Search

To what extent was the Brazilian Academy of Letters (ABL) able to serve as an instance of legitimization of the military dictatorship established in Brazil after the 1964 coup? This article aims to examine a specific aspect of the daily life of this institution during the military dictatorship: the investiture ceremonies. We believe that this approach allows us to analyze how politics could operate “apolitically” within the ABL. We argue that ceremonies may have become political events because it showed, first of all, the proximity and networks of sociability between the conservative intelligentsia and the regime. Secondly, we identified the transmission of values in some speeches that were, at that time, those of the conservative environment. The examination of the investiture ceremonies indicates that the ABL contributed to legitimize the regime which was established in Brazil in 1964. However, this legitimization did not take place through an open “collaboration”, but by the behavior of all its members, their proximity to the representatives of the regime and the diffusion and circulation of a conservative discourse.

The aim of this paper is to examine how, in the context of the Cold War and Latin America’s National Security dictatorships, conservative Brazilian intellectuals turned to history to demonstrate the country’s ‘incompatibility’ with progressive values and left-wing government. It analyzes a selection of lectures given by acclaimed conservative intellectuals at the National War College during the 1960s and 70s. An examination of these lectures demonstrates that many of the elements chosen to define ‘national identity’ under the ‘Estado Novo’ dictatorship of 1937-45 – such as the valorization of miscegenation, a belief in the docile nature of the Brazilian people, the exaltation of work and the idea of a nation founded on cohesion and cooperation – were revived after 1964. Thus, conservative intellectuals made an important contribution to legitimizing the military dictatorship of 1964-85 by inscribing it within what they believed the Brazilian tradition to be, presenting it as the only regime capable of preserving national unity and culture against the threats posed by Marxism and communism.

Copyright of Anos 90 is the property of Anos 90 and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to analyze the relationship between intellectuals and power from the perspective of the interests and rewards that both sides were able to obtain from a collaboration. To do so, we analyze a specific case, which occurred during the military dictatorship (1964-1985), and involves the donation of a piece of land, as well as a loan to construct a building granted by the military regime to the Brazilian Academy of Letters (ABL). The analysis enables us to shed new light on the relationship between conservative intellectuals and the Brazilian military regime. In the first segment, we retrace the trajectory of Austregésilo de Athayde, a journalist who presided over the institution between 1959 and 1994 and played a vital role in this donation and in financing the construction of the building. In the second segment, we detail how this process took place and how it provides a new angle with which to analyze the relationship of conservative intellectuals and the military dictatorship in Brazil.

This article presents the result of a research on the Brazilian Academy of Letters (ABL) during the military dictatorship. It aims to analyse to what extent this supposedly apolitical institution served as an instance of legitimation for the regime. The article examines the way the “immortals” sought to build a memory of the “heroes of the Nation”. In doing so, they extolled important values to the regime as civility and patriotism. The option for this perspective allowed to restore the complexity and ambiguity of the relations between the ABL and the regime established in Brazil in 1964.

Copyright of Confluenze. Rivista di Studi Iberoamericani is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este ensayo examina los argumentos de una corriente de intelectuales conservadores que a lo largo de los años treinta y cuarenta articuló una crítica a la Revolución Mexicana invocando el espíritu de la hispanidad.Los grandes ejes de su crítica fueron los siguientes: recuperar los elementos arraigados en la tradición española que habían definido originalmente a México como nación; impedir la erosión de las jerarquías en un momento en que las masas estaban siendo demagógicamente invitadas a participar en la vida política;finalmente, oponer claras barreras a la influencia norteamericana y al protestantismo. Esta reflexión crítica se acompañó de una propuesta de mestizaje dominada por el elemento criollo, opuesta a aquella que estaba siendo impulsada a través del indigenismo y la mestizofilia oficiales. Abstract This article examines the arguments of a group of conservative intellectuals who throughout the 1930s and 1940s articulated a critique to the Mexican Revolution by invoking the spirit of Hispanidad. The core ideas of their critique were the following: to recover elements rooted in the Spanish tradition that originally defined Mexico as a nation; to prevent the weakening of hierarchies at a time when the masses were being demagogically called to participate in political life; and finally to close the way to the North American influence and to Protestantism. This critical reflection was accompanied by a new vision of mestizaje (racial hybridization), in which the creole element would be dominant, in opposition to the one which was being driven by indigenism and the official mestizofilia.

Copyright of História Unisinos is the property of Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of História Unisinos is the property of Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Conservatism is about defending the status quo; in both Germany and Japan, the status quo is the postwar democratic regime. However, while the representatives of Germany’s intellectual conservatism have come to accept the democratic status quo of the postwar period, the same can hardly be said about intellectual conservatism in Japan, despite the two countries’ similar modern histories. This article seeks to explain this puzzle by pointing to a lack of pressure to adapt and the resulting freedom allowing Japanese conservatives to take a peculiar and consistently negative view of the postwar system’s foundations, which they do not recognize as a new tradition worth building on, but rather a deplorable ideological import forced upon Japan. Based on those observations, the article makes a case for an autonomous intellectual conservatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]