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Cet article dresse un bilan des politiques énergétiques de Donald Trump et de leurs répercussions sur le régime international climatique à court et moyen terme. L’article passe en revue l’ensemble des mesures prises par l’administration Trump afin de dérèglementer les activités économiques et de remettre en cause les acquis de l’ère Obama. Il met ensuite en lumière toutes les contraintes, émanant des pouvoirs publics locaux et étatiques et de la société civile, qui ont parfois empêché le président Trump de parvenir à ses fins. Enfin, l’article montre que la présidence Trump laissera malgré tout une trace durable et préjudiciable en raison du temps perdu par les États-Unis et de la difficulté de rétablir la confiance avec les autres nations., Collomb Jean-Daniel. Le déni climatique de l’administration Trump et ses conséquences . In: Recherches Internationales, n°120, 2021. États-Unis : le désastre des années Trump. pp. 95-109.

Si science et littérature apparaissent aujourd’hui comme des pratiques étrangères l’une à l’autre, elles constituent deux formes de discours qui s’éclairent et s’interrogent mutuellement sur la scène culturelle et dans l’imaginaire de l’Amérique du xixe siècle. Loin de considérer la littérature comme un simple reflet du contexte ou de la pensée de l’époque, cet ouvrage collectif explore les modalités selon lesquelles discours et objets scientifiques se trouvent captés, transformés ou subvertis par l’écriture littéraire. À travers l’étude d’auteurs marquants de la période (Poe, Melville, Thoreau, Brownson, Whitman, Muir, Howells et Crane), les différents travaux ici rassemblés s’intéressent notamment à la poétisation de la science et de la technologie, mais également aux liens étroits et complexes entre foi, croyance, progrès et création ; ils soulignent enfin les enjeux esthétiques et intertextuels de l’usage de métaphores scientifiques dans des textes littéraires américains de l’époque.

This article provides an analysis of the academic controversy concerning research on solar geoengineering technologies in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and Aus-tralia since 2006. It reviews the main themes in the academic controversy regarding solar ge-oengineering: risk management, the economics of solar geoengineering, justice and equity, and geopolitics. Further, the article identifies three main groups of scholars: resolute adver-saries, reluctant supporters of research, and ecomodernists who are optimistic about the pro-spects of solar geoengineering., Cet article propose une analyse des controverses universitaires au sujet de la recherche dans le domaine de la géo-ingénierie solaire aux États-Unis, au Royaume-Uni, au Canada et en Australie depuis 2006. L’article passe en revue les thèmes principaux de discussion entre universitaires au sujet de la géo-ingénierie solaire : la gestion des risques, l’évaluation du coût économique, l’équité et la géopolitique. D’autre part, cet article divise les universi-taires en trois groupes distincts : les adversaires résolus, les partisans réticents de l’investissement dans la recherche et les éco-modernistes qui affichent leur optimisme quant au potentiel de la géo-ingénierie solaire.

International audience; Cet article dresse un bilan des politiques publiques relatives au climat et à l’environnement mises en place par l’administration de Donald Trump de 2017 à 2021. Je décris et analyse la grande entreprise de dérèglementation de l’administration Trump tout en soulignant les limites politiques, économiques et juridiques auxquelles elle a dû faire face.

International audience

International audience

The purpose of this study is to propose : (i) a new low thermal inertia mold concept for rapid manufacturing of high performance composite materials in order to meet industrial challenges, (ii) a new modeling approach for suitable thermomechanical optimizations based on the exploitation of an inexpensive finite element model. This approach relies on the three following tasks : (i) to develop a process for the convective coefficient estimation and for the thermoregulator modeling, both taking into account heating technological constrains (fluid nature, thermal power, thermal regulation, pump), (ii) to develop a thermomechanical optimization approach under stress, based on surrogate methods and optimization by genetic algorithm, (iii) to approve the whole approach using experimental campaigns allowing the comparison with numerical results., Ce travail a pour but de proposer : (i) un nouveau concept d’outillage à faible inertie thermique destiné à la transformation rapide des composites hautes performances visant à répondre aux enjeux industriels, (ii) une nouvelle approche du dimensionnement et de l’optimisation thermique de l’outillage basée sur l’exploitation d’un modèle éléments finis peu coûteux. La démarche s’appuie sur trois axes principaux : (i) mettre en place un processus permettant d’estimer le coefficient convectif et de modéliser le thermorégulateur avec la prise en compte des données technologiques du système de chauffe (fluide, puissance thermique, régulation, pompe),(ii) développer une démarche d’optimisation thermomécanique sous contrainte, reposant sur des méthodes de métamodélisation et d’optimisation par algorithme génétique, (iii) qualifier la démarche complète à l’aide de campagnes expérimentales permettant la confrontation aux résultats numériques.

International audience; In order to be able to meet industries expectations, especially aeronautical and automotive industries, in terms of production rate, aspect and structural quality for high performance composite injected parts, it is necessary to produce reactive and thermally efficient molds. The objective of this study is to lead a thermomechanical optimization on an innovative low thermal inertia mold with rectangular heating channels. The optimized structure is compared with a reference : a massive conventional mold with circular heating channels. The finite elements model setting up for this study take into account technological constraints related to pressure drop and the use of a pump for fluid circulation. Obtained results highlight the importance of taking into account these technological constraints in the mold design. Thus, according to the choosen heating technology, water or oil heating, the optimized model of the low thermal inertia mold and with rectangular heating channels allows a reduction of the heating time by a factor of 2 for water heating and by a factor of 8.5 for oil heating.

International audience; Current molding processes for high performance composite materials do not meet future expectations of composite manufacturers in terms of cadence, particularly for aeronautics and automotive [1]. Researches are currently being carried out on resin, reinforcements and process automation, with the aim of increasing composite production line productivity for being competitive in terms of cost-quality-cadence. However, current molds are designed according to rules from the field of plastic injection, which leads to massive structures and low thermal performances [2]. For efficiency on the complete production line, it is essential to conduct research on molds to increase their thermomechanical responses. In a previous study [3], it was demonstrated that the transition from circular to rectangular heating channels, with consideration of technological aspects (pump and pressure drops) could significantly increase heating rates of the structure. The main purpose of this study is to experimentally validate thermal performances of an innovative low inertia mold with rectangular channels compared to a massive reference RTM mold as presented in Figure 1.

This article sheds light on the ideological reasons for the Republicans’ refusal to take decisive action about climate change. Arguments by conservative and libertarian think tanks, which give the GOP ideas and policy proposals, are placed in the larger context of the high polarization of current US politics. A handful of dissenting voices have been trying to make themselves heard within the libertarian and conservative movements, while most Republican officials remain staunchly committed to US national sovereignty and openly hostile to the regulatory state, hence refusing adamantly any compromise on climate policy. This article highlights the ideological complexities of climate skepticism while demonstrating its place within the context of a political scene where Democrats and Republicans cooperate less and less frequently and where opportunities for obstruction abound., Cet article tente de mettre en lumière les ressorts idéologiques de l’hostilité du parti républicain à des politiques volontaristes en matière climatique, tout en plaçant l’argumentaire déployé par les think tanks conservateurs et libertariens qui alimentent ce parti en idées dans le contexte de la forte polarisation de la vie politique américaine. Malgré l’existence de voix dissidentes au sein des mouvements conservateur et libertarien, l’hostilité à l’égard de l’État régulateur et la volonté de préserver totalement la souveraineté nationale américaine incitent la grande majorité des élus républicains à refuser tout compromis sur la question climatique. L’article permet de saisir l’argumentaire climato-sceptique dans sa complexité et de mesurer son importance dans un contexte où les deux grands partis coopèrent de plus en plus rarement et peuvent faire usage de nombreux mécanismes d’obstruction.

International audience

Cet article a pour objectif d’analyser les attitudes des conservateurs et des libertariens américains à l’égard des politiques publiques de protection de l’environnement aux États-Unis en étudiant particulièrement le cas de l’Arctic National Wildlife Refuge en Alaska. La défense de ce gigantesque refuge est devenue une source de tensions entre les environnementalistes et les partisans du marché libre. Cet article se propose de déconstruire l’origine de la position de la Droite américaine, et surtout d’en examiner les implications pour les zones protégées aux États-Unis, en utilisant les publications et les prises de position publiques des principaux think tanks conservateurs et libertariens, très actifs sur ces questions. Les partisans de l’ouverture du refuge à l’exploitation pétrolière ne cherchent pas seulement à ouvrir le refuge ; ils entendent surtout remettre en cause le bien-fondé de l’intervention de l’État fédéral en plaidant pour la suppression des régulations environnementales et la privatisation quasi-totale du domaine public. D’autre part, leur argumentaire semble s’inscrire dans le cadre et l’esprit de la société technicienne telle que l’a décrite Jacques Ellul : tout ce qui peut être exploité par le biais de la technique doit l’être. This article analyzes the attitudes of American conservatives and libertarians with regard to federal conservationist policies in the United States, taking the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) in Alaska as a case study. ANWR is a huge tract of land located in the northeastern part of Alaska. Since 1960 it has enjoyed wilderness status, that is to say, the highest degree of protection for federal lands in the United States. Its size was vastly increased when Congress passed the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA) in 1980. Since then, the 1002 area, which is located in the northern part of the Refuge and which contains large reserves of petroleum, has become a major bone of contention pitting environmentalists against free-marketers. The former want the Refuge to remain inviolate whilst the latter push for the immediate opening of the 1002 area to oil drilling. This article sheds light on the reasons for the positions held by the American Right, and moreover looks at its implications for federally preserved areas in the United States by examining the publications on ANWR by the main conservative and libertarian think tanks which have developed a genuine interest in this issue. Since the 1970s, various think tanks like the Heritage Foundation, have often been financed by well-heeled corporate interests and have acted as the ideological arsenal of the American Right on all topics which US elected officials can be expected to discuss. In the specific case of ANWR, as in many others, conservative and libertarian think tanks provide Republican members of Congress, and some Alaska Democrats, with economic, technical, and scientific arguments to justify opening the Refuge. Opening the Refuge is not the free-marketers’ only priority : they also intend to call into question the justification for federal interventionism by calling for an end to environmental regulations and the almost total privatization of federally-owned lands. In point of fact, the repeated attempts made by the American Right to bring about the opening of ANWR to oil drilling ought to be understood in the larger context of the conservative backlash against the regulatory apparatus spawned by Congress (Clean Air Acts, Clean Waters Acts, National Environmental Policy Act…) and the Executive Branch (Environmental Protection Agency) during the two decades prior to Ronald Reagan’s election to the presidency in 1980. Through the use of think tanks and political lobbying, some powerful corporate and ideological interests are trying, in the name of free enterprise to undermine, if not do away with, the regulations, standards, and constraints imposed by the federal government on economic activities. The sheer strength of the so-called climate denial movement in the United States bears testimony to the intentions and determination of the critics of the regulatory state. From their perspective, the notion that oil reserves be outside the purview of commercial exploitation makes no economic sense. As environmentalists have elected to turn ANWR into a litmus test for the defence of the entire US preservationist system, this controversy has become a cause célèbre that crystallizes the ideological showdown between free-marketers and environmentalists. This article does not just concern itself with the economic dimension of the controversy. In addition to the economic analysis, it probes into the meaning ascribed to technological progress by the proponents of oil drilling in ANWR. Their rhetoric appears to support the framework of the technological society as described by French philosopher Jacques Ellul : all resources that can be exploited technologically have to be exploited. The American preservationist ideal, which came into being in the second half of the 19th century, hinges on the idea that exceptions must be imposed to the domination of technology over the world. Although they do not lay out a radical critique of the technological society, the preservationists do demand that certain exceptional places be exempted from the drive for maximum efficiency that informs the technological society. They usually rest their case on aesthetic, spiritual, or cultural arguments. By discarding the preservationist rationale fundamentally and completely, the conservative proponents of the opening of ANWR have come to epitomise the technological ethos. In so doing, they are jeopardizing the American legacy of preservation as a whole.

Le mot anthropocène a été proposé en 2000 par le géochimiste néerlandais Paul Crutzen, célèbre pour sa contribution majeure à la protection de la couche d’ozone à l’occasion d’un colloque du programme international Géosphère-Biosphère organisé à Cuernavaca au Mexique. Selon Crutzen, les activités humaines ont aujourd’hui pris une ampleur telle que l’humanité s’est muée en force géologique au sens propre du terme. Pour les tenants de la thèse de l’anthropocène, il s’agit, comme l’explique Chri...

The issue of MATTE project is to propose an innovative process using perfectly controlled technologies for the production of structural composites high speed high performance with continuous fibers and thermoplastic resins (composites TPFC) or thermoset. This system is one of the techniques known as Heat & Cool, well known in the field of plastic injection. The aim of this technology is to extend these techniques to the field of structural composites. Compared to existing resources, this process will integrate in production: new monitoring functions, reduce energy consumption by about 80%, peripheral investments by 30% and to pursue a complete cycle time of less than 3 minutes. The similar method in the existing composite is the RTM, however, it is high energy consumption technology and do not allow high production rate. It is therefore the reference to quantify the performance of the MATTE technology; L’enjeu du projet MATTE est de proposer à terme un mode de transformation novateur utilisant des technologies parfaitement maîtrisées, pour la production haute cadence de structures composites hautes performances à fibres continues et résines thermoplastiques (composites TPFC) ou thermodure. Ce système fait partie des techniques dites Heat&Cool, bien connues dans le domaine de l’injection plastique. Il s’agit ici d’étendre ces techniques au domaine des matériaux composites structuraux. Par rapport aux moyens existant, ce procédé permettra d’intégrer en production : de nouvelles fonctions de contrôle, de réduire les consommations énergétique de l’ordre de 80%, les investissements périphériques de 30% et de tendre vers un temps de cycle complet inférieur à 3 minutes. Le procédé similaire dans les composite déjà existant est le RTM lourd, cependant il est très énergivore et ne permet de faire que de la moyen cadence dû à des cycles de cuisson assez long. Il est donc la référence pour quantifier les performances de la technologie MATTE

The purpose of this study is to propose : (i) a new low thermal inertia mold concept for rapid manufacturing of high performance composite materials in order to meet industrial challenges, (ii) a new modeling approach for suitable thermomechanical optimizations based on the exploitation of an inexpensive finite element model. This approach relies on the three following tasks : (i) to develop a process for the convective coefficient estimation and for the thermoregulator modeling, both taking into account heating technological constrains (fluid nature, thermal power, thermal regulation, pump), (ii) to develop a thermomechanical optimization approach under stress, based on surrogate methods and optimization by genetic algorithm, (iii) to approve the whole approach using experimental campaigns allowing the comparison with numerical results.; Ce travail a pour but de proposer : (i) un nouveau concept d’outillage à faible inertie thermique destiné à la transformation rapide des composites hautes performances visant à répondre aux enjeux industriels, (ii) une nouvelle approche du dimensionnement et de l’optimisation thermique de l’outillage basée sur l’exploitation d’un modèle éléments finis peu coûteux. La démarche s’appuie sur trois axes principaux : (i) mettre en place un processus permettant d’estimer le coefficient convectif et de modéliser le thermorégulateur avec la prise en compte des données technologiques du système de chauffe (fluide, puissance thermique, régulation, pompe),(ii) développer une démarche d’optimisation thermomécanique sous contrainte, reposant sur des méthodes de métamodélisation et d’optimisation par algorithme génétique, (iii) qualifier la démarche complète à l’aide de campagnes expérimentales permettant la confrontation aux résultats numériques.

International audience

The aim of this article is to demonstrate that Donald Trump’s commitment to climate skepticism and his hostility toward the very idea of a proactive federal apparatus of environmental regulation do not mark a departure from Republican and conservative orthodoxy but, rather, signal his adherence to positions developed and refined by the libertarian and free-market conservative think tanks that have been supplying the Republican Party with ideas and policy proposals since the 1970s. The article underscores the high degree of continuity between President Trump’s approach to climate change and the environmental policies implemented by his Republican predecessors since Ronald Reagan, which have revolved around a preference for market solutions over government regulations, deep mistrust of environmental multilateralism, efforts to increase fossil fuel production on public lands, and attempts to restrict access to environmental and climate data. Cet article a pour but de démontrer que, loin de l’éloigner du Parti républicain et du mouvement conservateur contemporains, le climato-scepticisme de Donald Trump et son hostilité à l’égard d’un appareil fédéral de régulation environnementale puissant soulignent l’adhésion du nouveau président américain aux idées et propositions que les think tanks conservateurs et libertariens américains fournissent au Parti républicain depuis les années 1970. L’article souligne la forte continuité entre la politique climatique de Donald Trump et les politiques environnementales que ses prédécesseurs républicains ont mis en place depuis Ronald Reagan. Ces politiques s’appuient sur une priorité donnée aux mécanismes du marché au détriment des régulations étatiques, une méfiance à l’égard du multilatéralisme environnemental ainsi qu’une volonté de soutenir la production d’énergies fossiles dans le domaine public fédéral et de restreindre l’accès aux données climatiques.

The issue of MATTE project is to propose an innovative process using perfectly controlled technologies for the production of structural composites high speed high performance with continuous fibers and thermoplastic resins (composites TPFC) or thermoset. This system is one of the techniques known as Heat & Cool, well known in the field of plastic injection. The aim of this technology is to extend these techniques to the field of structural composites. Compared to existing resources, this process will integrate in production: new monitoring functions, reduce energy consumption by about 80%, peripheral investments by 30% and to pursue a complete cycle time of less than 3 minutes. The similar method in the existing composite is the RTM, however, it is high energy consumption technology and do not allow high production rate. It is therefore the reference to quantify the performance of the MATTE technology, L’enjeu du projet MATTE est de proposer à terme un mode de transformation novateur utilisant des technologies parfaitement maîtrisées, pour la production haute cadence de structures composites hautes performances à fibres continues et résines thermoplastiques (composites TPFC) ou thermodure. Ce système fait partie des techniques dites Heat&Cool, bien connues dans le domaine de l’injection plastique. Il s’agit ici d’étendre ces techniques au domaine des matériaux composites structuraux. Par rapport aux moyens existant, ce procédé permettra d’intégrer en production : de nouvelles fonctions de contrôle, de réduire les consommations énergétique de l’ordre de 80%, les investissements périphériques de 30% et de tendre vers un temps de cycle complet inférieur à 3 minutes. Le procédé similaire dans les composite déjà existant est le RTM lourd, cependant il est très énergivore et ne permet de faire que de la moyen cadence dû à des cycles de cuisson assez long. Il est donc la référence pour quantifier les performances de la technologie MATTE

International audience

With Shrinking the Earth, Donald Worster makes yet another remarkable addition to an already long list of major books on US environmental history. The book is sure to be an engaging and instructive read for both environmental historians and readers not yet familiar with this branch of history. It is divided into three parts, each composed of three chapters and a concluding section titled ‘Field Trip’. In the prologue Worster lays out the main thesis of the book, which he calls the theory of t...

Recension de Donald Worster, Shrinking the Earth: The Rise and Decline of American Abundance pour la revue Miranda

International audience

International audience; This article analyzes the attitudes of American conservatives and libertarians with regard to federal conservationist policies in theUnited States, taking the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) in Alaska as a case study. ANWR is a huge tract of land located inthe northeastern part of Alaska. Since 1960 it has enjoyed wilderness status, that is to say, the highest degree of protection for federallands in the United States. Its size was vastly increased when Congress passed the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act(ANILCA) in 1980. Since then, the 1002 area, which is located in the northern part of the Refuge and which contains large reserves ofpetroleum, has become a major bone of contention pitting environmentalists against free-marketers. The former want the Refuge toremain inviolate whilst the latter push for the immediate opening of the 1002 area to oil drilling. This article sheds light on the reasonsfor the positions held by the American Right, and moreover looks at its implications for federally preserved areas in the United Statesby examining the publications on ANWR by the main conservative and libertarian think tanks which have developed a genuineinterest in this issue. Since the 1970s, various think tanks like the Heritage Foundation, have often been financed by well-heeledcorporate interests and have acted as the ideological arsenal of the American Right on all topics which US elected officials can beexpected to discuss. In the specific case of ANWR, as in many others, conservative and libertarian think tanks provide Republicanmembers of Congress, and some Alaska Democrats, with economic, technical, and scientific arguments to justify opening theRefuge. Opening the Refuge is not the free-marketers’ only priority: they also intend to call into question the justification for federalinterventionism by calling for an end to environmental regulations and the almost total privatization of federally-owned lands. Inpoint of fact, the repeated attempts made by the American Right to bring about the opening of ANWR to oil drilling ought to beunderstood in the larger context of the conservative backlash against the regulatory apparatus spawned by Congress (CleanAir Acts, Clean Waters Acts, National Environmental Policy Act…) and the Executive Branch (Environmental Protection Agency)during the two decades prior to Ronald Reagan’s election to the presidency in 1980. Through the use of think tanks and politicallobbying, some powerful corporate and ideological interests are trying, in the name of free enterprise to undermine, if not doaway with, the regulations, standards, and constraints imposed by the federal government on economic activities. The sheerstrength of the so-called climate denial movement in the United States bears testimony to the intentions and determination of thecritics of the regulatory state. From their perspective, the notion that oil reserves be outside the purview of commercial exploitationmakes no economic sense. As environmentalists have elected to turn ANWR into a litmus test for the defence of the entire USpreservationist system, this controversy has become a cause célèbre that crystallizes the ideological showdown between freemarketersand environmentalists. This article does not just concern itself with the economic dimension of the controversy. In additionto the economic analysis, it probes into the meaning ascribed to technological progress by the proponents of oil drilling in ANWR.Their rhetoric appears to support the framework of the technological society as described by French philosopher Jacques Ellul: allresources that can be exploited technologically have to be exploited. The American preservationist ideal, which came into beingin the second half of the 19th century, hinges on the idea that exceptions must be imposed to the domination of technology overthe world. Although they do not lay out a radical critique of the technological society, the preservationists do demand that certainexceptional places be exempted from the drive for maximum efficiency that informs the technological society. They usually resttheir case on aesthetic, spiritual, or cultural arguments. By discarding the preservationist rationale fundamentally and completely,the conservative proponents of the opening of ANWR have come to epitomise the technological ethos. In so doing, they arejeopardizing the American legacy of preservation as a whole.; Cet article a pour objectif d’analyser les attitudes des conservateurs et des libertariens américains à l’égard des politiquespubliques de protection de l’environnement aux États-Unis en étudiant particulièrement le cas de l’Arctic National Wildlife Refugeen Alaska. La défense de ce gigantesque refuge est devenue une source de tensions entre les environnementalistes et les partisansdu marché libre. Cet article se propose de déconstruire l’origine de la position de la Droite américaine, et surtout d’en examinerles implications pour les zones protégées aux États-Unis, en utilisant les publications et les prises de position publiques des principauxthink tanks conservateurs et libertariens, très actifs sur ces questions. Les partisans de l’ouverture du refuge à l’exploitation pétrolièrene cherchent pas seulement à ouvrir le refuge ; ils entendent surtout remettre en cause le bien-fondé de l’intervention de l’Étatfédéral en plaidant pour la suppression des régulations environnementales et la privatisation quasi-totale du domaine public.D’autre part, leur argumentaire semble s’inscrire dans le cadre et l’esprit de la société technicienne telle que l’a décrite JacquesEllul : tout ce qui peut être exploité par le biais de la technique doit l’être.

International audience; This article assesses the validity of the hypothesis of the culture wars and takes the political controversy over climate change as its case study. It is currently a well-established scientific fact that climate change is real and man-made and that it will have far-reaching detrimental repercussions across the globe should nothing be done to slow down its progress. In the US political arena, however, the fight is far from over, prompting commentators to describe this political controversy as a new front in the American culture wars as analyzed by James Davison Hunter in the early 1990s. This article ultimately examines this culture war as a way of portraying the state of US public opinion and tests the theories of political scientist Morris P. Fiorina which question the validity of such an approach. lt thus seeks to demonstrate the clear discrepancy between the political class and public opinion as a whole as far as climate change is concerned, and concludes by suggesting that the culture war approach may remain relevant if applied, in a more limited fashion, only to the political class.

John Muir fut un aventurier, un écrivain de la nature et un activiste américain né en Écosse. Il est considéré aujourd'hui comme l'un des pères fondateurs du mouvement environnementaliste américain mais aussi comme une figure importante de l'histoire californienne. Il a notamment contribué à rendre célèbre le parc national de Yosemite. Cet ouvrage se divise en quatre volets qui présentent la pensée et la vie de John Muir dans ses dimensions scientifique et littéraire, religieuse, géographique, et enfin politique. Comment bien habiter le monde? Comment interagir avec le reste du vivant? Quelles sont les modalités de l'usage raisonnable? Quels usages convient-t-il de proscrire? Telles sont les questions qui occupent Muir tout au long de sa vie. Ces questions demeurent encore aujourd'hui l'horizon de l'environnementalisme américain. L'intérêt de cet ouvrage est donc double. Il permet d'une part de narrer les origines du mouvement environnementaliste américain, à travers les combats autour de la création des premiers parcs nationaux et les prémices de la science écologique sur le sol américain. Il constitue d'autre part le premier ouvrage consacré à John Muir en langue française.

International audience

International audience; Although it appears to have petered out in the early 1970s, the counter culture of the previous decade modified many aspects of American life beyond recognition. As a matter of fact, there is a wealth of evidence to suggest that its transformative effects are still being felt in American society today. The ideas nurtured by the counter culture have deeply affected the institution of the family, the education system, and the definition of gender roles, to name only the most frequently debated cases. It should come as no surprise, therefore, that American environmentalism was no exception. Indeed, the American environmental movement as it has unfolded since the 1970s bears little resemblance to its earlier version. Up until the 1960s, American environmentalism had been dominated by small-sized, rather exclusive and conservative organizations, like the Sierra Club, whose main focus had been wilderness preservation. By contrast, contemporary American environmentalism has now turned into a mass movement whose membership ranges from old-style nature lovers to radical anti-capitalist activists. Contemporary environmentalists now concern themselves not just with wilderness preservation but also with quality-of-life issues, the effects of high consumption and of the so-called American way of life, and pollution. Such a shift in style and objectives begs several important questions: in what way did the counter culture of the 1960s reshape and redefine American environmentalism? More important still, why were the ideas advocated by the counter-culturists so easily integrated into the environmental agenda? Put differently, one may wonder whether the rapprochement between counter-cultural thinking and environmental activism was inevitable. Answering these questions may help one identify and grasp the philosophical meaning of the counter culture, and its implications within the larger context of American society.