic or semi-nomadic life, were settled in Anatolia, where Turks were the majority. In this way, it was envisioned that they wouldfulfill certain obligations, such as taxation and military service, and that by changing their identities and lifestyles, could become a useful element. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on American efforts to implement the Freedom Agenda in the Arab Gulf States, the objective of this study is to explore how democracy promoting states and societies strategize in particular cases and how do such nations harness diplomatic resources to push the democratic reforms. Following the events of 9/11, American attention increasingly shifted towards the Middle East and its efforts to promote democratic governance. The investigation is grounded in both primary and secondary source materials. The Bush Administration employed four distinct institutional frameworks for promoting the democratic reforms in the Gulf states: (a) governmental departments; (b) American private organisations; (c) international organisations; and (d) regional organisations originating from the Arab Gulf states. In order for the Gulf states to have constitutional monarchy in the near future, it is crucial to strengthen the constitutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies (OMAD) / Osmanlı Mirası Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The late Habsburg period (1867–1918) created a constitutional dual monarchy of Austria-Hungary. This paper discusses the role of psychiatry in Cisleithania, both as a developing profession and as a distinct 'policy field'. Tension between psychiatry's academic professionalisation and the creation of public institutions as signature projects by individual crownlands created complex relationships between psychiatry and politics. In federalist Cisleithania, psychiatrists became very 'political': whether employed by the state or a crownland influenced their position on policy, despite claiming that their expert knowledge was 'scientific' and 'objective'. The conflicts between asylum-based and academic psychiatrists mirrored those between the central state and the crownlands. This led to intractable delays in mental health law reform, eventually resolved by Imperial decree in 1916. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Centers of Power in the Arab Gulf States" by Kristian Coates Ulrichsen explores the topic of power within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. The book examines different types of power and authority in the six Gulf states, including dynastic families, consultation practices, institutions, representation, opposition, distribution processes, and the role of the military. Ulrichsen takes a relational approach to power, highlighting the influence of external security partners on the Gulf states. While the book provides valuable insights into the power structures of the Gulf monarchies, it also acknowledges the limits of their power. [Extracted from the article]

Gross National Happiness (GNH), a concept first introduced by Bhutan, has gained immense traction as an alternate development paradigm to GDP toward achieving wholesome global progress. In this paper, we investigate the origins of the policy of GNH, through the theoretical lens of the punctuated equilibrium theory (PET), and when and how GNH came to the national agenda. By focusing on the year 2008, that is, when Bhutan's Government transitioned from an absolute monarchy to a democratic constitutional monarchy, this paper analyses the key events that serve as policy windows and the policy entrepreneurs responsible for agenda‐setting the policy of GNH. We argue there is a major change, such as, the government changing its form from monarchy to democracy, it is a definitive benchmark as to what punctuation means. In addition to providing a definitive meaning of "punctuation" in public policy, we also identify and discuss the key methodological issues in relation PET and offer explanations through Bhutan's policy of GNH to determine policy punctuation and measuring policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/Context: This text analyses the assembly debates that preceded the dissolution of the first Mexican Constituent Congress in 1822. The research focuses on the ideological context that gave rise to the idea of dissolution. It examines the language and arguments used to defend or question the continuity of the national representative body of the First Empire. Methodology: For this purpose, the minutes of the Congress will be studied from the end of August, when the "republican" conspiracies against the government of Agustín de Iturbide took place, until its dissolution at the end of October. Through dialogue with various contemporary publications, the proceedings will be contextualised within the currents of liberal thought that fed political debates at the time. Originality: In recent years, thanks to the celebration of the Bicentennial of Independence, historiography has developed research on the period of the First Mexican Empire. However, there is still a long way to go to understand how the theoretical foundations that articulated a constitutional monarchy as the first project of a nation-state in Mexico were forged. Through unpublished sources and a reflection in dialogue with recent historiographical contributions, this article deepens the analysis of the political thought that sought to imagine an empire based on the foundations of political liberalism at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Conclusion: The idea of dissolution, far from being a unilateral decision by Iturbide's government, resulted from a dialogue between different factions and political interests. Its argumentation was always based on the new constitutional language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last years of the 19th century, architects who were under the influence of the nationalist ideas that developed in the last years of the 19th century and were strengthened with the declaration of the constitutional monarchy, led to the emergence of the First National Architectural Period as a reaction. They also considered this period as an eclectic architectural style in which they reinterpreted the facade, plan and ornamental elements of Ottoman and Seljuk architecture with Western construction techniques. In this architectural process, many public buildings, hotels, bank buildings, ministry buildings, educational buildings and residences were built. Educational buildings are an important group among the new types of buildings constructed in Konya, which has maintained its political and cultural importance throughout history. In this study, the facade and spatial quality analyses of the Sanayi Mektebi, Male Teachers' High School (Dârü-l Muallimin), Girl Teachers' School (Dârü-l Muallimat) and Gazi Mustafa Kemal, Hakimiyet-i Milliye and İsmet Paşa Primary Schools, which are among the educational buildings built during the First National Architectural Period and which contributed to the identity of the city of Konya, were examined. The authenticity and conservation values of the selected educational buildings were determined and compared with each other. According to the results obtained from the facade and spatial analyses of these samples; authenticity values are determined depending on the rate of having the characteristics of the period and conservation criteria. The fact that no previous study has been carried out in this period and group of buildings using the method defined increases the originality value of the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on growing interest in the socialist theories coming out of France. Topics include constitutional theorist and law professor Friedrich Julius Stahl entered a hall at the University of Berlin to deliver his first lecture at the prestigious institution; and explicit preference for constitutional monarchy and a growing interest in the socialist theories coming out of France.

Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies (OMAD) / Osmanlı Mirası Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I argue that monarchies, in any possible form (absolute or constitutional), should be abolished once and for all. This is because of the deeply immoral presuppositions such a system of government upholds (implicitly or explicitly). Call this 'the moral argument against monarchy'. I identify three basic moral principles that monarchy by definition breaches: 'the basic moral equality principle', 'the basic dignity principle' and 'the basic moral desert principle'. Finally, I examine and reply to three objections, including the common objection that constitutional monarchy should not be abolished because it is pragmatically useful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Communication Theory & Research / Iletisim Kuram ve Arastirma Dergisi is the property of Gazi University, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the event of the 2024 presidential election, the neutrality and position of the president play a key role in ensuring the continuity of democracy and justice. This article aims to investigate these issues from the perspective of constitutional law and comparative law. Through a normative juridical approach, this article explores the neutrality and position of the president in the 2024 general election from the perspective of constitutional law and comparative law. The data sources used come from primary and secondary sources. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be stated that the president as the people who have the right to vote and as the head of state who must prioritize neutrality towards the general election is prohibited from inviting others or the public to vote for one of the candidates. In addition, a legal comparison conducted with Malaysia, the Philippines, and South Korea found that the general elections conducted are almost the same as those conducted by Indonesia. Except Malaysia, because its form of government is a parliamentary constitutional monarchy. This means that executive power is held by the prime minister, who is the head of government and leads the cabinet. The Prime Minister is chosen from members of Parliament, who are members of the legislature elected by the people in general elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the political branding of a powerless small state, the state of Kuwait during the reign of Sheikh Abdullah Al-Salem, from 1950 to 1965. The study uses models developed by Anholt for a strategic perspective on nation branding and by Bolin and Miazhevich for tactical communication in nation branding. This study explores the use of strategic communication in an Islamic-Arabic culture to brand Kuwait as a sovereign nation. At the strategic level, it employs the components of strategy, substance, and symbolic action, and at the tactical level, it uses the components of agents, audience analysis, temporal orientation and media to examine symbolic action. Using those models and following a qualitative historical analysis, the study identifies and analyzes the efforts of Sheikh Al-Salem to transform Kuwait from a Sheikhdom to Statehood in the 1950s. Those efforts helped to deter Iraq's threat to the Kuwaiti sovereignty as well as establish a self-governing, constitutional monarchy in the 1960s. The study concludes by evaluating the effectiveness of Sheikh Al-Salem's efforts as measured by tangible outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim/Purpose The objective of this study is to summarize the challenges of Agile Requirements Engineering (Agile RE) in the public sector in republican and constitutional monarchy nations. Additionally, it offers recommendations to address these challenges. Background Failure of IT projects in the public sector results in financial losses for the state and loss of public trust, often attributed to issues in requirements engineering such as prioritization of user needs and excessive scope of requirements. IT projects can have a higher success rate with Agile RE, but there are also drawbacks. Therefore, this study holds significance by presenting a thorough framework designed to pinpoint and overcome the challenges associated with Agile RE to increase the success rate of IT projects. Methodology This study employs a Systematic Literature Review (SLR) protocol in the field of software engineering or related domains, which consists of three main phases: planning the review, conducting the review with a snowballing ap proach, and reporting the review. Furthermore, the authors perform open coding to categorize challenges based on the Agile methodologies adoption factor model and axial coding to map potential solutions. Contribution The authors assert that this research enriches the existing literature on Agile RE, specifically within the public sector context, by mapping out challenges and possible solutions that contribute to creating a foundation for future studies to conduct a more in-depth analysis of Agile adoption in the public sector. Furthermore, it compares the barriers of Agile RE in the public sector with the general context, leading to the discovery of new theories specifically for this field. Findings Most challenges related to Agile RE in the public sector are found in the people and process aspects. Project and organizational-related are subsequent aspects. Therefore, handling people and processes proficiently is imperative within Agile RE to prevent project failure. Recommendations for Practitioners Our findings offer a comprehensive view of Agile RE in the public sector in republican and constitutional monarchy nations. This study maps the challenges encountered by the public sector and provides potential solutions. The authors encourage practitioners to consider our findings as a foundation for adopting Agile methodology in the public sector. Furthermore, this study can assist practitioners in identifying existing barriers related to Agile RE, pinpointing elements that contribute to overcoming those challenges, and developing strategies based on the specific needs of the organizations. Recommendations for Researchers Researchers have the potential to expand the scope of this study by conducting research in other countries, especially African countries, as this study has not yet encompassed this geographic region. Additionally, they can strengthen the evidence linking Agile RE challenges to the risk of Agile project failure by performing empirical validation in a specific country. Impact on Society This research conducts a comprehensive exploration of Agile RE within the public sector, serving as a foundation for the successful adoption of Agile methodology by overcoming obstacles related to Agile RE. This study highlights the importance of managing people, processes, projects, and organizational elements to increase the success of Agile adoption in the public sector. Future Research In the future, researchers should work towards resolving the limitations identified in this study. This study has not provided a clear prioritization of challenges and solutions according to their significance. Therefore, future researchers can perform a Fuzzy Analytical Hierarchical Process (F-AHP) to prioritize the proposed solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Art-Sanat Journal / Art-Sanat is the property of Art-Sanat and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current inclination towards monarchical absolutism of the Thai government and politics is in essence the actualization of one of the two conflicting tendencies that have been inherent in Thai constitutional monarchy from the start. I intend to trace the political and scholarly discourse about them at some key junctures in modern Thai history. My main argument is that it had been the royal hegemony of King Rama IX that managed to maintain a relatively stable if tilted balance between the opposing principles of monarchy and democracy and keep the two opposite tendencies at bay. The perceived threat of a disguised republic under the Thaksin regime and the waning of royal hegemony led to a hyper-royalist reaction from the monarchical network that disrupted the pre-existing balance and prepared a potential ground for a virtual absolutism which has been taken over and actualized under the present regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In countries where democracies exist, demonstration and march is a fundamental right. This right is recognized by the constitution. Countries governed by democracy are obliged to protect this fundamental right of their citizens. Meetings and demonstrations can only be restricted by law when national security is threatened, public order is disrupted, incitement to crime occurs, public health is at risk, or the rights and freedoms of other members of society are threatened. Apart from that, everyone has the right to organize meetings and demonstrations without prior permission. The right to assembly and demonstration, which is considered within the scope of human rights and political freedoms, is the best way for citizens to express their feelings, thoughts and expectations about the public, institutions, organizations and the government. Therefore, the Law on Demonstrations and Marches cannot be arbitrarily restricted. This right granted by the Constitution to its citizens must be guaranteed. The Law on Demonstrations and Marches, which is one of the fundamental human rights and can be used without permission within the rules set by the Constitution, should be regulated and put into effect without being open to interpretation. The Law on Demonstrations and Marches is a sine qua non of democracy and a fundamental human right. Interfering with this right is to abolish democracy. The Law on Demonstration and March, which has a very old history, was regulated in our country with the declaration of the Constitutional Monarchy II. In this article, the emergence of assembly and demonstration marches and their practices in the Ottoman Empire are evaluated. In the article, descriptive research technique was used and the news in Ottoman newspapers were utilized. According to the findings, it was found out that assembly and demonstration marches were controversial during the Constitutional Monarchy II period and were restricted at every opportunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The advocates of opposing versions of Russian conservatism during the First World War, Progressive Nationalism and the Far Right, saw the tsar's figure as a symbolic expression of state power, and not its real carrier. Instead, state power was seen as being in the hands of the government, which could be either supported or opposed, depending upon its policies. The conservatives' participation in public politics influenced their political creed. They embraced the idea of a limitation of the monarch's influence in making political decisions, transferring the major role in this process to public officials, which were considered autonomous political figures in spite of their appointment by the tsar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Partis politiques et protestations au Maroc (1934–2020)" by Mounia Bennani-Chraïbi explores the complex and contested nature of Moroccan politics. The book presents three different perspectives on the country's political system: those who criticize the monarchy for its despotic nature and human rights violations, those who believe the monarchy has produced valuable developmental results, and those who advocate for an institutional transformation towards a European-style constitutional monarchy. The author provides extensive historical accounts and analytical insights, but the book is criticized for its use of jargon and lack of clear conclusions. Despite this, the book offers valuable research on Morocco's political evolution and its response to social mobilization. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of SPORMETRE: The Journal of Physical Education & Sport Sciences / Beden Eğitimi ve Spor Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of SPORMETRE: The Journal of Physical Education & Sport Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Humana - Human Rights Publication is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Humana - Human Rights Publication is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Margaret Cavendish and Lucy Hutchinson used similar generic strategies, borrowed from the mid-century petition, when composing biographies of their husbands, The Life of William Cavendish and Memoirs of the Life of Colonel Hutchinson. While both authors use their prefaces to frame their biographies as dispassionate recitations of historical fact, rather than defending a purely documentary regime, such pronouncements obliquely prompt readers to search for deviations from the authors' biographic agendas. This essay will argue that Cavendish and Hutchinson used the biographies of their husbands to disguise and promote political critiques that ultimately reveal the autocratic impulses of Charles II in the early years of the Restoration. Such critiques, I propose, are grounded in the complementary self-presentations of the authors. Informed by their common experience as petitioners of unfriendly bureaucracies, Cavendish and Hutchinson style themselves as advocates for constitutional monarchy and particularly the preservation of rights and privileges due to English citizens. Finally, by examining the intersection of biography and autobiography, petition and legal testimony, this essay challenges the scholarly tendency to assign highly gendered critical frameworks to Memoirs and Life of William , which are more likely to be described as wifely romances than as political treatises. [L.D.F.] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the French Revolution of 1789, a seismic event that reverberated globally, the Ottoman Empire found itself grappling with transformative changes. This upheaval recalibrated the empire's understanding of citizenship and the corresponding expectations from citizenship education. This revolutionary shift set in motion significant eras such as the Tanzimat, Reform, First and Second Constitutional Monarchy periods. Subsequent to World War I, the Republic of Turkey emerged from the ashes of the Ottoman Empire. This new state embarked on a series of radical reforms that would shape the socio-political landscape across myriad domains. It was within this crucible of change that the Turkish society's conceptualization of citizenship, anticipations from citizenship education, and the archetype of the ideal citizen were molded. This study undertakes ana analysis into the metamorphosis of the ideal citizen profile in Turkey from 1789 to 1938. It navigates the nuanced interplay between citizenship education and the evolution of this profile against the backdrop of the pivotal socio-political events of the era. Central to this exploration is an understanding of how the transformations spanning 1789 to 1938 echoed in citizenship education, the envisaged model of citizenship in the nascent Republic, and the attendant shifts in the perception of citizenship. To distill these insights, a qualitative research methodology was employed, with the document analysis method forming the backbone of the study. The trove of data amassed was dissected using the descriptive analysis method. Gleanings from this research underscore that watershed moments such as the French Revolution, the Tanzimat, Reform, and Constitutional Monarchy periods, World War I, and the birth of the Republic of Turkey profoundly influenced the traits desired in the citizen profile. The study sheds light on the dynamic evolution of the perception of the ideal citizen and the attributes they ought to embody, all shaped by the ebb and flow of these historical epochs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Monarchy is a form of government that, roughly, dictates that the right to rule is inherited by birth by a single ruler. But monarchy (absolute or constitutional) breaches fundamental moral principles that undergird representative democracy, such as basic moral equality, dignity and desert. Simply put, the monarchs (and their family) are treated as morally superior to ordinary citizens and as a result ordinary citizens are treated in an unfair and undignified manner. For example, monarchs are respected, enjoy dignity, income, opportunity, public office and exalted social status just because of their inherited office, which is due to the mere historical accident of family lineage. Hence, we have good moral reason to abolish monarchy. Finally, I briefly reply to the pragmatic argument for constitutional monarchy, namely, the argument that monarchy can be allowed to play a largely ceremonial role in the context of democracy because it is beneficial for the function of society. As I argue, societies run by presidential democracies can function equally well and, what is more, no matter what the pragmatic reasons for constitutional monarchy are, we still have stronger moral reasons against it. Therefore, it should be abolished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Statement of the ProblemThe March 1921 coup and the rise of Reza Khan, under the so-called enlightened tyranny referred to by Iranian thinkers, ended more than a century-long reign of the Qajar dynasty. Although the Qajar monarchy was transferred to the Pahlavi in 1925, the rule in Iran was practically out of the control of the Qajars since March 1921. Having risen to power with the coronation of Agha Mohammad Khan in 1796, the Qajars inherited a situation resulted from about a century-long conflict and chaos in Iran, for the rule had changed five times in less than seventy-five years: the fall of the Safavid dynasty, the rise of Afghans to power, the Afsharid dynasty, the Zand dynasty, and finally the Qajar dynasty. The perpetual riots and insecurities led to the migration of a large number of Iranian thinkers and even religious scholars to India and the Ottoman lands. Concomitant with the chaos in eighteenth-century Iran, the entire world experienced remarkable developments in inventions, discoveries, and the governance method, which went totally unnoticed by Iran and Iranians. However, the relative stability during the Qajar dynasty resuscitated political thought focused on preparing the ground for continuity and durability of the state and achieving the progress in light of the putative security, for the Iranian thinkers of the first generation (e.g., Shoushtari, Esfahani, and Kermanshahi) referred to the change in the governance method and the ensuing peace and security as the reason for progress of other countries.MethodologyThe present study uses the method of qualitative content analysis to analyze the treatises and travelogues of the Qajar era. Reading and categorizing the material presented by Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers in the Qajar era, the research relies on the theory of structural functionalism to investigate the cause underlying the transition to enlightened tyranny. The study is based on the hypothesis that the functional disruption of the social system of Qajar Iran and the ensuing inefficiency in the governance method of the Constitutional Movement had the Iranian thinkers think of a new order for the governance in Iran.FindingsA) From absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy: Conceptual development and stability of governanceFor the Iranian thinkers, the specific method of governance in Iran was the main cause of the chaotic situation manifested in the continuous change of governments, governors, or ministers, so the thinkers attended to the restoration and reform of the governance system. However, the outbreak of the Russo-Persian wars rendered Fath Ali Shah’s initial efforts ineffective, and subsequent, unremitting internal riots totally distracted his attention from the matter.During the early reign of Naser al-Din Shah and Amir Kabir’s tenure as the chief minister, an attempt was made to improve Iran’s social system and eliminate anarchy, which could bring about some changes in the short run. However, the assassination of Amir Kabir, the Treaty of Paris, and the subsequent separation of Herat once again drew attention to the governance method. Throughout the reign of Naser al-Din Shah and Mozaffar al-Din Shah, the Iranian thinkers would emphasize the need to change the governance method in order to improve the living conditions of Iranians and organize Iran’s social system.Despite some efforts, the overall circumstances did not improve from the beginning of the Qajar dynasty to the end of the Mozaffari era. Although the anarchy deepened, the attempts at reforms transformed the concept of moderate monarchy into constitutional monarchy, which fruitfully led to establishing the National Council and writing the law at the end of the Mozaffari era. The objective to introduce a solution to the functional disruption under the limited power was essentially accomplished, leading to a new method of governance in Iran.B) Persistence of functional disruption in constitutional governanceThe reports about Iran during the constitutional era prove that the panacea for Iran’s problems was not the establishment of the parliament or control of the government but the creation of a structure to implement decrees, for the constitutionalism would also lead to a new dictatorship in the absence of administrative and judicial mechanisms. From the mid-1910s, the circumstances stressed the need for an organized judicial system and a single and integrated administrative apparatus to resolve the functional disruptions, especially in economic and political sectors. The need existed because the constitutional monarchy had turned into the tyranny of constitutionalists, without reforming the functional anarchy.ConclusionApplying the theory of structural functionalism to analyze Iran’s situation at the end of the nineteenth century makes it clear that enlightened tyranny was an attempt to end the functional disruption in the four dimensions of Iran’s social system. Resulted from the constant chaos and conflict in eighteenth-century Iran, the functional disruption lasted well through the century-long reign of the Qajars, and the efforts to fix or reform each of the four dimensions failed in bringing about a noticeable and positive effect on the life of Iranians.Maintaining or creating order in a social system requires the functional adaptation of all dimensions of the social system. In this regard, the adaptation of the two subsystems of economy (with the function of provision of goods and services) and politics (with the function of allocation and decision-making) is absolutely necessary. The study of Iran during the period of the constitutional monarchy shows that the subsystemic adaption did not exist between economy and politics, so the functional disruption in the economic subsystem made the subsystem of politics conclude the Anglo–Iranian agreement of 1919 with the purpose of financing. This makes clear the very disruption in the most fundamental functioning of the system of Qajar Iran, which, following the functional logic, effected the non-adaptation and dysfunctionality of other dimensions as well.The persistence of the situation even within the constitutional governance ultimately underscored the need for something more than legislation, leading to a conceptual change of the limit of power and adoption of Japanese and German models of establishing a centralized and powerful structure to effect the reforms demanded by the thinkers. This played the role of what is known in structural functionalism as the external environment, and the coup of 1921 took place and helped enlightened tyranny take over the governance in order to fix the functional disruptions of the social system and establish a new order in Iran.