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The thesis explains how terrorism campaigns end, using social movement theory to analyse the Provisional IRA’s disengagement from armed violence and how this led others in the Irish Republican movement to move away from violence and remain so. The thesis argues that successful disengagement is dependent on how it is framed and the extent to which it resonates within the movement. Frame resonance is shaped by the extent it is consistent with the group’s goals, the presence of linkages in order to diffuse the frame, and the perceived credibility of those advocating it. This process ensured that most of the Provisional IRA supported disengagement, which then began to organisationally disengage as part of the peace process. Subsequently, linkages were built up with the Irish Republican movement, leading to the disengagement frame to become de-radicalised, thus providing stronger barriers against violence. The disengagement frame’s resonance in the Irish Republican movement, underpinned by political/structural change, has led to a durable decline in terrorism and political violence. The thesis’ original contribution has five dimensions: 1) the thesis draws on interviews with a broader range of actors typically found in terrorism studies; 2) the re-conceptualisation of de-radicalisation provides nuanced explanations of why attitudinal change is important for ending terrorism; 3) the thesis provides the first multi-level analysis of how terrorism ends by using a social movement approach, thus providing a more comprehensive explanation; 4) while many have recognised the ‘next generation’ as a crucial factor, the thesis is the first to analyse the interaction between generations and how the break in inter-generational support for violence emerges; and 5) the thesis challenges many assumptions on organisational disengagement by outlining how informal networks of combatants continue to exist, but shows how this can actually prevent terrorism rather than just pose a risk to recidivism.

This thesis investigates the framing of the terrorist threat in France from 2015 to 2020 as an 'exceptional' challenge which requires a 'special' public security response. The thesis demonstrates that, in the French case, the normalisation of exceptional powers has great significance, however it is a topic that has received little or no attention in the (critical) security studies scholarship. The thesis explores how political actors frame the terrorist threat in French political discourse from an exceptional, existential challenge to a permanent, routine threat. This thesis seeks to provide an in-depth critical discourse analysis of the French political narratives to examine the activation of the 'état d'urgence' - state of emergency - in the aftermath of Paris attacks in 2015. The study analyses the political discourse arising from the Charlie Hebdo attacks in 2015 and the Paris attacks in 2015 to March 2020, to demonstrate the evolving securitising language. The thesis explores the twin concepts of securitisation-desecuritisation through the state of emergency's normalisation and the French political framing and (re)construction of terrorism in a French context. Oriented around the post-Copenhagen School theoretical approach, the thesis demonstrates the importance of threat framing and the securitisation of terrorism by considering the context in which it is (re)constructed. Widening the understanding of securitisation-desecuritisation and, subsequently broadening the research within Terrorism Studies to investigate the colonial settings of French counterterrorism (CT) powers, it thus demonstrates the apparently indefinite extension of exceptional powers, their routinisation and normalisation. This, in turn exposes their embeddedness in the colonial legacy of temporal structures, political language and counterterrorism power. By investigating CT political discourse, the thesis proposes a conceptual framework that merges critical terrorism studies literature and securitisation scholarship. Subsequently, the political construction of temporality and colonial continuity of CT powers question and undermine the exceptional character of traditional approach of securitisation. The analysis demonstrates that the normalisation of the exceptional terrorist threat is not another form of desecuritisation, but rather it highlights the impossibility of desecuritising terrorism.

Several studies on ethnic lobbying within the US/UK seek to explain what makes an ethnic lobbying campaign successful (Herner-Kovács, 2013; Kirk, 2008; Reese and Ramirez, 2002) and understand reasons/strategies for the mobilisation of ethnic lobbies (Koinova, 2014; 2013; 2011). They approach framing either as a facilitator in a successful lobbying campaign process or a strategy to explain the mobilisation of ethnic lobbies, however, they tend to ignore the role of framing itself as a dynamic process, and particularly the role of frames. This thesis develops a new perspective regarding the role of frames and framing in ethnic lobbying through a dynamic framing process, which includes the creation and presentation of frames/counter-frames (Kaufman et al., 2013) by considering the developments and the interaction between frames and counter-frames within the concentrated period. The thesis conceptualises three key political opportunities, the outbreak of the 2011 Syrian civil war, the withdrawal of the Syrian government forces from northern Syria in July 2012 with the start of the Aleppo battle, and the rise of ISIS in 2014 within the ongoing process of Aleppo battle for the Syrian Kurds' lobbying efforts through framing. Through content analysis and interviews, it analyses the framing efforts of the Kurdish PYD, and as a significant component of the dynamic framing process, the counter-framing efforts of the Turkish government against the PYD framing in the US/UK through the Syrian civil war from March 2011 to 20th January 2017. The thesis argues that framing success is explained through the responsiveness of the targeted countries towards frames. Findings demonstrate that the US/UK's responsiveness may not be merely addressed through the characteristics of frames, which can play an important role in framing success. These countries' policy stances and policy objectives in Syria, which can also be understood through the dynamic framing process, must be considered while explaining these countries' responsiveness towards the PYD frames. The US/UK's policy stances and policy objectives in Syria are also essential factors to understand to what extent the Turkish counter-frames managed to challenge these countries' responsiveness towards the PYD frames.