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Although charter schools are frequently afforded flexibility from many state laws that govern traditional public schools, a growing number of charter school teachers have now unionized and introduced collective bargaining to the charter sector. Using data from a detailed content analysis of teacher CBAs from California, we compare the restrictiveness of CBAs in 75 unionized charter bargaining units to the restrictiveness of CBAs in 31 nearest neighbor traditional public school district bargaining units. We find that independent charter CBAs are much more flexible than the CBAs of traditional public school districts, but charter school CBAs of bargaining units combined with traditional public school districts are comparably restrictive.

The study focus mainly on the cognizance of collective bargaining and its benefits in relation to teacher's welfare and working condition in public secondary school in Delta State, Nigeria. Two research questions were asked and answered in regard to the extent of awareness of Delta State public secondary school teachers of the principle of collective bargaining and the benefits of collective bargaining in public secondary school in Delta State. One hundred and twelve teachers were randomly selected from fourteen secondary schools in Delta Central Senatorial District in Delta State, Nigeria. The questionnaire which was rated on a five point Likert Scale was administered as the main instrument and the reliability coefficient was 0.90. Descriptive statistical procedures were employed in the analysis of data. The study revealed that the awareness of collective bargaining in public secondary school in Delta State was moderate as the respondents were not all members of the teachers' union. The resolution of issues relating to better working conditions, welfare, promotion, recognition and reward of staff were done through collective bargaining. Furthermore, some of the benefits revealed from findings of the study were better working condition, staff welfare, recognition and promotion. The study recommends that teachers should have better and clear understanding of collective bargaining; finding out their grievances and discussing various issues leading to addressing general school disputes and not just focusing on wage increment only.

The purpose of the paper is to understand why academics' main association and trade union in England (University and College Union-UCU) is not stronger in its representation capacity, deepening knowledge regarding its role in the wider higher education sector. UCU operates in an adversarial context, claiming itself to be academics' main voice. However, UCU, as an association/union of academics, does not have a monopoly on representation, nor is the representation that it offers consistently strong. Applying a "Multiple Logics" perspective to this under-investigated topic within higher education, findings suggest that UCU is hampered by: 1) an increasingly heterogeneous academic workforce, resulting in contrasting interests; 2) an overriding cascade of managerialism in all ranks; 3) a widespread soloist mentality among academics; 4) an understanding of one's profession as in contrast with the idea of mobilization; 5) internal ideological conflicts among UCU activists.

Across the country, paraprofessionals in cities are primarily Black and Latina women, and they are far more likely than teachers to live in the district and even the school zone where they work. However the percentages of Black teachers in major city school districts across the nation have declined, while the percentages of census-designated Hispanic teachers have broadly held constant. At the same time, many of these districts have served a majority of Black and Latinx students since the 1960s, when educators, policymakers, and teachers unions first began building and fighting for para-to-teacher pathways. Nick Juravich argues that this is a strategy with a long history and tremendous potential for developing a more diverse teacher corps and connecting teachers and their unions with the communities they serve. Paraprofessionals have long sought opportunities to become teachers. Teaching jobs have offered paths to economic stability to working people for over a century, but beyond the economics, paraprofessionals are already educators. They have intimate, firsthand knowledge of what makes a classroom successful and every reason to believe they could succeed as teachers.

Employing an institutional logics framework and critical discourse analysis, this study examines the discourse of participants in a stakeholder-feedback meeting about a proposal by the Denver Public School board to extend collective bargaining rights to teachers in the district's innovation schools. The findings provide insight into the logics that control how teacher unions and collective bargaining agreements are understood by proponents of autonomous schools and portrayed to the general public through media. The analysis explores how connections to power and status allowed some stakeholder groups to influence the board to revise the policy to one more favorable toward market-oriented school reform. In this case, the dominant narrative that emerged from the stakeholder feedback cycle was one in which the collective bargaining rights of teachers were positioned as a threat to autonomous schools' ability to provide "what's best for kids" in their classrooms.

Purpose: The unanticipated changes in state legislation in Idaho, Indiana, Michigan, Tennessee, and Wisconsin in 2011-12 significantly restricted or entirely prohibited the collective bargaining rights of teachers. Considering these institutional changes as a natural experiment, we examine the causal impact of weakening teacher unionization on districts' spending on teacher compensation. Research Methods/Approach: We merge two nationally representative data sets from the United States: the Local Education Agency (School Districts) Finance Survey (F-33) and the Stanford Education Data Archive (SEDA) in 2009-16. We identify the effect of the institutional changes regarding teachers' unions by employing a difference-in-difference estimation and synthetic control method, exploiting district-level national data on spending on teacher compensation. Findings: We find that the antiunion institutional changes substantially reduced districts' spending on both teacher salaries and benefits. The negative impact is larger for the districts located at the bottom of the distribution of spending than for districts at the top. Implications: Our study suggests that the antiunion legal changes will raise income inequality among teachers, and the increased inequality in compensation among teachers may translate into greater performance gaps between students, if teachers receiving lower compensation are more likely to quit teaching or to move to districts that pay more. Therefore, the negative effects of the antiunion legal changes be even greater in the long run if the current trends persist.

A growing body of research has documented the uneven distribution of teacher quality across and within school districts. This paper focuses on the effect of the seniority-based transfer rules in collective bargaining agreements (CBAs) on teacher sorting. Specifically, as the seniority-preferred transfer rules in CBAs allow the more experienced teachers to transfer to more desirable positions, these rules can interfere with teacher sorting within a school district. By exploring various teachers' characteristics, this paper explores whether the transfer rules that favor seniority influence teacher mobility, resulting in an uneven distribution of the teaching workforce. Our findings show that there is no definitive answer regarding whether, across the schools, seniority rules are positively associated with less qualified teachers.

Labour strife in the education sector in Ontario has repeatedly highlighted the precariousness of certain types of teaching and learning that are delivered under the catch-all designation extracurricular. This paper reviews education legislation in Ontario over the past 40 years that has impacted teachers' right to strike; examines how teacher unions and the provincial government targeted extracurricular activities during collective bargaining; and considers how extracurricular activities have come to be an expected part of public education.

This case study examines the intersection of rural education, new leadership, and supervising teachers when a power imbalance exists. Using a real-life example of supervision and professional interactions, this case study focuses future administrators on the real-life conflicts inherent in supervision and employee rights. The case study examines the inherent power dynamics in some rural school systems, where changing demographics have resulted in the dissonance between what the Board of Education, the superintendent, and a newly appointed principal see as an educational environment for cultural responsiveness which acknowledges changes in the community and the pre-existing, established norms. The interactions between the principal, a veteran teacher, and a classroom environment during contentious discussions among students in a civics education class debate launched faculty discontent towards the new administration. The debate occurs during an already contentious moment during the stalled teacher's collective bargaining agreement.

Drawing on Bachrach and Baratz's first and second faces of interest group power, we explore the relationship between teachers' union power and reopening decisions during the fall 2020 semester in 250 large districts around the United States. We leverage a self-collected panel data set of reopening decisions coupled with measures of teachers' union first face power (drawn from social media postings on teachers' unions' Facebook pages) and second face power (operationalized as district size, whether the school district negotiates a collective bargaining agreement with the teachers' union, the length of the collective bargaining agreement, and the amount of revenue raised by the union). We found that school districts where teachers' unions exhibit strong second face power (but not first face power) were less likely to start the school year with in-person instruction, were less likely to ever open during fall semester with in-person instruction and spent fewer weeks in in-person learning.

Educational policy research on teacher unionization in the United States has been dominated by two theoretical perspectives: "rent-seeking" and "teacher voice." While bringing valuable insights to bear, these views have mutated into rigid and often ideologically charged alternatives with strong normative claims about teacher collective bargaining. Drawing from a political economy framework, this article advances a distinct theoretical perspective focusing on the "progressive coalition building" activities of teachers' unions (i.e., organizing and mobilizing to promote the interests of working people in policymaking). This perspective resolves previous theoretical anomalies of union behavior; provides many new avenues for research; and highlights distinct considerations for the practice of teacher organizing.

In this paper, we draw upon in-depth interviews with teachers and administrators in 18 unionized charter schools around the country to investigate teachers' motivations for unionization. Our results suggest that while mismanagement and distrust are often the proximate cause of charter unionization efforts, both material and purposive goals--greater job security and pay as well as increased voice in school decision-making--power organization drives and contract negotiations. Our evidence suggests unionization and collective bargaining agreements can create more transparency around pay and development, which teachers desired. But, sometimes unionization carried unanticipated risks for administrators--salaries increased faster than revenues and teacher development became constrained by newly formed collective bargaining agreements.

This study explores how teachers' unions are responding to the growing policy of dual enrollment (DE). I reviewed all available collective bargaining agreements (CBAs) of public schools in Ohio, using qualitative content analysis to look for ways that CBAs are addressing DE policy. Analysis revealed four themes. The first theme suggests that teachers' unions are incrementally bargaining provisions addressing DE into their CBAs. Of the 586 CBAs analyzed, 160 included provisions regarding DE. The three remaining themes centered around working conditions for teachers, including provisions related to monetary compensation, existential protection of bargaining unit members, and the protection of teacher time. Additionally, district typography was explored, revealing that wealthier/smaller school districts have bargained more teacher protections for DE than larger districts with less wealth. This study provides information about what might be of interest to teachers and policymakers when reforming DE policy.

This article explores the relationship between unionization and academic freedom protections for sessional faculty in Ontario universities. Specifically, we compare university policies and contract provisions with a view to determining whether unionized sessionals hired on a per-course basis have stronger academic freedom protections than their non-union counterparts. We then explore whether particular kinds of bargaining unit structures are more conducive to achieving stronger academic freedom provisions. Finally, we consider whether academic freedom can be exercised effectively by sessionals, whether unionized or not. We conclude that unionization does help to produce stronger academic freedom protections for sessional faculty and that faculty association bargaining unit structures are most likely to help deliver this outcome. We further conclude that academic freedom is difficult to exercise for sessional faculty, regardless of union status, but that unionization offers greater protections for sessionals facing repercussions as a result of asserting their academic freedom.

In the past decade, education reforms implemented high-stakes teacher evaluation, limited tenure protections, and restricted collective bargaining. Large increases in compensation may be needed to offset these losses in employment protections to attract and retain teachers. We test this hypothesis by examining the impact of a set of policy changes implementing teacher evaluation, tying teacher tenure to performance, and restricting collective bargaining on teacher compensation in Michigan. We also explore the extent to which exposure to charter school competition moderates the effects of these reforms due to the fiscal impacts of charter competition. We find no evidence that districts increased teacher compensation in response to these reforms that arguably removed substantial teacher protections. If anything, districts decreased teacher compensation. Our results also indicate that these effects did not vary with the amount of competition from charter schools.

This article focuses on the relation between new public management (NPM) reforms and changing patterns of industrial relations (IRs) and social dialogue in the Italian education system. Drawing on data from the research project 'Social dialogue and industrial relations in education: The challenges of multi-level governance and privatisation in Europe' (IR-EDUREFORM), it uses cultural political economy to explore the effects of autonomy, evaluation, and management as policy technologies on teacher unions' collective bargaining, workplace representation and industrial action. Through the Italian case, the study analyses how NPM reforms operated three distinctive transformations: decentralisation of bargaining to school level, juridification and individualisation of industrial action and a shift from collective to professional unions. Beyond critically exploring the implications of NPM reforms and the processes of decollectivation and individualisation of IRs and social dialogue in education, the study also highlights some potential for the emergence of novel sites for collective representation.

Empirical evidence on the effects of compensation reform is somewhat scarce. Most U.S. public school teachers are paid according to rigid schedules that determine pay based solely on seniority and academic credentials. In unionized school districts, these schedules are set by collective bargaining agreements. In 2011 when the Wisconsin state legislature passed Act 10, which limited the scope of salary negotiations to base pay, preventing unions from negotiating salary schedules and including them in collective bargaining agreements; capped annual growth in base pay to the rate of inflation and required employees to contribute more towards their pensions and health care plans; and made it harder for unions to operate. In a series of studies, the author has taken advantage of the changes to teachers' labor markets introduced by the reform to shed light on the impact of flexible pay on teachers' mobility and effectiveness, the gender wage gap among teachers, and whether most teachers would prefer higher salaries today versus more generous pensions when they retire.

In the "Janus v. AFCSME" (2018) decision, the U.S. Supreme Court mandated that all public sector workers, including teachers, operate in a Right to Work (RTW) framework. In the years since, teachers' unions have not experienced the mass exodus that some predicted, but should we expect them to? Using an original, historical data set spanning 1942-2017, I examine the effect of prior RTW policies on teachers' union membership and school expenditures. I find that RTW policies decrease teachers' union membership by roughly 43% and reduce educational expenditures by nearly $800 per pupil. Importantly, effects take roughly 10 years to clearly materialize. Additional analyses provide support for the notion that effects on school resources are driven, in part, by effects on union membership.

Purpose: The COVID-19 pandemic prompted changes to the terms and conditions of teachers' employment (e.g. working conditions), leading school districts to renegotiate collective bargaining agreements with teachers' unions. However, limited research has examined how these negotiations occur in times of crisis. This study aims to analyze how school district and teachers' union administrators adapted workplace policies to meet staff and student needs during the COVID-19 pandemic by using a panel dataset of Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) negotiated in 187 large US school districts. Design/methodology/approach: The authors used the partial independence item response method to estimate MOU restrictiveness measures that captured the extent to which MOUs limited school administrator autonomy in setting the terms and conditions of teachers' employment. Descriptive analyses and ordinary least squares regression models showed how the scope of collective bargaining negotiations expanded during the COVID-19 pandemic, and how restrictiveness varied across school districts based on district and union characteristics. Findings: Results showed that school district and teachers' union administrators increased restrictions on school administrator autonomy in the spring of 2020, but these restrictions decreased by fall 2021. The level of restrictions agreed upon varied based on the strength of teachers' unions and political partisanship of school districts. The COVID-19 pandemic led to an expansion of collective bargaining negotiations to include previously unconsidered topics such as employee and student health and remote instruction. Originality/value: This study is one of the first to examine the modifications made to collective bargaining agreements during times of crisis by school district and teachers' union administrators. The findings suggest that there were considerable changes to the terms and conditions of teachers' employment during the COVID-19 pandemic, and that the strength of teachers' unions and political partisanship were associated with negotiation outcomes.

In recent years, states have sought to increase accountability for public school teachers by implementing a package of reforms centered on high-stakes evaluation systems. We examine the effect of these reforms on the supply and quality of new teachers. Leveraging variation across states and time, we find that accountability reforms reduced the number of newly licensed teacher candidates and increased the likelihood of unfilled teaching positions, particularly in hard-to-staff schools. Evidence also suggests that reforms increased the quality of newly hired teachers by reducing the likelihood new teachers attended unselective undergraduate institutions. Decreases in job security, satisfaction, and autonomy are likely mechanisms for these effects.

Though there is a plethora of articles written over the past years on the ordeal adjunct professors go through while teaching in universities and community colleges, very little has been done to salvage the situation. The work adjunct professors do has been oversimplified while institutions that utilize their services save a lot. This article will discuss the impact of adjunct professors in higher education, especially those who teach developmental education courses. It will include information on problems and plight faced by these greatly needed employees, their value to educational institutions across the country, data on the number of full-time versus part-time faculty, the lack of pay and benefits offered to the thousands of adjunct and part-time teachers across the country, the savings their work provides institutions of higher education, the beginnings of collective bargaining for this population of workers, and the need to continue to work to find ways to improve working conditions for these professionals.

The prevalence of labour disruptions in the Canadian education sector requires a comprehensive analysis of the adverse implications of strikes for stakeholders and Canadian society in general. Education is a kind of public good that generates positive externalities and strikes in Canadian universities and colleges engender negative externalities as manifested in the infliction of psychological and financial harms on students who become hostages to the hostility between unions and academic administrators. The overriding interests of students, families, faculty, educational institutions, and the broader community necessitate that impasses in collective bargaining negotiations be resolved without resorting to strike. Therefore, there are compelling, justifiable grounds to consider integrating compulsory binding arbitration in collective bargaining agreements as a mechanism to tackle and resolve impasses in collective bargaining negotiations in the higher education sector.

This case study provides the background for a discussion of the bankruptcy of a composite non-profit corporation under Chapter 11 of the Bankruptcy Code, and the possible alternatives available to bankruptcy. Topics considered include: reorganizations, the selection of a bankruptcy trustee or an examiner, duties of a non-profit board, the automatic stay, aspects of the creation and confirmation of the bankruptcy plan, priority of creditors, termination of employment contracts for tenured and non-tenured faculty and those faculty represented by a union, at-will employment, and Title IX implications for any bankruptcy filing. The case study then turns to a discussion of options and perspectives available in the case that bankruptcy under Chapter 11 is not seen as a viable or practical alternative. Could the real target of restructuring and cost cutting be academic tenure?

Many school administrators face difficulties hiring teachers with the requisite job credentials and qualifications. In this paper, we argue for the potential of salary structures to influence teacher staffing. Specifically, the purpose of this study is to examine whether restructuring teacher compensation salary schedules is associated with attracting larger shares of teachers with the necessary baseline qualifications for the job (i.e., "highly qualified teachers" or HQT) in a non-collective bargaining state. Fixed effects regression using panel data from 2012-2014 for 80 of South Carolina's public school districts was used to address the purpose of the study. The percent of classes not taught by HQT was found to increase as districts become more backloaded. This provides supporting evidence concerning the benefits of frontloading salary schedules. Additionally, potential drawbacks of frontloading salary schedules should be examined to improve the knowledge base of the potential costs relative to benefits of frontloading salary structures. [Note: The page range (24-34) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct page range for this article is p6-15.]