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Coalitional communication is a dwelling amidst non-dominant differences that requires introspective, complex communicative philosophy and practice. My concern is with differentiation in hierarchies. They are understood and shaped by colonial modernity. They are historical logics and practices of settler colonialism, enslavement, and citizenship. My perspective is feminist, decolonial critiques of modern, capitalist social systems. The analysis is grounded in communicative philosophy in intercultural contexts where folks intend justice and equality. For example, in political democracies, localized social alliances actually harm one another being hegemonic by taking routes of familiarity through structures of linguistic and practical cultural systems. Communicative projects of liberation across oppressions (with monologic and single-axis perceptions) tend to miss intersections of our raced and gendered experiences. The result is unintelligibility among us. In this state, one can sense in the body the space of the liminal—with both a communicative impasse and opening. Rather than aligning liberation and domination in the impasse, I describe the creativity of liminal space as a communicative opening. The opening is a recognition of multiplicity and a refusal to assimilate each other's lived experiences into familiar, complex codes of habituated thought and action. Examining communication hostilities in oppressed–oppressing relations is a necessary condition for coalition. Thus, coalitional communication is a call to engage a full sense of listening to one another as relevant. Ways that decipher codes and signals of resistance come to constitute the project of creating relevant intelligibility together. Praxis as critical, dialectical, and intersectional thinking is part of this method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With nurses at the forefront of health care, the need for their active engagement in policy has never been more urgent. Numerous national and global reports call for nurses to lead policy change. The Patton Zalon Ludwick Policy Assessment Framework is intended to answer this call by serving as a foundational guide to nurses' self-assessment of their health policy actions. It includes three dimensions: engagement, partnership, and reach, each with three levels. The levels of engagement are literacy, advocacy, and influence. The partnership levels are single unit or community group, interdisciplinary team(s), and broad-based coalitions. The reach levels are based on the location of policy work: local/unit/organization, regional/state, and national/global. The dimensions are interconnected, and the levels build upon one another but are not necessarily symmetrical, linear, or prescriptive. In this article, the authors describe each dimension and level in detail, and the accompanying tables provide examples of policy goals and actions. Nurses worldwide can use this framework to engage in self-reflection and envision actions to achieve their policy goals. It will enable nurses to evolve from being policy bystanders to becoming visible, credible policy leaders. The authors introduce the Patton Zalon Ludwick Policy Assessment Framework, a foundational guide nurses across settings and roles can use to examine their knowledge and actions for expanding health policy activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historic and present-day systemic racism frequently excludes Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) from engaging in aquarium efforts toward conservation, research, advocacy, and education. But to realize the conservation missions of aquariums—creating a more equitable and sustainable world in which people and nature thrive—we need a diversity of perspectives and voices driving adaptive, lasting solutions. In this article, the co-authors describe how a diverse coalition of U.S. aquariums is working to integrate racial justice with their conservation initiatives and to transform their sector. They outline the formation of the Aquarium Conservation Partnership (ACP) Equity Work Group, progress toward an ACP Equity Commitment, and the restructuring of ACP governance. They describe how these efforts, like equity work across the broader cultural attractions sector, have been imperfect and uncertain; but they yield lessons that may provide reassurance, encouragement, and guidance to similar coalitions committed to racial equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2023 Spanish general election was a snap election called unexpectedly by the PM Pedro Sánchez the day after the local and regional elections in May 2023. Turnout was higher than expected (66.6%) and the result confirmed the high degree of multi-dimensional polarisation in Spanish society. Right-wing parties improved their position: the mainstream conservative PP increased its support mainly at the expense of Ciudadanos and the far-right VOX. Yet, parties on the left, especially the incumbent PSOE, performed better than predicted by polls and, together with the seats won by regional parties, were able to keep a dominant position in Congress. A left-wing minority coalition cabinet was ultimately formed with two parties in government (PSOE and Sumar) and the parliamentary support of several regional parties. Parliamentary support was reached after an agreement that includes decentralisation measures and an amnesty to repair the judiciary consequences of the 2017 independence referendum in Catalonia, which showcases the multilevel and multidimensional complexity of Spanish politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The coalition in a graph G consists of two disjoint sets of vertices V1 and V2, neither of which is a dominating set but whose union V1 ∪ V2, is a dominating set. A coalition partition in a graph G is a vertex partition π = {V1, V2, . . ., Vk} such that every set Vi ∈ π is not a dominating set but forms a coalition with another set Vj ∈ π which is not a dominating set. The coalition number C(G) equals the maximum k of a coalition partition of G. In this paper, we compute the coalition numbers of all cubic graphs of order at most 10. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a build-up to the investigation of the sustainability GNU, which will be the initial one to be established in South Africa in the experience of democracy. South Africa gained its democracy in the past thirty years. South Africa was under the apartheid government for as long as until 1984, in its exit to democracy there was a bit of Government of National Unity since the apartheid regime did not exit immediately as it was supposed to hand over to the democratic government. The typology of the Government of National Unity and Government of Coalition is very complex and mostly misunderstood in the academic community and public sector. The complexity of this understanding also builds up to the fact that the very same academics as well as the public administration are being build up by the politicians too. However, there seems to be a gap in theory and research that seeks to offer a mechanism to define and measure the differences between GNU and Coalition. Principal agencies and public value theories as an addition to the GNU and Coalition theoretical foundation were adopted to clarify improvement in such. This qualitative study meticulously examines scholarly journals, books reports, policies, and government programmes. The findings are that SA has been found as not the first country that will be in GNU and must try the notion to make it work. The study concludes that there is an urgency in the building as well as tolerating GNU to realise service delivery. Afterward, the study influences the successful policy making to improve service delivery through advanced ways to uphold public responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the Cold War, both scholars and experts frequently questioned the political relevance of security alliances, given the declining intensity of armed conflicts and the decreasing probability of major interstate wars. However, the post-bipolar international reality marked by the burgeoning of new alliances and coalitions, with old associations being reformed and/or expanded in membership rendered these questions obsolete. In fact, states not only continue to consider military alliance as an important foreign policy tool but actively develop new forms of alliances and coalitions. The article identifies the key trends in the evolution of military and political alliances over the period from the 1990s till the 2010s. Firstly, the authors highlight the waning interest of the leading powers towards formalized allied relations, since they increasingly perceive the latter as an unnecessary burden. At the same time, the researchers note that the leading powers adhered to different approaches to alliance and coalition building in the post-bipolar period. While the United States strengthened the transatlantic core (NATO) in the U.S.-centered network of alliances, relying on more flexible plurilateral formats in other regions of the world, Russia, India, and China did not seek to expand their respective blocs, providing collective security guarantees selectively. That said, all major powers share interest in promoting and developing asymmetric alliances both as tools to deter potential opponents and leverages over junior partners amidst the struggle for spheres of influence. Secondly, the authors conclude that the key feature of the post-Cold War coalition-building is the so-called ritual alliance, when military and political commitments are included in the agenda of regional integration groupings as an addition to substantive issues of cooperation rather than the reverse. Finally, in the 1990s and 2010s, the range of formats of an alliance expanded: from the traditional priorities of territorial defense, the focus has shifted towards expeditionary operations as a part of coalitions, the latter including not only sovereign states but also non-state patronage networks. In conclusion, the authors note that the major powers will continue to promote combined forms of alliances, as the loyalty of partners becomes of increasing strategic importance against the background of growing interstate rivalry.

This paper explores some of the conversations currently taking place within Asian Canadian studies as they relate to coalitional spaces and community building. Specifically, I look at a co-op radio program from Vancouver called Pender Guy which aired in the 1970s. The members of Pender Guy were comprised of artists and activists from the Asian Canadian community attempting to establish and solidify their own collective identity during a time when minority communities and people of color were often sidelined or else considered as "surplus" to a national narrative that privileged Anglo- and Franco-Canadian identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractWe define a total coalition in a graph G as a pair of disjoint subsets A1,A2 ⊆ A that satisfy the following conditions: (a) neither A1 nor A2 constitutes a total dominating set of G, and (b) A1 ∪ A2 constitutes a total dominating set of G. A total coalition partition of a graph G is a partition ϒ = {A1,A2, . . . ,Ak} of its vertex set such that no subset of ϒ acts as a total dominating set of G, but for every set Ai ∈ ϒ, there exists a set Aj ∈ ϒ such that Ai and Aj combine to form a total coalition. We define the total coalition number of G as the maximum cardinality of a total coalition partition of G, and we denote it by Ct(G). The purpose of this paper is to begin an investigation into the characteristics of total coalition in graphs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While far-right parties tend to receive a small minority of votes in national elections, their presence in ruling coalitions is becoming much more common. In this article, I ask under what conditions mainstream parties are willing and interested in forming a coalition with a far-right party, given the potentially high costs associated with having such a partner in government. I characterize such moves as the co-optation of a growing political rival in an effort to minimize electoral threat. That is, as far-right parties become more threatening to the electoral success of a mainstream party, they will invite the party into their government, in an effort to stave off said threat. This characterization borrows from the literature of authoritarian co-optation to build on our current understanding of parliamentary coalition-building. Quantitative analysis utilizing cross-national, survey and spatial data is employed to support this theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates stakeholders' learning and transformative action when developing a collaboration platform between a Swedish regional authority organisation (RAO) and civil society organisations (CSOs) to find new ways to provide welfare services. The material is based on 22 semi-structured interviews and observations of seven general meetings at which RAO officials and CSO representatives met. In addition, notes were taken during two workshops with key stakeholders and interviewees, respectively. Learning and transformative action were analysed through a TADS approach. The findings reveal that a signed agreement, stipulating collaboration between the two sectors (public and civil society) became a second stimulus for shared transformative agency. After signing the agreement, conflicts of motives arose, which challenged learning between stakeholders. Surprisingly, it was not the conflicts of motives between the two sectors, but those within each sector that constituted the most severe expansive learning challenges, and consequently also a delay in the development of the collaboration platform that was to provide welfare services. Nonetheless, the conflicts also contributed to small, incremental, steps of transformative action toward what they had set out to do. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Land grant universities in the Northeast (e.g. Delaware, Maryland, New York) have seen changes in their faculty or Extension level positions: Agricultural safety specialist positions have been left vacant or have been merged with another position with other responsibilities, which reduces the amount of time available to address safety. In response to the resulting support gap, Penn State Ag Safety and Health and the Northeast Center for Occupational Health and Safety (NEC) launched the Northeast Agricultural Safety and Health Coalition (NEASHC) in 2014. NEASHC provides extension staff and other individuals interested in safety trainings (e.g. insurers, Farm Bureau staff) with opportunities to network and learn about best practices in agricultural health and safety training. Recognizing the importance of NEASHC's role in filling this service gap in the Northeast, the NEC included support for NEASHC in its last 5-year grant cycle (2016–2022) and has continued its support for the Coalition in their current five-year center grant (2022–2027). The NEC center grant is funded by National Institute for Occupational Health and Safety (NIOSH) Grant #2 U54OH007542. NEASHC is an important component of the NEC's unified approach to worker health and safety, which is based in part on G. Sorensen's conceptual model for integrated approaches to the protection and promotion of worker safety.1 The goals for NEASHC through 2027 are as follows: expand the Coalition's reach by adding states and members; provide professional development to members; (3) offer mini-grants for outreach projects and activities; (4) develop and disseminate new resources; and (5) provide occupational safety and health (OSH) updates for agricultural populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Australia, the policy priorities and processes of government and national governing bodies of sport impact how community sport organizations operate. This study explored the views of community sport club (CSC) officials (n = 53) in the Illawarra region in New South Wales, where there is a disparity in impact compared with their better‐resourced urban counterparts concerning sustainability, policy, and advocacy matters. Participants were surveyed for their views about the typically top‐down policy processes, inter‐organizational relationships, and advocacy for community sport. CSC officials participated in an online survey to assess opinions on resource issues and policy processes. The findings demonstrated that community sport is challenging to sustain and that CSC officials have little influence on policy. The outcome points to an appetite for advocacy from CSC officials in policy creation. Further, the Advocacy Coalition Framework is proffered as a platform for evaluating the viability of advocacy within community sport. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We know little about how coalitional strategy affects the electoral fates of political parties in presidential democracy. The literature on coalitions in parliamentary systems shows a negative impact of entering government, while the coattail effects literature on presidential systems suggests some benefits. Combining elements from both approaches, we argue that there is a conditional electoral effect of joining the cabinet under coalitional presidentialism. Even considering presidentialism's heightened attribution of responsibility to a unipersonal executive, we find that coalition parties do indeed place a meaningful electoral wager whenever they choose to enter the president's cabinet as identifiable allies. Leveraging data on Brazilian elections held at national and local levels over 24 years and employing an innovative measure of portfolio salience, we show that the payoff of this wager is contingent on control of the most highly-valued cabinet positions and on the popular approval of the president. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because senescence impairs the ability of older males to compete successfully for mates, male reproductive strategies are expected to change with age. The terminal investment hypothesis proposes that older males, who could die soon, should take greater risks to obtain mating opportunities. Another possibility is that older males avoid such risks, adopting alternative reproductive tactics, such as increased affiliation with females, increased reliance on coalitions or sexual coercion to continue to compete with younger animals. We tested these hypotheses in wild chimpanzees, Pan troglodytes schweinfurthii , of the Kanyawara community, Kibale National Park, Uganda, where old males sire offspring at relatively high rates. Our data set included >40 000 incidents of male aggression and >5800 copulations observed between 2005 and 2017. We found that, even as their dominance status declined, old males maintained relatively high copulation rates, especially with established mothers. There was no evidence for terminal investment in response to ageing. Males became generally less aggressive as they aged. Neither did old males form affiliative bonds with females, nor use sexual coercion more frequently, as alternative reproductive tactics. Old males did, however, participate in coalitionary aggression at higher rates than young males and increased the proportion of their aggression that was coalitionary over time. Coalitions were positively associated with mating success, particularly for low- and middle-ranking males. These results support the hypothesis that ageing male chimpanzees use coalitions as an alternative reproductive tactic. The lack of evidence for terminal investment in response to ageing appears to reflect a broader mammalian pattern in which males who rely on fighting to secure mating opportunities avoid excessive risk taking as their formidability wanes. • Old male chimpanzees mated frequently with attractive females. • Old males were less aggressive and did not take greater risks in mating competition. • Old males did not groom females at high rates. • Old males were not more sexually coercive towards females. • Old males formed coalitions at high rates and these predicted mating success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tarsal coalition occurs in 1% of the population and represents a congenital failure of segmentation in two or more tarsal bones. It most commonly occurs at the talocalcaneal and calcaneonavicular joint. Although commonly asymptomatic, it may present with pain, rigidity, and pes planus. Cubonavicular, multiple synchronous, and bilateral coalitions are rare but an awareness is required to ensure accurate diagnosis and management. In this article, we presented the first reported case (to the best of our knowledge) of bilateral cubonavicular coalition with synchronous talocalcaneal coalition and stress response within the intermediate cuneiform.

In modern transportation systems, the potential for further reducing costs is severely limited. Increased competitiveness through cost reduction can be achieved if there is a collaboration among transportation companies. Participation in such collaboration can benefit all participating companies as a whole, as well as each company individually, by increasing the participants' competitiveness. In this study, we propose a game-theoretical approach for collaboration among transportation companies in a transportation system consisting of several independent transportation companies. We introduce a new transportation game called the cost transportation game (CTG) and prove that the CTG is a transferable utility game with a super additive characteristic function and a non-empty core. To obtain the core allocations, we introduce the restriction of a feasible solution and theoretically demonstrate that points in the core cannot be expressed only by dual optimal solutions but also by the optimal restrictive transportation scheme (ORTS), which implies that the points in the core can be obtained by solving ORTS and the core allocations can be realized by implementing ORTS. Finally, we present computational results for real-life and artificial instances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competition between unions whose membership has different skills and professionalization levels is a long-standing issue in the labour movement. This article investigates the conditions for why and how a unique cross-professional coalition of all Danish public-sector unions developed between 2017 and 2018. Operating in a favourable context, unions overcame professionalization differences when skilled brokers primed a common instrumental base as other unionists used a public interest frame to legitimate the coalition and its demands ideologically. However, once the common instrumental concern was met, the coalition collapsed. The article argues that union coalition-building depends on multiple factors comprising both contextual, and identity and relational conditions. The article further argues that adopting a framing that focuses on the public interest over professional self-interest helps to successfully overcome professional cleavages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tarsal coalition occurs in 1% of the population and represents a congenital failure of segmentation in two or more tarsal bones. It most commonly occurs at the talocalcaneal and calcaneonavicular joint. Although commonly asymptomatic, it may present with pain, rigidity, and pes planus. Cubonavicular, multiple synchronous, and bilateral coalitions are rare but an awareness is required to ensure accurate diagnosis and management. In this article, we presented the first reported case (to the best of our knowledge) of bilateral cubonavicular coalition with synchronous talocalcaneal coalition and stress response within the intermediate cuneiform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(1) Describe multimodality imaging of cubonavicular coalition (CNC) with magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) focus, (2) evaluate CNC associated foot and ankle pathology, (3) examine clinical presentation/symptoms associated with CNC, (4) record CNC treatment. Retrospective Institutional Review Board (IRB) approved study. Picture Archiving and Communication System (PACS) databases searched for CNC. Final study population: 34 cases in 27 patients. Each CNC was reviewed for: coalition type (osseous versus non-osseous- cartilaginous versus fibrous), tendon and ligament pathology, bone marrow edema at CNC and adjacent joints, presence and severity of degenerative changes at CNC and adjacent joints, fractures, additional coalitions, laterality, and pes planus. MRI planes and radiographic views on which coalitions were best identified were recorded. Each CNC EMR was reviewed for: symptoms, trauma, management, patient demographics. Inter-reader reliability was performed for type of non-osseous coalition. Final cohort included 34 cases in 27 patients (average age: 34.7, range: 10–76; 71% female). No CNC was completely osseous. On MRI, 89.5% of coalitions were non-osseous and 5.3% were partially osseous. 76.5% of patients had referable symptoms including pain, limited motion, inability to bear weight. 23.5% of patients were surgically managed/pathologically proven. On MRI, 36.8% of patients had tendon pathology, 52.6% had ligamentous pathology, 100% had bone marrow edema-like signal abnormality about the CNC, and 88.2% had CNC degenerative changes. There was bone marrow edema-like signal abnormality at bones adjacent to the CNC in 52.6% and adjacent joint degenerative disease present in 50%. CNC was best identified on oblique radiographs and axial MRI. Inter-reader reliability for non-osseous coalition type was poor, Cronbach's alpha 0.554. CNC is subtle and findings of osteoarthritis or bone marrow edema-like about the cubonavicular articulation should raise suspicion for underlying coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapse of the Fundão dam of the Samarco, Vale, and BPH Billiton mining companies in 2015 resulted in the spillage of unprecedented tailings in the Rio Doce Basin, Brazil. It was a disaster of multiple dimensions, generating conflicts between the affected community, mining companies, the government, and the justice system in the search for solutions to recover and repair the damage. Meanwhile, a governance system was created to conduct disaster responses and conflict resolution between those actors. In this article, we investigate how skilled actors in the affected field act to influence disaster governance by producing consequences for policy decisions. The analysis highlights the role of coalitions and action repertories in cooperative and conflicting relationships in the affected people's field. Through mixed-method research, four years of the socio-environmental disaster (2015–2019) were examined through interviews with activists, documentary research, and analysis of protest events. The main argument is that the mobilization of non-state actors in the affected field has influenced disaster governance and the content of compensation policies. Mobilization combined social skills and action repertoires and formed political coalitions to influence decision-making processes. The article contributes to expanding the understanding of the dynamics of political disputes among non-state actors, proposing to broaden the understanding of the repertoires of non-state actors in coalitions to generate consequences for political decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emergencies intensify existing vulnerabilities and create new ones for people in their impact areas. In the case of transportation, for example, disasters have the capacity to isolate individuals from the services on which they rely not for only their health and wellbeing, but for their very lives. This paper discusses the Regional Alliance for Resilient and Equitable Transportation (RARET) — a coalition-based model created to address non-life-saving transportation coordination needs during emergencies. RARET focuses on the provision of lifesustaining transportation, serving vulnerable individuals who may require first-responder assistance if their unaddressed needs remain unmet. Using examples from the COVID-19 pandemic as well as seasonal and regional disasters, the paper highlights how leveraging a coalition built to break down the sector and geographical silos leads to better outcomes for the public and bolsters regional resiliency. The paper underlines how the novel nature of RARET delivers ongoing process improvements via a new emergency transportation provider network. Lastly, the paper suggests methods to adapt this model to other jurisdictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coalition government is an old phenomenon that has got its roots in Western European countries. It has since spread all over the world including in South Africa. Coalitions in the local sphere of government have existed predominantly in KwaZulu Natal and Western Cape, but it has since spread over to other provinces in South Africa. The outcome of the 2016 local government elections brought about dramatic results which saw the governments of three metropolitan municipalities change hands to coalitions of political parties. The Democratic Alliance (DA) and other small parties with the assistance of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) constituted coalition governments in Nelson Mandela Bay (in Eastern Cape), City of Tshwane, and Johannesburg in Gauteng province. However, the DA mayor and his executive in Nelson Mandela Bay have since been removed with the one from the United Democratic Movement (UDM) as a mayor and the executives from the African National Congress (ANC) and other smaller parties. The EFF announced in July 2019 that it will not vote with the DAor ANC in all municipalities where coalition councils must be formed. This paper seeks to identify challenges associated with coalition governments in the local sphere of government and propose possible solutions for curtailing such challenges. The paper does so by way of reviewing existing literature related to coalitions and alliances of municipal governments in South Africa. One of the challenges is the differing policy positions of the political parties in the coalition. This paper proposes that the needs and service delivery demands of the local communities must be given more preference over the political ideologies of the political parties concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

2024 has been a year of elections around the world, including the developed nations—the USA, the UK, the European Union and the Russian Federation alongside countries like India, Mexico, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Iran (the Islamic Republic of), South Africa, Republic of Korea (South Korea), Algeria, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Indonesia, Ghana, Mozambique, Madagascar, Venezuela, (the Bolivarian Republic of), Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), Taiwan, Syrian Arab Republic, Mali, Sri Lanka, Romania, Chad, Senegal, Cambodia, Rwanda, Tunisia, Belgium, Dominic Republic, Jordan, South Sudan, Czechia (Czech Republic), Azerbaijan, Portugal, Belarus, Togo, Austria, El Salvador, Slovakia, Finland, Mauritania, Panama, Croatia, Georgia, Mongolia, Uruguay, Republic of Moldova, Lithuania Botswana, Namibia, Guinea Bissau and North Macedonia. This editorial is devoted to the verdict of India’s General Election 2024. The results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections have trickled in by defying most of the expectations of the exit polls. The graph of the results projected a different picture, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) grabbing 293 seats in the 543-member Parliament. At the same time, the coalition of opposition parties, collectively known as the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), accomplished 234, which is 38 less than the required majority. As a twist in the election results, the regional parties made significant gains in many states. Congress bagged a strong revival, which was hugely attributed to the Bharat Jodo Yatra and Nyay Yatra under the architect of Mr Rahul Gandhi. Nevertheless, with its allies, BJP-led NDA is on board as Modi 3.0 leads the largest democracy.

This is an investigation into government coalition, opposition and party migrations in the state of Goiás, to identify patterns of opposition and support from state deputies to the governor and the influence on the governability factor. The period covered is from 2019 to 2023 (19th legislature), with the reading of the three previous legislatures to reap comparative gains. Opposition deputies who migrated to the government were identified, using longitudinal and descriptive analysis. At the conceptual and theoretical level, coalitions, governance and the executive-legislative relationship are maintained. It isidentified that the levels of parliamentary support for the Executive's proposals are very similar between opposition and government supporters. The study expands knowledge about the government-opposition dynamics in a subnational context and helps to understand the political process in Goiás in the last 20 years.

Coalitional communication is a dwelling amidst non-dominant differences that requires introspective, complex communicative philosophy and practice. My concern is with differentiation in hierarchies. They are understood and shaped by colonial modernity. They are historical logics and practices of settler colonialism, enslavement, and citizenship. My perspective is feminist, decolonial critiques of modern, capitalist social systems. The analysis is grounded in communicative philosophy in intercultural contexts where folks intend justice and equality. For example, in political democracies, localized social alliances actually harm one another being hegemonic by taking routes of familiarity through structures of linguistic and practical cultural systems. Communicative projects of liberation across oppressions (with monologic and single-axis perceptions) tend to miss intersections of our raced and gendered experiences. The result is unintelligibility among us. In this state, one can sense in the body the space of the liminal—with both a communicative impasse and opening. Rather than aligning liberation and domination in the impasse, I describe the creativity of liminal space as a communicative opening. The opening is a recognition of multiplicity and a refusal to assimilate each other’s lived experiences into familiar, complex codes of habituated thought and action. Examining communication hostilities in oppressed–oppressing relations is a necessary condition for coalition. Thus, coalitional communication is a call to engage a full sense of listening to one another as relevant. Ways that decipher codes and signals of resistance come to constitute the project of creating relevant intelligibility together. Praxis as critical, dialectical, and intersectional thinking is part of this method.

The military's influence in Pakistani politics is being questioned following its most recent national assembly elections. Despite challenges, including former Prime Minister Imran Khan's detention and the withdrawal of recognition for his Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), the party supporters as independents won 93-97 seats. The election results raise issues about the military's involvement in electoral politics, whether the country is moving toward political stability or whether it is on the verge of another coup d'état. According to reports, the fragility of the coalition, disregard for popular mandate, and democratic deficit have all been impacting national politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the intricacies of the Riyadh- Abu Dhabi alliance in Yemen and the potential impact this has had on the conflict. Specifically, it adopts the theoretical framework of Intra-alliance politics, which integrates considerations of individual and collective interests in coalition, and examines how divergent interests and strategic preferences between the two major regional actors shape the dynamics of the alliance and evolving competitions within it. Further, it also assesses the implications of the discord between the two regional powers on Yemen's stability. The article concludes that beyond distinct national interests, the inability to achieve the coalition's primary objective of reinstating the government in Sana'a has further fuelled this divergence. While the coalition has undergone a transformation, the situation does not spell the end of the Riyadh-Abu Dhabi alliance, as they have been able to, in many instances, compartmentalize their disagreements for larger gains. Nevertheless, an increasing divergence between these two States in their Yemen policy is likely to be counter-productive to their shared goal of stabilizing Yemen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the widespread use of networked and geo-positioned mobile devices, e.g., smartphones, Spatial Crowdsourcing (SC), which refers to the assignment of location-based tasks to moving workers, is drawing increasing attention. One of the critical issues in SC is task assignment that allocates tasks to appropriate workers. We propose and study a novel SC problem, namely Coalition-based Task Assignment (CTA), where the spatial tasks (e.g., home improvement and furniture installation) may require more than one worker (forming a coalition) to cooperate to maximize the overall rewards of workers. We design a greedy and an equilibrium-based CTA approach. The greedy approach forms a set of worker coalitions greedily for performing tasks and uses an acceptance probability to identify high-value task assignments. In the equilibrium-based approach, workers form coalitions in sequence and update their strategies (i.e., selecting a best-response task), to maximize their own utility (i.e., the reward of the coalition they belong to) until a Nash equilibrium is reached. Since the equilibrium obtained is not unique and optimal in terms of total rewards, we further propose a simulated annealing scheme to find a better Nash equilibrium. To achieve fair task assignments, we optimize the framework to distribute rewards fairly among workers in a coalition based on their marginal contributions and give workers who arrive first at the SC platform highest priority. Extensive experiments demonstrate the efficiency and effectiveness of the proposed methods on real and synthetic data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban redevelopment in China has been the subject of heightened attention in urban governance research. Using the Jiuxing redevelopment in Shanghai as the case study, this study engages with the discursive construction of multiple actors under China's pro-growth regime. The findings of this study include that (1) the municipal government-envisioned global city is the overarching discourse leading to the synergistic narratives of the coalition; (2) the actors created parallel narratives of the meaning of redevelopment based on their scalar positions; (3) through flexible narrative tactics, the capacity of a state-led multi-scalar coalition is enhanced for coordinating actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Restrictions on marketing of unhealthy foods and beverages to children is a globally recommended policy measure to improve diets and health. The aim of the analysis was to identify opportunities to enable policy learning and shift beliefs of relevant actors, to engender policy progress on restrictions on marketing of unhealthy foods to children. We drew on the Advocacy Coalition Framework to thematically analyse data from qualitative policy interviews conducted Australia (n  = 24), Fiji (n  = 10) and Thailand (n  = 20). In all three countries two clear and opposing advocacy coalitions were evident within the policy subsystem related to regulation of unhealthy food marketing, which we termed the 'strengthen regulation' and 'minimal/self regulation' coalitions. Contributors to policy stasis on this issue were identified as tensions between public health and economic objectives of government, and limited formal and informal spaces for productive dialogue. The analysis also identified opportunities for policy learning that could enable policy progress on restrictions on marketing of unhealthy foods to children as: taking an incremental approach to policy change, defining permitted (rather than restricted) foods, investing in new public health expertise related to emerging marketing approaches and scaling up of monitoring of impacts. The insights from this study are likely to be relevant to many countries seeking to strengthen regulation of marketing to children, in response to recent global recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a detailed and systemic representation of the process of organizational identification in social enterprises, and a better understanding of how individuals position themselves in these organizations. We highlight that identification in social enterprises is the result of the interplay between the multiple identities of the individuals who take part in coalitions defending different institutional logics. Identification will depend on whether or not it is easy for the individual to find a coalition that corresponds to him or her, and on whether or not the ideas of this coalition are dominant. The relative size of the various coalitions among the staff and the way they evolve will have a clear impact on what the dominant logic of the social enterprise will be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite calls from researchers for intersectional studies between religion and social movements over the past few decades, scholars have not engaged in fruitful conversation about integrating the two disciplines. This article aims to facilitate such discussion by examining the topic of new religious movements (NRMs). I first review the existing literature on NRMs and discuss why NRM research has been neglected in social movement studies. Then, I explore a few research areas where both NRM studies and social movement research could intersect and benefit from a synthetic approach. Specifically, I suggest that social movement studies could advance through the examination of some relatively ignored subjects of research, such as persistent participation and disengagement, by drawing on empirical cases of NRMs. I also propose ways in which the application of social movement theories would enhance our understanding of different aspects of NRMs, such as their leadership and coalition practices. In making these arguments, I refer to one of the prominent, long‐term NRMs, the Unification Church or Movement, to help illustrate my ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from African American author and anti-slavery advocate Harriet Jacobs, this essay demonstrates that even well-intentioned white abolitionists can inadvertently reinforce racist systems. Jacobs sought help from white abolitionist Harriet Beecher Stowe to share her emancipation story, but received a response that exposed her past to Jacobs’s employer without consent. In her novelized memoir Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, Jacobs demonstrates the importance of Black voices and leaders in the abolitionist movement, showcasing feminist scholar Chandra Mohanty's concept of a “coalition” of women using their diverse positions to combat social inequities. By examining Jacobs's portrayal of the white women who aided her, I argue that Jacobs employs the rhetoric of true womanhood and sentimental novels to depict models of true allyship marked by consent-based sympathy. This essay delves into the nuances between sympathy and empathy in the context of nineteenth-century literature, referencing Gay Gibson Cima's assertion that these terms cannot be collapsed. By connecting Jacobs's use of sentimentality to Cima's differentiation between Black expressions of sympathy and empathy, this essay reveals how Jacobs strategically fosters empathetic connections between white and enslaved women, promoting a coalition of consent-based allyship in nineteenth-century abolitionist discourse.

The paper deals with alliances and coalitions that can be formed by agents or entities. It is assumed that alliance agents cooperate and form coalitions for performing the tasks or missions. It is considered that alliance agents are unselfish. That is, they are more interested in achieving the common goal(s) than in getting personal benefits. In the paper, the concept of fuzzy alliance was introduced. A fuzzy alliance is considered as generalization of traditional alliance allowing agents to decide on the capabilities that their agents can and wanted deliver to coalition. Coalitions that can be formed by fuzzy alliance agents were considered. The definition of the “best” coalition was explained. The method of how to find the “best” coalition among all possible coalitions was suggested and verified by computer simulation.

This paper explores some of the conversations currently taking place within Asian Canadian studies as they relate to coalitional spaces and community building. Specifically, I look at a co-op radio program from Vancouver called Pender Guy which aired in the 1970s. The members of Pender Guy were comprised of artists and activists from the Asian Canadian community attempting to establish and solidify their own collective identity during a time when minority communities and people of color were often sidelined or else considered as “surplus” to a national narrative that privileged Anglo- and Franco-Canadian identities.