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Copyright of Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Ankara Haci Bayram Veli Universitesi Hukuk Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study I propose rethinking the nature, purposes, and impacts of relations between the kingdoms of Portugal and Kongo in the period between 1511 and 1665. My main argument is that the Pact of Confederation formed by these two kingdoms was decisive, exceptional, and unprecedented. While covert attempts by the Portuguese to gain control of the Kingdom of Kongo were common during this period, the relations spelled out by the pact nevertheless endured for over a century and would have global repercussions. From the vantage point of historiography, the pact presents modern historians with serious difficulties, largely because it spells out modes of interaction that do not fit readily into recognized systems of European colonialism. Central to these modes of interaction is the significant role that religion played in defining Portuguese imperialist policies in Central Africa. In the end, the Pact of Confederation between the kingdoms of Portugal and Kongo forces historians to rethink Portuguese imperial dynamics and the modalities of their presence in Africa and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article addresses the impact of war on Newfoundland, including Labrador, while Newfoundland was independent from Canada, and the role of war in the eventual addition of Newfoundland as a province of Canada in 1949. Newfoundland’s small and scattered population meant that it was never a particularly prosperous place, although the railway embodied the hope of the existence of a real future. Locally, some fishing premises and farms performed well, but there was a pervasive opinion, expressed in the degree of outmigration, that one could not do well in the territory. Its leadership went through a number of changes, from responsible government with an elected assembly in 1855 to Commission of Government in the 1930s and 1940s. But the overriding issue was the Canadian Confederation of 1867, and here the Confederates had an overall advantage, given the Canadian welfare state of the late 1940s. After a referendum following the Second World War, Newfoundland joined the union as the tenth province on 30 March 1949.

This article clarifies the intellectual origins of Canadian parliamentary government by situating Confederation within a specific strand of liberal political thought. My argument is that the Fathers of Confederation adhered to the political theory of parliamentarianism. Though liberal constitutionalists, the Fathers of Confederation expressly defended a parliamentary political framework that they considered superior to the American system of checks and balances—one characterized by a powerful elected assembly restrained by an unelected upper house, responsible ministers serving in Parliament, and a constitutional monarch. In elucidating the theory of parliamentarianism that underlies the political project of Confederation, my goal is not only to examine a problem in nineteenth-century Canadian political thought but to ground our current political situation within a larger historical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this brief article I expose the historical conditions prior to the colonization of North America, the colonization itself together with its previous historical context and the social conditions of these settlers. Observing, in turn, how in all this process contradictions emerge that give rise to the revolution.

In 2017, the Kika'ige Historical Society, an Indigenous women's performance troupe based in Guelph, Ontario, created Tabling 150 in response to the mainstream celebrations of Canada's sesquicentennial. In Tabling 150, a group of twelve Indigenous women imagined how their grandmothers might have wanted to present themselves, had they been invited to Confederation balls, and to consider what their ancestors might have "brought to the table." In this article, the members of the Kika'ige, a settler ally performance scholar and research assistant highlight the discomfort this performance created for its settler audience and the ways that such moments of unsettling through performance can prompt settlers to reflect on the roles they need to play in conciliation. The authors consider the importance of the role of space-making in performance specifically and in reconciliation efforts more generally and conclude that challenging colonialism requires creators to offer spaces in which audience members confront their past and process the discomfort associated with inverting nationalist narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the impact of war on Newfoundland, including Labrador, while Newfoundland was independent from Canada, and the role of war in the eventual addition of Newfoundland as a province of Canada in 1949. Newfoundland's small and scattered population meant that it was never a particularly prosperous place, although the railway embodied the hope of the existence of a real future. Locally, some fishing premises and farms performed well, but there was a pervasive opinion, expressed in the degree of outmigration, that one could not do well in the territory. Its leadership went through a number of changes, from responsible government with an elected assembly in 1855 to Commission of Government in the 1930s and 1940s. But the overriding issue was the Canadian Confederation of 1867, and here the Confederates had an overall advantage, given the Canadian welfare state of the late 1940s. After a referendum following the Second World War, Newfoundland joined the union as the tenth province on 30 March 1949. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny (0035-9629) is the property of Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study I propose rethinking the nature, purposes, and impacts of relations between the kingdoms of Portugal and Kongo in the period between 1511 and 1665. My main argument is that the Pact of Confederation formed by these two kingdoms was decisive, exceptional, and unprecedented. While covert attempts by the Portuguese to gain control of the Kingdom of Kongo were common during this period, the relations spelled out by the pact nevertheless endured for over a century and would have global repercussions. From the vantage point of historiography, the pact presents modern historians with serious difficulties, largely because it spells out modes of interaction that do not fit readily into recognized systems of European colonialism. Central to these modes of interaction is the significant role that religion played in defining Portuguese imperialist policies in Central Africa. In the end, the Pact of Confederation between the kingdoms of Portugal and Kongo forces historians to rethink Portuguese imperial dynamics and the modalities of their presence in Africa and beyond.

Recent events in the world economy, such as the pandemic and the war in Ukraine, have special implications for the countries that are part of the most advanced integration group in the world – the European Union (EU). In order to face new challenges, the EU must constantly evolve, because leaving the structure unchanged could mean stagnation and collapse. The paper aims to assess the functioning of the European Union in the conditions of the new ‘post-pandemic’ reality and the consequences of the war in Ukraine, and to review the prospects for further integration. The paper uses a diagnostic approach that involves establishing the actual state of affairs, assessing it, and considering the possibility of its improvement. As a result of the considerations undertaken, it can be assumed that the stability (and even the survival) of the EU seem to be favoured more by integration initiatives referring to the neo-functional theory and federal approach rather than the confederal approach. It is justified to increase the role of the political spill-over effect and the assumptions of heterodox economics. Historical experience leads to the conclusion that failure to take appropriate initiatives may trigger the disintegration mechanism and, consequently, the collapse of the European integration project.

The aim of this study; Within the framework of numbered 6356, the approach of the workers' and employers' unions regarding the strike and lockout funds, which has a significant impact on the strike and lockout process, is to be revealed. Within the framework of the study, the statutes of 218 workers, 76 employers' unions and 7 workers' and 2 employers' unions on the website of the Ministry of Labor and Social Security as of July 2022 were examined, and it was checked whether there were any changes by comparing them with their own web pages. In this study, it has been examined whether the mentioned institutions include strike and lockout funds in their statutes, and if so, at what rate and how they are used. It has been tried to reach information on the use of the fund by communicating with the organizations that include the strike and lockout fund in their statutes. As a result, it has been observed that the labor and employer unions in Turkey have quite different approaches to strike and lockout. It has been observed that the rate of employing the strike fund in labor unions is quite low. It has been observed that employers' unions do not establish funds of this nature, although they are included in the statute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an international consensus that the two-state solution, the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza with East Jerusalem as its capital, should be the basis for the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Given the current right-wing tendencies within Israeli politics, I ask if the way to break the current impasse in Israeli-Palestinian relations might be to try to return the Jordanian factor to the equation as Alon Ben-Meir has recently proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay draws attention to some of the current conditions in Palestine as these relate to, and potentially affect, the arguments contained in Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) recent proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation. In contrast to the level of free speech in Israel, the situation in Palestine is significantly more guarded and less understood abroad. I argue that this should be taken into account in any and all proposals for conflict resolution between the two peoples. My aim is to highlight some important aspects of the proposal and encourage Israelis and Palestinians alike to investigate more deeply what is happening in Palestine in order to assist in generating policy solutions that consider the concerns and the goals of both peoples in the context of a permanent solution to their conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article considers the viability of a confederation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority with Jordan as a realistic solution to the ongoing conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinians. It presents the background and the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, with a description of the present situation in order to understand the possible solutions to the conflict. I also explore several ideas of how to peacefully resolve the conflict that is entertained at present. A special focus is on the proposal of Alon Ben-Meir (2022) about building a confederation delineated in the Spring issue of this journal. Thus, in the second part, the concept of confederation is described and three barriers to its implementation are elaborated. The first discusses the approach of presenting a rational plan, whereas in reality, participants in conflict develop a sociopsychological repertoire that serves often as a barrier to the solution. The second comment elaborates on the complex nature of reconciliation that cannot be required as a necessary precondition for the solution of the conflict. The third comment pertains to the asymmetry of the parties in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict that is a serious barrier to the implementation of the phases of the proposed confederation. Finally, I describe briefly the different proposals that are on the table at present and evaluate their feasibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a response to Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation from the perspective of a former Israeli diplomat whose roles included Director General of the Foreign Ministry of Israel and Israel's ambassador to South Africa. A long-time champion of a campaign to promote the recognition of a Palestinian state by European governments, in this piece Ambassador (ret.) Dr. Liel unpacks his personal and professional reasoning as to why he remains wary and hesitant of confederative solutions even if, on the face of it, they may be practically attainable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the World Affairs 2022 special issue which contains ten contributions, including this one, debating the proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian confederation published in this journal earlier this year. In the present article, I continue and expand some of the arguments in the previous proposal. The notion that the time is not ripe to bring an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is misguided and extremely dangerous. When and how a more conducive environment will be created to restart peace negotiations remains elusive. Even a cursory review of the daily encounters between Israelis and Palestinians in the occupied territories and Gaza point to the intensity of hatred, enmity, and utter contempt they feel toward one another, which if continued unabated will be a recipe for an unprecedented violent conflagration. To avert the inevitable, every concerned individual must do everything humanly possible to help in creating new psychological, political, and physical conditions that would facilitate a dialogue and engender a new momentum to start a process of reconciliation before it is too late. This should eventually lead to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state under the umbrella of an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian confederation, where all three countries maintain their independence and can grow and prosper together and live in mutual security and peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the failure of the "classic" two-state solution to make headway since the collapse of the Camp David negotiations in 2000, the idea of a confederal solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is being increasingly seen as a realistic political format by Palestinians and Israelis of both the left and the right. Examples and models of reconciliation and confederation are discussed in this article and certain myths, including that religious strictures are unchangeable, are challenged. The author concludes that confederation is possible, though admittedly difficult, and seems the only viable alternative to the stalemated status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a discussion and critique of Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal entitled, "The Case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation: Why Now and How?" Incorporating elements of other viewpoints and prior proposals to add nuance, I explore Ben-Meir's concerted attempt to think past the exemplary two-state model for settling the Palestine and Israel conflict and to introduce thoughts on how policy makers and common actors can apply a confederal system later on. Given the entrenched one-state reality, I argue that the liberation of Palestinians through emancipation in a solitary popularity-based nation is the most thoughtfully clear option in contrast to many years of failed endeavors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the mounting sense of hopelessness and frustration due to the steady deadlock in efforts for solving the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, several proposals have been advocated in this regard with the aim of arriving at a final solution to this intricate conflict. This article examines the current proposal of an Israeli–Palestinian–Jordanian confederation presented by Prof. Alon Ben-Meir and provides some constructive remarks on a number of themes considered in his proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay discusses Ben-Meir's proposal for a confederation and examines both the disadvantages and advantages that such arrangements can offer Israeli and Palestinians and the region in general. Briefly, the confederation proposal suggests gradual agreed-upon political, economic, military, and sociocultural arrangements that will produce a new set of relationships among governments and people in these three societies. I argue that the realpolitik approach that permeates this proposal is certainly useful as an initial step toward a reduced level of violence and de-escalate conflicts. However, it falls short of building trustful relationships and moving people in the direction of healing and reconciliation. There is no doubt that the idea of a confederation as an arrangement to transform the Israeli–Palestinian conflict carries the seeds for a holistic and transformative solution to deeply divided communities and a deep-rooted conflict. However, there are several limitations to Ben-Meir's proposal that require significant additional deliberation and should lead to further modification if its core ideas are to be accepted and endorsed by both Israelis and Palestinians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this contribution to the World Affairs 2022 Special Issue, I engage Alon Ben-Meir's proposal for an Israeli–Palestinian–Jordanian Confederation previously published in this journal and discussed in depth by scholars, diplomats, and policy practitioners in a panel at the March 2022 Policy Studies Organization Middle East Dialog conference in Washington, DC. Given that achieving such a confederation has been sabotaged over and again to date, a critical question is how do we get from here to there without upsetting the irrational passions of both sides? I suggest various practical steps and policies that might mitigate the conflict in ways that could inexorably lead to the final destination of Ben-Meir's confederation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National-conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) is seen as quite open to the innovative use of social media. Moreover, the government led by PiS is aiming at regulating social media in a dual way – on the one hand to prevent blocking by social media platforms, on the other hand to allow intervention and blocking by authorities. Regarding our findings, not surprisingly, the preferred source of information for both PiS and Confederation (Konfederacja) were digital sources. TV was the least often linked media outlet for PiS and radio for Confederation, respectively. All the linked media were national or with mixed origin, there were no links to European/supranational media. The overwhelming majority of links were websites and social media accounts of Confederation and PiS, their individual politicians or YouTube materials produced by these two groupings. Left and liberal media were systematically ignored when around 10% were common to both profiles, including FaceBook (FB). These were mostly mainstream media of diverse type (news websites, YouTube, radio, TV) and left, centre and centre-right ideological leanings. The political orientation of the shared sources reflected the inclination of populist parties and their coalitions to promote right wing discourses. PiS as a large party oriented towards the centre represents centre-right and Confederation represents radical right. The references to the media classified as centre-right constituted 96% of PiS sample and 66% of Confederation sample. The network analysis showed that both parties were embedded in two almost separate bubbles which are linked together by a very limited set of sources. They stayed in reciprocal relations mostly with their own separated structures, organizations, politicians or FB discussion groups.

No economic policy can be implemented without political influence, and politics is deeply affected by economic consequences. This braiding of political and economic sciences is clearly illustrated in a case study of the decision-making process by the United Kingdom to leave the European Union in 2016. This article reveals the role of political and economic factors instrumental in this decision and concludes with appeal for understanding and future built on mutual respect and trust.

For more than 6000 years, Yezidi have celebrated their place in the fertile region between the Tigris and the Euphrates Rivers in Mesopotamia. Now they are situated in the states of Syria, Iraq, Turkey, Armenia, and Iran. Since the formation of the Ottoman Empire (1300-1922), which was originally established in Anatolia—the location of contemporary Turkey, the Yezidi have suffered innumerable crises threatening their lives and property including numerous genocides. The Yezidi government of Ezidikhan leads the effort to form the first multi-region indigenous nations’ Confederation forming the Confederation of Indigenous Nations of the Middle East and North Africa (CINMENA). Having suffered massive genocidal attacks, the Yezidi Justice Minister Nallein Sowilo is described as having confronted the attacks on her people by the Islamic State in 2014, establishing the Confederation and initiating the effort to establish the Nations’ International Criminal Tribunal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the international behaviour of Colombia/New Granada during a significant part of the 19th Century, through its Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores. It introduces the new State as a Hispano-American regional power, especially during the first republic of Colombia in the 1820s. New Granada inherited part of this position after the secession of Colombia in 1831, but it got trapped in the hegemonic transition between Great Britain and the United States. This article is based on the review of the international treaties and the memories of the Colombian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Cancillería), on traditional legal bibliography, and more scholarship closer to the social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper argues that the traditional binary federal theory, which distinguishes between concepts of confederation and federation, is not adequate for explaining the legal nature of various unions of states. In reaching such a conclusion, the paper first defines the traditional federal theory. It presents how both the concepts of a federation and a confederation, with all their associated characteristics, derive from the old absolute understanding of sovereignty. The unitary constitutional theory, which is the only constitutional theory compatible with this notion of federalism, is also explained. Afterwards, the legal structures of two very different integrational projects, the EU and ASEAN, are examined in the light of the traditional federal theory with the aim of concluding whether these entities are confederations or federations. It is suggested how and why ASEAN easily fits into the confederal category, while the EU defies both the federal and confederal box. From the results of such an analysis, a conclusion is drawn on why the theory is inadequate to explain the legal nature of certain unions, such as the EU. It is claimed that the theory, which is based on the idea of absolute sovereignty, has failed to readapt itself to the existence of unions of states in which absolute sovereignty is wholly absent. The paper concludes with a brief discussion on how the theory should be reformed to better fit the legal reality. It is suggested that a more spectral view on federalism is needed, either some brand-new one or the one conceptualised by James Madison back in the 18th century.

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Türkiye Adalet Akademisi Dergisi is the property of Justice Academy of Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This material is devoted to a review of expert speeches at the Conference “The Constitution of Russia: Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow”, held in St. Petersburg on December 9–10, 2019. The problems of modern federalism were discussed at the conference. The experts analyzed the origins and causes of the existing state structure in the Russian Federation, its features and possible development paths; possible ways of developing the state system of the Russian Federation in the direction of federalism, confederation and unitary state; discussed current issues and features of federalism.

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper the nature of integration process within the Union state of Belarus and Russia (onwards – the US) is evaluated. Different concepts which reflect the diversity of understanding of the approaches of law nature of the US are analysed. In condition of the complications of economic and political relations the legal regulation of relationships between the Republic of Belarus and Russia Federation has special significance. Without a doubt, the actual model of interstate relations is incapable to actualize established potential without the developed legal basis. Thereby, today is highly important to find answers to fundamental issues related to the formation and functioning of the US

Copyright of Memorias is the property of Fundacion Universidad del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlamento Studijos is the property of Parlamento Studijos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study examines the ideological foundations and prerequisites for the independence of the British colonies in North America. We examine the construction of the state system, first passing through the confederate model of state organization, which is the closest to the traditions of the colonial period. However, it failed due to some "defects" of the Articles of Confederation of 1777, the main one being the lack of financial security to pursue union politics. In 1787, the Constitutional Convention drafted a constitution for the United States, with centralism and unitarism prevailing in the discussions, abandoning some of the principles that prompted the Americans to begin the struggle for independence. The Constitution of 1787 and the Declaration of Rights, adopted two years later, put into practice the ideas of the European Enlightenment, supplemented by English parliamentary theory and practice. This creates a solid foundation for the development of the United States and the prosperity of the young "nation". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]