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This article focuses on the local defense threat posed by German commerce raiders and warships operating in or near the Caribbean between August 1914 and May 1915, when the War Office sanctioned recruitment in the Caribbean for what would eventually become the British West Indies Regiment. We argue that in addition to institutional racism and other factors, the War Office's decision to begin recruiting Black West Indians in May 1915 should be understood within a larger strategic context, and ongoing discussions between the War Office, the Colonial Office, and the Admiralty, about the German naval threat to the British West Indies and the safety of Britain's overseas possessions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public sphere in India has undergone significant changes during colonial rule and the national movement, leading to its susceptibility to the recent rise of Hindutva. The current state of the public sphere in India is shaped by the ambiguities of the national movement, which were influenced by nationalist responses to colonial rule. To fully understand the public sphere, its relationship with the private sphere must be considered, as the public sphere's definition and shape are derived from this relationship. To institutionalize multiculturalism in the public sphere, it is necessary to renegotiate the relationship between the public and private spheres. Therefore, it is imperative to explore ways to recreate the public sphere in a manner that reflects the country's diversity effectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the writings of George Brown, a leading expansionist and liberal thinker in the British settler state of Canada. Studying George Brown's thinking as a non-canonical colonial statesman and thinker who helped appropriate Indigenous lands exposes the specific liberal ideas that authorized the enlarging of British settler states. Specifically, inquiring into Brown's liberalism brings out a powerful liberal theory of self-government, which he adjusted to the circumstances of expanding settler states on stolen Indigenous lands. Brown's theory of self-government overturns some of John Stuart Mill's most influential ideas, including his proposition that the legitimacy of despotism is contingent upon it being temporary and for the improvement of the colonized. Against conservative rivals, Brown argues settler communities must self-govern locally and adopt colonial policies, including territorial appropriation from Indigenous peoples. Analysing Brown's liberal thinking, developed from within expanding settler colonies, finally surfaces the readiness of liberal thought and practice to use physical and military force against Indigenous Peoples, especially as they resist the liberal policies of settler self-government and dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the case of Singapore where there are teachers' unions but industrial actions are rare. It questions why and how has educator organising, steered by Singapore Teachers' Union, transformed? Our findings show that historical, political, and socio-economic dynamics have influenced the transformation of STU. For more than seventy years, STU has been a champion, supporter, and advocate of teachers in Singapore through industrial, professional, and social unionism. We argue that the legacy of STU's struggles, throughout its contentious relationship with the colonial government and collaborative rapport with the local government, has laid the foundation that enables the development of teachers and the high quality of education that the country is currently known for globally. However, persisting residual issues surrounding teachers' wellbeing due to the high expectations of teachers and teaching call for a review of this state-labour relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IMPACT: In the UK, civil servant selection was arranged through patronage until the publication of the 1854 Northcote–Trevelyan Report, which led to the establishment of a competitive examination system for selecting civil servants. The UK may have referenced China's competitive examination system during this process. Missionaries, merchants and diplomats learned about the Chinese government's system and disseminated it to Europe. This practice was described in books, making European countries, including the UK, aware of such a system. Although the availability of related information in books provides circumstantial evidence to support the Chinese influence on the British examination system, more direct evidence has previously been lacking. Therefore, the authors searched the records of debates in the UK Parliament between 1853 and 1860 and found relevant evidence regarding the Chinese influence on the British examination system. Although much has been written about British colonial rule, less is known about the exchanges of civil service systems and the critical role played by colonial administrations. This article offers valuable insights into a long history of policy transfer among countries, often appropriating better practices, to improve public and civil services. The concept of competitive civil service examinations has existed in China since ancient times. Several books containing information on the Chinese examination system, written or translated into English, have been published in the UK. When the Northcote–Trevelyan Report, published in 1854, proposed a competitive examination system for selecting civil servants, debates raged in the UK Parliament on whether to accept it. This article reviews prior studies and Hansard's parliamentary debates to find that several members of the UK Parliament admitted that the open competitive examination was first used in the celestial empire (China). The article provides clear evidence Chinese influence on the contents of the Northcote–Trevelyan Report, which included the introduction of an open competitive examination system in the UK and many other countries, for example in the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative research examines the phenomenon of online romance fraud, exploring it from contrasting perspectives. The study engaged two distinct groups of participants: (1) fraudsters actively involved in online romance scams (commonly referred to as “Sakawa Boys”) and (2) police officers with experience in investigating and policing internet crimes. We explore the usefulness of neutralization techniques in interpreting data within the cultural context of individuals’ subjective experiences. Thematic analysis of data reveals that both offenders and police officers employ certain neutralization techniques, such as denial of responsibility, condemnation of the condemners, and appeals to higher loyalties, to justify their conduct. In particular, online romance offenders invoke higher loyalties, rationalizing their actions as reparative justice for colonial exploitation and framing their fraud as a means of reclaiming wealth unjustly taken during colonial rule. The findings suggest that participants perceive the enduring legacy of colonialism as a key factor driving the production of cybercrime. This research contributes to the scant body of direct testimonies from romance fraud offenders, which are significantly rarer than those from police officers, providing valuable insights into this global phenomenon. Methodologically and theoretically, this research contributes to understanding the global phenomenon of scammers targeting individuals worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first All-African People's Conference (AAPC), convened in Accra in December 1958, marked a pivotal moment in the quest for African autonomy and solidarity. Led by Kwame Nkrumah and George Padmore, the conference aimed to empower Africa by advocating for independence from colonial rule and asserting a distinct African voice globally. Drawing from primary and secondary sources, this article investigates the AAPC as a seminal event in the emergence of continental Pan-Africanism. It shows how the AAPC inspired hope for African agency, while also ushering in ideological and political schisms that have contributed to its ambiguous legacy. The article further contends that understanding the fluidity of Pan-Africanism requires methodological attention to its practical and political expressions. It advocates for a contextual and interpretative approach that focuses on situated meaning within historical contexts rather than adhering to a teleological definition. It argues that studying solidarity events like the AAPC provides valuable insights into the multifaceted evolution of Pan-Africanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to understand the origins and forms of legitimization of spaces "for the public and common use of the people", through a case study of the city of Salvador da Bahia and its region, between the 16th and 18th centuries. The research is based on documentation relating to municipal lands, donated by the king of Portugal to constitute the city's baldios (municipal common lands), and on official correspondence dealing with conflicts over the use of mangroves, located on beaches and riverbanks that were not included in the municipal patrimony. The notion of "commons" (or "common goods") is mobilized in its multiple dimensions: social, politico-economic and legal. We also tried to analyze the use in historical documentation of terms related to property rights with great conceptual density such as "domain" and "possession", and whose meanings change throughout the long period covered by the research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses the topic of "Syria between Partition Schemes and Israeli Expansionist Policies," reviewing the history of Syria since the 19th century and the impact of European colonial policies on the division of the region. The article indicates that the formation of the modern Syrian state was not the result of internal processes, but rather a consequence of the interests of major powers after World War I, leading to the division of the region according to agreements such as Sykes-Picot. It also discusses the challenges facing Syria today, including externally supported partition attempts, and emphasizes the determination of the Syrian people to coexist within the recognized borders of Syria. [Extracted from the article]

Colonial officials remarked disparagingly about the nature of houses and what they presented as congested layouts in Gold Coast communities. Subsequently, drawing on nineteenth-century epidemiological theory that connected diseases and poor health to defective housing and congested settlements, the colonial administration introduced measures to redesign and reorder Gold Coast communities. This article examines the connection between colonial town planning and housing measures and the politics of sanitation and public health in the Gold Coast. It argues that the colonial state's imposition of imported British town planning measures, building techniques, and housing styles in the Gold Coast and their aspiration to compel Gold Coast people to build and pattern their communities along so-called sanitary lines could not be fully realised. Thus, the extent to which colonial town planning and the accompanying transformations in African building styles improved sanitation and consequently, public health, is difficult to determine. Nonetheless, this study reveals that the local population's holistic approaches to spatial designing and planning of their communities and their building styles were somewhat altered by the colonial imposition of eurocentric town planning policies and building styles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government policies played a significant part in the development of the textile manufacturing industry in Australia. State Governments introduced incentives by way of grants for manufacturers to produce materials from locally available fibres. The effect of tariffs first introduced by the colonial government of Victoria were instrumental in the growth of the industry in that state. Changes to import tariffs brought about by the Federal Government in Canberra during the late twentieth Century had a significant effect on the supply chain of the industry. It has become clear that the supply chain was not fully understood by members of the Government or their advisers. Garment manufacture reduced dramatically and as a consequence this effected the fabric manufacturing sector which included spinning and value adding of both wool and cotton fibres. Advanced technology in both fabric and garment manufacture will in the future result in more niche manufacturing in Victoria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the pre-colonial period in India, the term madrasa denoted an educational institution teaching both rational sciences and religious subjects. With the establishment of British colonial rule in India, madrasas experienced direct colonial meddling in their administration, organization, and curriculum formulation. By redefining madrasas primarily as religious institutions, colonial policies contributed to a shift in Muslim identity towards a more confined religious framework, moving away from the broader intellectual traditions that had previously characterized these institutions. This paper critically examines the diverse colonial policies concerning Muslim education and the colonial mindset towards oriental educational establishments between 1781 and 1835. It argues that the indigenous forms of knowledge were superseded and displaced by new ‘imported’ forms of epistemes through stringent colonial policies between this period. It shows how the pre-colonial Islamic institutions degenerated due to the colonial interventions, resulting in the marginalization of the Muslim community in North India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the complex socio-political factors that hindered the growth of girls’ education in northern Ghana during the colonial and early postcolonial periods. While previous research has focused on broader regional disparities between the North and the South, the gendered aspects of educational disparity within the North remain relatively unexplored. We demonstrate that colonial policies and local customs combined to create barriers to girls’ education. In the early colonial period, the imperial objective of producing native interpreters and administrators, combined with cultural resistance to girls’ education, discouraged the provision of educational facilities for girls. Additionally, Christian missions, unlike in the South, were restricted in their activities in the North. While African agency influenced girls’ education, colonial ideology and policies exerted a substantial impact on girls’ education in northern Ghana. This article supports Diana Barthel’s conclusion that cultural and political factors interacted to deprive girls of access to Western education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1890, the growth of Eastern nations’ power was perceived as an imminent threat by broad sectors of American society, articulated under the concept of the ‘yellow peril’. This paper examines the positions of the Socialist Party of America (SPA) on this notion between 1904 and 1908, a period marked by increasing diplomatic tensions between Japan and the United States. Through an analysis of the SPA press and the minutes of its conventions, the study identifies how the party comprehensively addressed the three main meanings of this concept: economic competition from Asian immigrants, the industrialization of the East, and the rise of Japan as an imperialist power. These aspects were of great importance for shaping the SPA’s positions on imperialism, colonial policy, and inter-imperialist war. On the one hand, the anti-immigration sentiment within the SPA undermined any potential for bonds of friendship and internationalism with Japan and also affected its critique of colonial policy, which focused on the competition from native workers. On the other hand, Japan’s modernization and rise as an imperialist power rendered imperialism no longer a viable strategy for American capitalists, ultimately contributing to the collapse of capitalism due to its failure to find new markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To understand the recently enacted Indian Telecommunications Act 2023 and Indian Post Office Act 2023, we must examine the contentious legacy of their legislative antecedents: the Indian Telegraph Act 1885 and the Indian Post Office Act 1893. This legislative note aims to highlight the legal text and practices surrounding surveillance powers under both these laws in colonial and post-colonial India. Under colonial rule, these laws established sweeping surveillance powers, granting the British government absolute discretion to monitor colonial subjects and anti-colonial activists. Post-independence, these powers persisted, often used to suppress dissent. Rather than reforming this colonial framework, the new laws extend the status quo by concentrating unchecked power in the hands of the executive. Instead of being transformative and progressive, the surveillance powers under the new laws are regressive and authoritarian, completely eroding the fundamental safeguards afforded under Part III of the Constitution of India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the life and contributions of Edwin Wade Koons, a missionary and educator who played a pivotal role in shaping Korea's educational landscape during the Japanese colonial period. As principal of Kyungshin School for 26 years, Koons navigated the complexities of colonial educational policies and internal conflicts within the missionary community. A prominent figure in Korean society, Koons was frequently featured in local media, yet despite the attention he garnered during his lifetime, his contributions have largely been overlooked. This study addresses that gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of Koons' educational work, with a particular focus on his pragmatic approach to maintaining the school's operations amid challenges such as Shinto shrine worship and student boycotts. Drawing on contemporary newspapers and primary sources, this study highlights Koons' efforts in developing Kyungshin School into one of Korea's foremost educational institutions and his impact on Korean education. The findings restore Koons to his rightful place in the historiography of Korea's colonial period, emphasising his influence as an educator and his commitment to sustaining educational opportunities under oppressive colonial rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interwar period was a delicate stage in the balance of power between the colonial government in London and its colonies around the globe. Malta, then under British rule, was no exception, as its demands for greater self-determination were carefully entertained. Debates about the origin and identity of the ‘Maltese race’ had direct political and economic implications, both regarding their ability to govern themselves, and to determine how they should be categorized in the racist frameworks that imperial administrations depended on. Archaeology was inevitably caught up in these debates. The representations of Malta and its archaeology and history put on display at the British Empire Exhibition held at Wembley in 1924 may be better understood in this context. A series of previously unpublished drawings of the Malta pavilion are used here to shed new light on its design. The Malta pavilion crystallized a new and ambivalent conception of the island's identity, at once European, Christian and civilized, but also claiming a primordial ancestry in prehistory. It is argued that the pavilion deployed the past to shape perceptions of Malta, among the Maltese themselves, and among the wide public that visited the exhibition. It is further argued that the pavilion contributed to some deeply-ingrained conceptions of the past and of Maltese identity that still persist today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonial archives hold an abundance of materials about Indigenous children's lives. However, very little of the information stored in archives comes from the perspective of children growing up in colonized societies. Hence, children are clearly visible in colonial archives, but their voices are largely silent. This results in limited insights into children's own understandings of their experiences of colonial rule and the impact it had on them as children and later as adults. This paper contributes to extant literature on researching colonial childhoods by reflecting on a study which supplemented archival research with oral history methods, to directly access the voices of individuals reflecting on their childhoods experienced during British colonial rule in the Gold Coast (present-day Ghana). The paper starts by critiquing the silence of children's voices. The few exceptions to these silences, gathered through archival research, are presented before I outline how supplementing this approach with oral history methods enabled me to gain more holistic insights into children's lived experiences. As oral history methods are not a panacea, I call for an approach to accessing the perspectives of children growing up under European colonial rule in sub — Saharan Africa that systematically integrates archival and oral history methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Ministry of Italian Africa (MAI) from the initial British occupation of the former Italian colonies in 1941 until the dissolution of the colonial administration in 1953. An analysis of the strategies functionaries used to defend the imperial project in a time of crisis and transformation suggests that the colonial cause retained a broad consensus across the political spectrum, even in moments of heightened ideological division. Separated from colonial spaces, MAI officials focused on managing settler and subject populations displaced by the chaos of war. In that process, and into the postwar era, the goal of defining and maintaining racial and cultural hierarchies continued to shape their efforts. The lack of condemnation within an Italian population that remained enamored of the idea of empire, even as it turned away from the ideologies of Fascism, allowed for the imperial project to vanish in plain sight as it transitioned to the neocolonial structures of trusteeship and postimperial international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The episcopal mission of Englishman John Bale to Ireland in 1553 provides historians with a unique window into the interconnected British and Irish histories of the early English Reformation. Scholarship on Bale has long explored his life and theology in all European theatres of the Reformation in which he was involved. Yet, key features of his mission and theology remain underappreciated. Building on recent work that has contextualized Bale's Irish mission and ecclesiology within the imperial outlook of the Edwardian regime and Reformation, the article examines Bale's mission against the worlds of English evangelical and continental Protestant political theology he inhabited, and the mingling of Henrician and Edwardian 'reformist' energies in Ireland with which it intersected and clashed. It argues that, under conditions of English colonial rule and empire in Ireland, Bale expressed a political theology that, imperial by circumstance and implication, turned his spiritual vocation modelled on Christ into a receptacle for divine and princely sovereignty that set rival conceptions of royal authority, idolatry, and Anglo-Irish constitutional relations against each other. Evangelical political theology thus acquired different hues on either side of the Irish Sea, with important implications for how we understand the early English Reformation across England and Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the transformation of consciousness among the Malays in Sarawak from the 1830s until 1963. The study is completed based on literature and archival methods, utilizing primary sources such as British documents, reports, government official publications and newspapers. Secondary sources including books and articles are also referenced. The emergence of national consciousness among the Malays in Sarawak can be traced back to the presence of local resistance movements against the representatives of the Brunei government in the 1830s and the Malays' opposition to the Brooke administration's policies since the 1850s. Their resistance was primarily aimed at defending ethnic interests for survival and preserving their rights as residents of Sarawak. Furthermore, the development of education has enhanced awareness among the Malay population through Malay schools and educational opportunities. Social activities, such as the establishment of organizations in Malaya in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, also spurred the formation of religious and literary organizations in Sarawak. National consciousness among the Malay population developed more rapidly following the publication of the Fajar Sarawak newspaper in the 1930s. This development subsequently led to the formation of Malay organizations to unite the Malays and safeguard their interests in Sarawak. After the Japanese occupation, the issue of Sarawak's surrender to the British emerged, marking the beginning of political awareness and the struggle of the Malays to defend their state's independence. Additionally, political developments and elections in Sarawak during the 1950s and early 1960s further highlighted the political consciousness that was later translated into political party movements and the subsequent struggle for Sarawak's independence from colonial rule. Thus, it can be seen that there has been a transformation of consciousness among the Malays from national consciousness to political awareness. From the discussion, it is also evident that although the Malays are not the majority population, they played a significant role in the political development in Sarawak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Confucian values are widely recognized as integral to traditional Korean culture. However, some aspects of this culture were significantly altered during Japanese colonial rule. This study explored how Japanese colonial policies reshaped Korean Confucianism and their lasting impacts on contemporary practices. It employed a historical analysis of colonial regulations, newspaper articles, and primary historical documents. This approach helped to trace the changes in Confucian practices and ideologies during and after the colonial period. The study found that Japanese authorities utilized Confucian values, such as loyalty and filial piety, to promote assimilation into the imperial state, redirecting these concepts toward the Japanese emperor and government. Efforts to democratize Confucianism included repurposing traditional sites for non-traditional uses, which were parts of a broader strategy to embed imperial ideology in Korean society. Despite Korea's liberation, some aspects of this altered Confucianism continued to influence Korean politics and society. Understanding the transformation of Korean Confucianism during the colonial era is crucial for grasping the evolution of contemporary Confucian practices in Korea. This study provides insight into the origins and motivations behind cultural practices that are often misinterpreted as "traditional". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Restrictions on Indigenous peoples' contributions to policymaking pervade post-settler societies like Australia, Canada and Aotearoa. Such effects are observed in spite of agreements like Te Tiriti o Waitangi in Aotearoa and the United Nations' Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Te Tiriti, negotiated between the British Crown and Māori (Indigenous peoples of Aotearoa), may have been entered into honourably by both parties, but the Crown has consistently resisted its implementation. Contemporary colonialism is characterised by the entrenched and on-going displacement of Indigenous people's authority by settler states, rationalised by race as a determinant of human worth. Impacts include land alienation, unsustainable resource exploitation and marginalising Indigenous voices from opportunities to make policy consistent with Indigenous values and preferred ways of living. Colonialism normalises institutional racism so that public policy outcomes are persistently unjust. This article describes Critical Tiriti Analysis (CTA), an original contribution to transforming colonial policy, which retrospectively evaluates whether any specific policy document is consistent with Te Tiriti. Substantial interest in CTA from policymakers, practitioners, and scholars led to the development of the tool as a prospective guide to making policy that is consistent with authoritative interpretations of Te Tiriti, and therefore, more likely effective in producing public policies which eliminate inequities. CTA was initially focused on health policy and built on a series of questions that arise from our interpretations of the text of Te Tiriti, contemporary Tiriti scholarship and jurisprudence, and our observations of the ways in which the method is being used by ourselves and others. Although deeply grounded in Aotearoa, we argue that CTA may be transferable to other colonial contexts, such as the Australian where treaties between First Nations and the state are being contemplated, and Canada which has passed legislation to implement the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of story maps has been widely used to help overcome several problems, one of which is the use of story maps as a visualization medium for tourist destinations. Story map is an open-source platform developed by the Knight Lab at Northwestern University, this platform makes it possible to integrate historical and contemporary maps into interactive stories. Story maps are able to provide information related to tourist attractions online on a location basis. One of the cultural tourism destinations in Minahasa Regency is Kampung Jawa Tondano. This village was formed from the exile of Kiai Mojo and his followers as a result of the Java War, namely the conflict between Prince Diponegoro and the Dutch colonial government. Apart from providing information regarding Kampung Jawa Tondano, the use of story maps can be used as an initial step in developing tourist destinations in Minahasa Regency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Pan-Arab uprising against the Ottomans must have seemed unlikely in the late nineteenth century. Yet, grounded around a common language, history and culture, Arab nationalists demanded their unification in a single nation state. To achieve this aim, they allied with the British and the Entente but soon discovered that territorial and self-determination commitments made to them were not always forthcoming and were interjected with secret agreements and unilateral acts to which they were not privy. While Gulf sheikhdoms entered into consensual protectorate treaties with the British, the former Ottoman territories of the Middle East and the Levante were still contended by the imperialist forces of Britain and France. They continued to administer and exploit these through the League of Nations' mandate system from 1922 until the early 1940s. During this time, the mandates were considered fully fledged states with a distinct legal personality, albeit lacking independence. From the late 1920s onwards, the Arab nationalist agenda concentrated on the imperial and colonial character of mandates and produced a number of socio-political movements, including Baathism, which culminated in the fulfilment of the "dream" of a unified Arab state in the form of the United Arab Republic (UAR) in 1958 and the rise of Nasser as the chief architect of a new era of Arab nationalism that sought to demonize foreign control and domination in the region. Arab nationalists during the period examined in this article lacked vision, anticipation, and diplomacy and relied heavily on the prima facies justice of their claims. Despite their efforts, it is clear that they were mostly bystanders in the international law developments of that time. The article considers the period from 1880 to 1957. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document explores the intersection of Indigenous genealogies and decolonial interventions, focusing on the clash between expansive Indigenous concepts of genealogy and imposed Western notions. It highlights the importance of memory, Indigenous reclamation, and resistance in decolonizing genealogy, with a specific emphasis on the Māori concept of whakapapa. The authors, mostly Indigenous early-career researchers, offer new perspectives on genealogy, challenging colonial narratives and advocating for Indigenous futurities and lifeways. The text also delves into the autonomy and reclamation of Indigenous genealogies, emphasizing the need to break ties with colonial violence and assert full Indigenous humanity. [Extracted from the article]

Between 1906 and 1909, the Austrian-born German anthropologist Richard Thurnwald undertook an expedition to Germany's Pacific colonies on behalf of the Berlin Museum for Ethnology. There he carried out a series of experimental psychological tests to investigate the mentalities and intelligence of Melanesian subjects. Due to the limitations on verbal communication, Thurnwald privileged non-verbal experiments, especially involving drawings made by his local assistants and guides. His 1913 publication Ethnopsychological Studies on South Seas Peoples reproduces some 200 of those images, which have seldom been studied since. This article examines Thurnwald's experiments in ethnopsychology through the lens of these visual materials and situates his project within larger international trends of scientific colonialism. Despite purporting to further native welfare, his application of experimental psychology to the colonial field was meant to provide solutions to the administration's most urgent problems: pacification, labour recruitment, and a declining birth rate. Yet, as this article argues, the images he collected can also be read against the grain as documents of indigenous response to German colonial rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The settler world of colonial violence and dispossession is justified, in part, by narratives of inferior Indigenous intelligence. This dismissal of Indigenous rationality is embedded in current government policy and ongoing colonial order and reflects a fundamental misapprehension of Indigenous traditional thinking and imaginaries. This article takes up the question of how, in this late stage of colonialism and from within the confines of the Canadian settler state, the Nuu-chahnulth people can find their way back to the world they inherit from their ancestors. Is it possible for Indigenous people, more generally, to disengage from the colonial thinning of connection to their lands and traditions that embody this denigration of Indigenous capacity and cognition? The necessity of Indigenous self-critique that such a process demands in turn raises three problems: the calm waters complex, the callous warrior complex, and the convention complex. These constraints to critical transformation are explored here with the goal of transcending them to make intimate critique of the colonizing processes of current treaty processes possible. Traditional Nuu-chah-nulth concepts and practices are invoked as aid to combating ongoing imperial dominion. Squaring our collective gaze toward tradition when considering what is lawful and good allows for a "turning sideways" with respect to the usual fields of state recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Te Awa Tupua (The Whanganui River Claims Settlement Act 2017), which granted legal personhood to the Whanganui River) is often discussed as a leading example of the Rights of Nature movement, which aims to grant rights to non-humans. Rather than discussing Te Awa Tupua in relation to Rights of Nature, this article offers new data on the relationships between Māori (Indigenous peoples of New Zealand), tauiwi (non-Indigenous person who has recently settled in New Zealand), and Pākehā (New Zealanders of predominantly European ancestry) stakeholders in Te Kōpuka nā te Awa Tupua (advisory body that works to uphold Te Awa Tupua; Te Kōpuka). I argue that these relationships are positive and based on collaboration because tauiwi and Pākehā stakeholders seem to grasp Māori values. However, Te Kōpuka's mandate is challenging to achieve because of colonial and Western-minded government structures in New Zealand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of De Computis is the property of Asociacion Espanola de Contabilidad y Administracion de Empresas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper explores the background, formation, evolution and intensification of Hindu and Muslim communal identities in British India. It traces the origins of these religious identities, emphasizing the influence and impacts of Colonial policies of modernisation along with the role played by the Christian missionaries and the print capitalism. The imperialist designs and developments of Colonial government further sharpened these identities through the British orientalists, introduction of census and codification of new legal system. Additionally, the role played by Muslim and Hindu social and communal organizations was pivotal in exacerbating these divisions, often leveraging religion as a tool. Consequently, these dynamics led to the rise of Hindu and Muslim separatism, culminating in the bloodiest partition of the Indian subcontinent along sectarian and communal lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents the expression of colonial loyalty in nineteenth century Cuba as a tool mobilised by otherwise disenfranchised enslaving elites seeking to shape the island's governance. Combined with the judicious expression of fear, this paper suggests that "fearful loyalty" was deployed to influence the Spanish colonial government on the subject of slavery. Contemporary periodicals from the USA, examined here, presented Cuban loyalty as effeminate and baffling. Employing the methodology of History of Emotions to analyse private correspondence between Cuban enslavers, Captain Generals in Cuba, and the metropolitan government in Spain, this study rebuts that outsider impression. Adding depth to our understanding of Atlantic History, this article argues that fearful loyalty was a creolised emotional protocol utilised by enslavers and pro-slave trade individuals when attempting to manipulate the Crown to follow the course of action they considered most advantageous to their interests regarding slavery, censorship, and abolition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Islamic Civilization Studies / İslam Medeniyeti Araştırmaları Dergisi (IMAD) is the property of Islam Medeniyeti Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background/Objectives: This narrative review examines resilience and social reconstruction strategies implemented during the 1742–1743 plague along the Royal Road between Buenos Aires and Lima. The study explores how colonial authorities managed the epidemic and its long-term effects, providing insights into historical crisis management and public health governance. Methods: A systematic analysis of primary and secondary historical records was conducted to identify public health measures, such as quarantines, hospital construction, and administrative reforms. Sources were retrieved from archives and databases, focusing on resilience strategies and institutional responses to the epidemic. Results: The findings highlight key public health interventions designed to contain the epidemic and mitigate its impacts. These included the establishment of quarantines, the construction of temporary hospitals, and administrative adaptations. Religious practices, such as novenas and community prayers, complemented institutional responses. The study underscores the role of colonial governance in adapting under epidemic pressures, illustrating an emergent institutional resilience. Conclusions: The 1742–1743 plague along the Royal Road serves as a case study for understanding the intersection of health crises and institutional adaptability. The review emphasizes the importance of coordinated public health measures and governance in addressing pandemics, offering lessons on resilience and social reconstruction applicable to contemporary health crises. This historical perspective enriches current discussions on crisis management and public health policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Algerian Historical Journal is the property of Algerian Historical Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Algerian Historical Journal is the property of Algerian Historical Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For millennia, Indigenous Peoples and their ecological stewardship have kept culturally important landscapes open, diverse and productive. Under colonization which suppresses stewardship activities, landscape vegetation patterns shift and areas previously stewarded by Indigenous Peoples are now undergoing successional change. As a case study, we document ecological change on the homelands of the Stoney Iyethka Nations in the Canadian Rocky Mountains, where landscapes have changed dramatically over the past century of colonial management.On the Stoney Iyethka traditional montane Egnuck Wida grasslands, we analysed vegetation change on both the landscape and plot level. Using oblique photographs taken in 1924 paired with 2021 satellite imagery, we compared past and present landscape vegetation cover and assessed drivers of succession. We also examined differences in vegetation class cover and plant community structure between surveys conducted in 1981, 1995 and 2020.Nearly half (47%) of the landscape surveyed showed seral progression in vegetation class, which was not explained by topography, geology or climate warming. Grassland area decreased four‐fold between 1924 and 2021. Grassland retention was strongly related to management zoning, with greater losses in the crown‐managed ecological reserve than on lands that remain under Stoney Iyethka stewardship.Vegetation plots surveyed reveal changes to plant community composition and shifts in dominant vegetation class. In plots previously composed primarily of forbs and graminoids, shrubs have become the dominant groundcover. Declines in historic vegetation include a loss of culturally important food, medicine and ceremonial plants to the Stoney Iyethka Nations.The most likely explanation for these results is the displacement of Indigenous Peoples and their stewardship from the landscape. We demonstrate that the past century of colonial environmental management has altered ecological processes maintained on this landscape for millennia by Indigenous Peoples. Read the free Plain Language Summary for this article on the Journal blog. Read the free Plain Language Summary for this article on the Journal blog. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Colonial Reckoning: Race and Revolution in Nineteenth-Century Cuba" by Louis A. Pérez Jr. delves into the complexities of Cuban Independence, shedding light on the perspectives of those who fought on the Spanish and U.S. sides, including Black Cubans. Pérez explores the intertwining themes of race, emancipation, and colonial control, emphasizing the role of Cuban sugar in shaping the conflict. The book reframes the independence struggle as a civil war, highlighting the often overlooked guerillas who fought for Spain and their impact on the course of the conflict. [Extracted from the article]

This article considers if sport, broadly defined, can be constructed as a decolonizing practice for Indigenous Peoples incarcerated in Canadian prisons. Situating our analysis within transformative and decolonizing approaches to sport for development, we bring together disparate literatures—on settler colonialism and Indigenous incarceration, decolonization and Indigenous resurgence, and sport and incarceration—to critically analyze possibilities and limitations of sport as a vehicle for decolonization in an inherently colonial institution. Recognizing the structural constraints to such a process, we also critique the settler colonial state and criminal justice system in which many Indigenous Peoples are enmeshed. The article contributes to sport for development's ongoing engagement with issues of decolonization and criminal justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1966, the British colonial government’s Hong Kong Film Unit inaugurated its monthly current affairs film series, Hong Kong Today (1966–1974). Initially established in 1959 under the Public Relations Office and later renamed Government Information Services (GIS), the Film Unit was a publicity arm of the Colonial Government and regularly screened films for urban audiences across twenty-five theaters as well as for rural audiences via mobile projection units. Chronicling both significant and trivial events in Hong Kong from 1966 to 1974, the Today series in 1966 would coincide with the first of three years of deadly events that radically shook Hong Kong and the globe, changing the ways in which the Crown colony saw itself in relation to the British colonial government. The archival documents surrounding these film episodes, including those featuring the 1967 Maoist riots, were recently removed by the GIS from the archive of the Hong Kong Public Records Office. To keep the historical record alive, this essay explores the archival material surrounding the missing documents by examining the dynamics behind the decisions of the colonial government leadership, GIS, and the filmmakers. It unravels the 1967 riots as a pivotal point in Hong Kong’s formation during Cold War, complex colonialism, and change in government and population relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study employed an epistemological framework of ecological imperialism to highlight the environmental implications of colonial development policies in Southeast Asia. The analysis focused on the environmental justice, equity, and fairness implications of colonial development initiatives in five domains: the built environment, land, agriculture, forestry, and mining. It reveals that the initiatives were tantamount to ecological imperialism in each domain. The study is not only of historical importance as it contains lessons on the environmental implications of economic development initiatives for the region’s contemporary planners and policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article centers community archives as sources of history as well as sites of theory to map interconnected social and ecological struggles in the Niti Valley of the central Himalayas from the late nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. Tolchha and Marchha communities have integrated different ecological belts over centuries through lifeways of trade, pastoralism, and herb gathering. Colonial and postcolonial policies threatened to sever these lifeways through militarized borders, timber extraction, and the demarcation of the exclusive boundaries of the Nanda Devi Biosphere Reserve. Yet tribal communities have fought to maintain ancestral relations with land by infringing upon colonial restrictions and defying dichotomies of nature and culture through the postcolonial Chipko and Jhapto Cheeno movements. Juxtaposing official archives with community archives from Lata Village, this article argues that leaders of people's movements have sought to reclaim authority over Himalayan history and resituate rural struggles within the framework of Indigenous spatial knowledges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite concerted attempts by colonial governments to stamp out traditional healing practices, the Korekore-speaking Shona people have continued to seek healing for mental illness from traditional healers in present-day Zimbabwe. In this article, I discuss the health-seeking trajectories of Korekore people when confronted with mental illness, particularly when and why they seek out traditional healing, and the role that traditional healers play in the quest for therapy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a genre of Punjabi poetry, as a voice from the periphery, a powerful vehicle of the marginalised for the performance of collective expression and resistance against the hegemonic nature of colonial rule, charting a strong relationship between language and articulation of political imagination. The images of rich tribal culture, warriors as sons of the soil, Punjabi valour and mystical symbols were used to portray the punjab's plural landscape. The socio-economic marginality of disenfranchised individuals, created by a vertically structured patron–client network, operating in a coercive administrative framework, forged a sense of community identity along religious lines. Using religious rhetorics, community identity was converged into Islamic identity to construct nationhood. Anti-colonial nationalism became the language of a meta-project for the attainment of political independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion that popular vigilance is central to safe-guarding democratic freedoms is a key pillar of republican political thought. Yet, this conception does not translate well to postcolonial contexts without some reconceptualization. In this article, I take up the ways in which two African statesmen and political theorists, Julius Nyerere and Thomas Sankara, reconceptualize the practice of vigilance in the postcolonial context. Both theorists demonstrate that the collective exercise of vigilance is a qualitatively different political practice in the postcolonial context because citizens must simultaneously target internal domination from elites and external domination from international institutions and former colonial powers. Furthermore, they underscore that a shared political vision in the form of a national ethic is crucial for generating and guiding mass practices of vigilance. Doing so, Nyerere and Sankara articulate a distinct tradition of postcolonial republicanism that better conceptualizes the challenges of stabilizing state–society relations in postcolonial Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of organized monument conservation in India dates back to the colonial rule. The colonial conservation programme sought to exclude local communities from conservation. Monument conservation became a centralized and technocratic enterprise. Post-independence, the trend of exclusion of local communities continued, deeply reflected in the laws governing ancient monuments. This has, on the one hand, contributed to the weakening of cultural ties between the communities and the monuments. On the other hand, issues such as staff shortage and inadequate monitoring by government agencies have plagued the physical governance of monuments. Globally though, there has been a substantial rethinking around the "value" of cultural heritage and the role that local communities may play both in the enhancement of their value and in their conservation. In light of the aforesaid, the authors in this article have argued for the need to rethink the ancient monuments of India as cultural commons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]