Search

Nicholas Kerry, Ria Chhabra, Jeremy DW Clifton Positive Psychology Center, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USACorrespondence: Nicholas Kerry, Positive Psychology Center, University of Pennsylvania, 3720 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, PA, USA, Tel +1 215-898-7300, Email nickerry@sas.upenn.eduBackground: Many studies suggest a link between gratitude and life satisfaction, including experimental tests of gratitude interventions. This paper presents a systematic review of recent literature on the influence of gratitude on life satisfaction. The aim of this research is to better understand the nature of the relationship between gratitude and life satisfaction and to evaluate the state of literature.Methodology: A systematic search was conducted using four databases (APA PsycInfo, Scopus, Web of Science, and EBSCO), targeting articles published since 2010. Correlational studies were included if they used the GQ6 measure of gratitude and the Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS). Intervention studies were included if they reported effects of a gratitude manipulation on SWLS scores. Forty-four articles (N = 16,529) focusing on gratitude and life satisfaction were ultimately selected. Among the selected studies, 18 employed experimental designs and 26 were cross-sectional studies. Five studies also presented cross-lagged analyses from two or more timepoints.Results: The review indicated a substantial positive correlation between gratitude and life satisfaction. Various potential mediators were also identified, including meaning in life, social support, and self-esteem. Some experimental research suggested that gratitude interventions may increase life satisfaction compared to neutral control conditions, although evidence was mixed. There was stronger evidence for these effects in people from Western countries. However, there is no strong evidence that gratitude interventions outperform positively valenced control conditions. Thus, it is possible that the effects of intervention could be caused by demand- or placebo effects.Conclusion and Recommendation: While it is clear that there is a link between gratitude and life satisfaction, the extent to which gratitude causes life satisfaction and the mechanism underlying that link require further exploration. We suggest that experimental work test effects of changes in gratitude that cannot be explained by placebo- or demand effects. We also encourage more interactive interventions as well as research that investigates third variables that could underlie both gratitude and life satisfaction.Plain Language Summary: People who feel more gratitude tend to be more satisfied with their lives and sometimes report feeling more satisfied after performing gratitude-related tasks such as listing things they are grateful for. However, not all studies find these effects, and there is little evidence that these tasks work better than simply asking people to engage in other positive thoughts. It is also possible that people respond more positively to life satisfaction surveys after these interventions because of expectations, rather than real changes in life satisfaction.Keywords: gratitude, life satisfaction, positive psychology interventions, subjective well-being

Many of us-60% of humanity, according to one study-would like to change some of our personality traits, such as decreasing pessimism or neuroticism. Dweck (2008) proposed that traits might be altered by changing beliefs. However, novel beliefs must be identified, she contends, because currently studied beliefs are empirically inadequate (e.g., low correlations to broad personality traits) and because a belief's influence on behavior is usually confined to a particular situation or topic. When psychologists refer to the psychological impact of beliefs about situations, they typically mean local situations: situations individuals can enter and leave (e.g., "This neighborhood is dangerous"). The novel theoretical suggestion of this article is that a person's basic beliefs about a situation they never leave such as the world (e.g., "This world is dangerous") are uniquely suited to impact cross-situational behavior patterns often associated with broad personality traits. Historically, general beliefs about the world (termed "primal world beliefs") were understudied, and many remained unknown, rendering systematic investigation infeasible. However, using several methods that helped identify Big Five traits decades ago, a recent effort seeking to map primal world beliefs found a structure of 26 dimensions (most clustering into the beliefs that the world is Safe, Enticing, and Alive ) suggesting promising avenues for primals-personality research. This article presents a nuanced, working, speculative hypothesis future research can explore: Average behavioral tendencies that persist wherever the individual goes (personality traits) theoretically should result from beliefs about the broader situation the individual never leaves (the world). (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Objectives: We tested whether generalized beliefs that the world is safe, abundant, pleasurable, and progressing (termed "primal world beliefs") are associated with several objective measures of privilege., Methods: Three studies (N = 16,547) tested multiple relationships between indicators of privilege-including socioeconomic status, health, sex, and neighborhood safety-and relevant world beliefs, as well as researchers and laypeople's expectations of these relationships. Samples were mostly from the USA and included general population samples (Study 2) as well as focused samples of academic researchers (Study 1) and people who had experienced serious illness or trauma (Study 3)., Results: Studies 1-2 found mostly negligible relationships between world beliefs and indicators of privilege, which were invariably lower than researcher predictions (e.g., instead of the expected r = 0.33, neighborhood affluence correlated with Abundant world belief at r = 0.01). Study 3 found that people who had experienced serious illness (cancer, cystic fibrosis) only showed modest differences in beliefs from controls., Conclusions: While results do not preclude that some individuals' beliefs were meaningfully affected by life events, they imply that such changes are smaller or less uniform than widely believed and that knowing a person's demographic background may tell us relatively little about their beliefs (and vice versa)., (© 2023 Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

When ancient humans gained the ability to investigate abstract questions, what first question did they pose? This article offers a novel, sweeping, historical analysis with important implications for psychological theory. The story begins with identifying the first question in Ancient Greek philosophy as "Where am I?" with particular interest in the world's overarching basic traits. For example, Pythagoras proposed the world was defined by beauty and Heraclitus suggested change. Though this discourse has traditionally puzzled historians, recent psychological research suggests it might have been largely a debate over primal world beliefs, an emerging research topic that this article introduces and situates historically. Recently, the latent structure of primal world beliefs was mapped statistically, revealing 26 dimensions. Most of these beliefs were new to psychologists, yet already posed by ancient philosophers-including Pythagoras' Beautiful world belief and Heraclitus' Changing world belief. Identifying first questions in early history may have value for psychological theorizing because it hints at something that social psychologists have long suspected: that humans are creatures fundamentally driven to understand their situation and what it calls for. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Objectives: Courses on well-being are increasingly evaluated to see how they may promote mental health in college. We examined the impact of a course on students' well-being, anxiety, and depression., Methods: Subjects were undergraduates enrolled in the "Science of Happiness," (SOH) ( n  = 105), and "Child and Adolescent Psychopathology," (CAP) ( n  = 114). Well-being measures included the PERMA Profiler and Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS) at the beginning and conclusion of the semester. The Depression Anxiety and Stress Scale - 21 items (DASS-21) measured psychopathology., Results: There were significant improvements on the SWLS 1.28 ( p  = .038; d  = .264) in SOH. There was no improvement for the PERMA Profiler in either group, and no differences between groups. There was no significant change on the DASS-21 for SOH subjects., Conclusions: Undergraduate courses that deliver positive psychology psychoeducation have a small effect size even in non-randomized studies. Future curriculum innovation is needed and better research to validate positive psychology psychoeducation.

Measures of the same phenomenon should produce the same results; this principle is fundamental because it allows for replication-the basis of science. Unfortunately, measures of a psychological construct in one language can often measure something a bit different in another language (i.e., low "scale equivalence"). Historically, the problem was thought to stem from insufficient knowledge of best-practice translation procedures. Yet solutions based on this diagnosis and their widespread adoption have not resolved the issue. In this article, we suggest that an additional problem might be insufficient information about the measure being translated. If so, low scale equivalence is a problem that translators and cross-cultural psychologists cannot solve on their own. We explore the possibility that measure-specific translation guides be created by original scale builders for the most widely used measures of important psychological constructs. We describe why such guides are needed, when they are needed, what they might look like, their feasibility, and next steps, providing a complete example guide and test case in a supplement concerning the Primals Inventory. In this article, we seek to spark discussion on translation practices happening behind the scenes and how greater transparency can improve scale equivalence, in the spirit of open science.

Introduction: People hold general beliefs about the world called primals (e.g., the world is Safe, Intentional), which are strongly linked to individual differences in personality, behavior, and mental health. How such beliefs form or change across the lifespan is largely unknown, although theory suggests that beliefs become more negative after disruptive events. The COVID-19 pandemic provided an opportunity to test whether dramatic world changes and personal adversity affect beliefs., Method: In a longitudinal, quasi-experimental, pre-registered design, 529 US participants (51% female, 76% White) provided ratings of primals before and several months after pandemic onset, and information about personal adversity (e.g., losing family, financial hardship). Data were compared to 398 participants without experience of the pandemic., Results: The average person in our sample showed no change in 23 of the 26 primals, including Safe, in response to the early pandemic, and only saw the world as slightly less Alive, Interactive, and Acceptable. Higher adversity, however, was associated with slight declines in some beliefs. One limitation is that participants were exclusively American., Conclusion: Primals were remarkably stable during the initial shock wrought by a once-in-a-century pandemic, supporting a view of primals as stable lenses through which people interpret the world., (© 2022 Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

Differences in attitudes on social issues such as abortion, immigration and sex are hugely divisive, and understanding their origins is among the most important tasks facing human behavioural sciences. Despite the clear psychological importance of parenthood and the motivation to provide care for children, researchers have only recently begun investigating their influence on social and political attitudes. Because socially conservative values ostensibly prioritize safety, stability and family values, we hypothesized that being more invested in parental care might make socially conservative policies more appealing. Studies 1 (preregistered; n = 376) and 2 ( n = 1924) find novel evidence of conditional experimental effects of a parenthood prime, such that people who engaged strongly with a childcare manipulation showed an increase in social conservatism. Studies 3 ( n = 2610, novel data from 10 countries) and 4 ( n = 426 444, World Values Survey data) find evidence that both parenthood and parental care motivation are associated with increased social conservatism around the globe. Further, most of the positive association globally between age and social conservatism is accounted for by parenthood. These findings support the hypothesis that parenthood and parental care motivation increase social conservatism.

How we perceive our surrounding world impacts how we live in and react to it. In this study, we propose LaBel (Latent Beliefs Model), an alternative to topic modeling that uncovers latent semantic dimensions from transformer-based embeddings and enables their representation as generated phrases rather than word lists. We use LaBel to explore the major beliefs that humans have about the world and other prevalent domains, such as education or parenting. Although human beliefs have been explored in previous works, our proposed model helps automate the exploring process to rely less on human experts, saving time and manual efforts, especially when working with large corpus data. Our approach to LaBel uses a novel modification of autoregressive transformers to effectively generate texts conditioning on a vector input format. Differently from topic modeling methods, our generated texts (e.g. "the world is truly in your favor") are discourse segments rather than word lists, which helps convey semantics in a more natural manner with full context. We evaluate LaBel dimensions using both an intrusion task as well as a classification task of identifying categories of major beliefs in tweets finding greater accuracies than popular topic modeling approaches.

Primal world beliefs ("primals") are beliefs about the basic character of the world (e.g., "the world is an abundant place"). The first effort to empirically map primals identified over two dozen such beliefs. The four highest-order beliefs--the overall belief that the world is Good (vs. bad), followed by Good's three dimensions of Safe (vs. dangerous), Enticing (vs. dull), and Alive (vs. mechanistic)-were novel and strongly correlated to many theoretically relevant outcomes such as depression. However, measuring these four beliefs currently requires administering the 99-item Primals Inventory (PI-99) and computing lengthy subscales (71, 29, 28, and 14 items). This article validates briefer measures. Study 1 (N = 459) and Study 2 (N = 5,171) examines the dimensionality, internal reliability, and test-retest reliability of scores on an 18-item measure of Good, Safe, Enticing, and Alive (PI-18). Study 3 (N = 3,947) does the same for a briefer 6-item measure of overall Good world belief (PI-6). Study 4 (N = 5,794) compares both versions to the PI-99 (the gold standard) and 14 of its correlates, including depression and life satisfaction. We conclude by recommending the PI-6 and PI-18 for most research and clinical uses and note that correspondence of three parallel forms implies not only scale accuracy but also robustness of the latent phenomena. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Do negative primal world beliefs reflect experiences such as trauma, crime, or low socio-economic status? Clifton and colleagues recently suggested that primals-defined as beliefs about the general character of the world as a whole, such as the belief that the world is safe (vs. dangerous) and abundant (vs. barren)-may shape many of the most-studied variables in psychology. Yet researchers do not yet know why individuals adopt their primals nor the role of experience in shaping primals. Many theories can be called retrospective theories ; these theories suggest that past experiences lead to the adoption of primals that reflect those experiences. For example, trauma increases the belief that the world is dangerous and growing up poor increases the belief that the world is barren. Alternatively, interpretive theories hold that primals function primarily as lenses on experiences while being themselves largely unaffected by them. This article identifies twelve empirical tests where each theory makes different predictions and hypothesizes that retrospective theories are typically less accurate than interpretive theories. I end noting that, even if retrospective theories are typically inaccurate, that does not imply experiences do not shape primals. I end by offering a conceptual architecture-the Cube Framework-for exploring the full range of human experience and suggest that, though psychologists have historically focused on negative, externally imposed experiences of short-duration (e.g., trauma), positive, internally driven, and longer-term experiences are also worth considering., (Copyright © 2020 Clifton.)

Scale builders strive to maximize dual priorities: validity and reliability. While the literature is full of tips for increasing one, the other, or both simultaneously, how to navigate tensions between them is less clear. Confusion shrouds the nature, prevalence, and practical implications of trade-offs between validity and reliability-formerly called paradoxes. This confusion results in most trade-offs being resolved de facto at validity's expense despite validity being de jure the higher priority. Decades-long battles against clear measurement malpractice persist because unspecified trade-offs render scale-building decisions favoring validity perennially unattractive to scale builders. In light of this confusion, the goal of this article is to make plain that the source of validity versus reliability trade-offs is systematic error that contributes to item communality. Moreover, straightforward, nontrivial trade-offs pervade the scale-building process. This article highlights common trade-offs in 6 contexts: item content, item construction, item difficulty, item scoring, item order, and item analysis. I end with 5 recommendations for managing trade-offs and out 7 "dirty tricks" often used to exploit them when nobody's looking. In short, reviewers should require scale builders to declare how validity and reliability will be prioritized and penalize those who resolve trade-offs in goal-inconsistent ways. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Aaron Beck's insight-that beliefs about one's self, future, and environment shape behavior-had major implications for health psychology research and practice. Yet, beliefs about one's environment have remained relatively understudied. A recent comprehensive empirically-driven effort has led to the identification of 26 primal world beliefs, or primals, (e.g., the world is: harmless vs. threatening, stable vs. fragile, just vs. unjust, meaningful vs. meaningless, improvable vs. too hard to improve, beautiful vs. ugly). Primals have been theorized to influence many outcomes of interest to different psychological subdisciplines, and a psychometrically rigorous effort has developed a Primals Inventory to measure them. In this brief report, we aim to introduce primals' potential implications for health psychology research and practice. After summarizing primals' theorized general function, we illustrate their connection to health processes and outcomes via five illustrative hypotheses. These hypotheses concern how primals might influence (a) the cardiotoxic stress axis; (b) conserved transcriptional response to adversity gene expression patterns; (c) health behaviors; (d) treatment effectiveness; and (e) risk of developing chronic diseases. Further research on primals in relation to health processes and outcomes might lead to new avenues of scientific inquiry and innovative methods of improving the trajectory of our society's health and well-being., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Beck's insight-that beliefs about one's self, future, and environment shape behavior-transformed depression treatment. Yet environment beliefs remain relatively understudied. We introduce a set of environment beliefs- primal world beliefs or primals -that concern the world's overall character (e.g., the world is interesting, the world is dangerous ). To create a measure, we systematically identified candidate primals (e.g., analyzing tweets, historical texts, etc.); conducted exploratory factor analysis ( N = 930) and two confirmatory factor analyses ( N = 524; N = 529); examined sequence effects ( N = 219) and concurrent validity ( N = 122); and conducted test-retests over 2 weeks ( n = 122), 9 months ( n = 134), and 19 months (n = 398). The resulting 99-item Primals Inventory (PI-99) measures 26 primals with three overarching beliefs- Safe, Enticing , and Alive (mean α = .93)-that typically explain ∼55% of the common variance. These beliefs were normally distributed; stable (2 weeks, 9 months, and 19 month test-retest results averaged .88, .75, and .77, respectively); strongly correlated with many personality and wellbeing variables (e.g., Safe and optimism, r = .61; Enticing and depression, r = -.52; Alive and meaning, r = .54); and explained more variance in life satisfaction, transcendent experience, trust, and gratitude than the BIG 5 (3%, 3%, 6%, and 12% more variance, respectively). In sum, the PI-99 showed strong psychometric characteristics, primals plausibly shape many personality and wellbeing variables, and a broad research effort examining these relationships is warranted. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved).