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Alltagsgeschichte has contributed much to our understanding of the emergence, construction and development of dictatorships in the twentieth century. However, Franco’s regime has hardly featured in the main accounts of everyday life and social attitudes in European dictatorships. This article seeks to remedy this deficit by placing Franco’s forty-year-long rule into international debates on everyday life under non-democratic regimes. This is achieved by exploring the heterogeneous and dynamic attitudes and strategies employed by Spaniards to cope with hunger and scarcity during the post-war period. The article draws on a range of sources from international, national and local archives, as well as several life-history interviews. These provide a deeper insight into individual experience and behaviour, which is at the heart of Alltagsgeschichte. By focusing on everyday life experiences and the potential of concepts like Eigen-Sinn, this article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the way in which ordinary people negotiated power in their daily lives.

Dictatorships are of course put into effect from ‘on high’, by the dictators themselves and the loyal individuals who support and enable them. However, in addition to being decreed and imposed ‘from above’, dictatorships are also effectively enacted ‘from below’, in the local spaces and everyday cultures inhabited and performed day-by-day by the people who live through them. Local representatives of the dictatorial state – party officials, civil servants, police officers, and so on – and those with semi-official positions of trust – for example, doctors, midwives, university professors, teachers and journalists – are charged with putting into practice the intended aims of the dictator, but in the process of doing so must absorb and interpret these aims, leading to their potential distortion or modification. Crucially, dictatorships are experienced subjectively by the individuals who live within their borders, who also, through their agency, actions, practices and attitudes, have some capacity – albeit heavily circumscribed in many ways – to contribute to the making – and potentially to the unmaking – of dictatorship. The basic ‘unit of experience’ of dictatorship, therefore, is locally and subjectively bound.

Pidio a los fieles que rezaran para que sus oraciones llegaran a Dios, ya que a ‘El Pardo’ no llegaban.1Hoy en dia existe un amplio consenso entre los investigadores acerca de que los caminos que l...

En los últimos años, muchos investigadores dedicados al estudio de las dictaduras de la Europa de entreguerras han prestado una atención renovada a las aportaciones realizadas por la Alltagsgeschichte en la década de 1980. Este ensayo evalúa en qué medida el retorno y la actualización de los postulados de la historia de la vida cotidiana pueden contribuir a avanzar en el conocimiento de la naturaleza y el funcionamiento de las dictaduras nacidas en el periodo de entreguerras, examinando de manera paralela la utilidad de conceptos como Eigensinn para entender las complejidades que marcaron la relación entre Estados y sociedades en estos regímenes.

As with other non-democratic regimes, the study of social attitudes has become one of the main themes used to explain the birth, consolidation and durability of the Franco dictatorship. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how the outlook adopted by ordinary Spaniards favoured the consolidation of the Franco regime during the post-war period. It does this by highlighting the importance of examining popular opinion at the local level, where state agents and members of society came into daily contact. By analysing social attitudes towards hunger and poverty, guerrilla activities and Spain’s diplomatic isolation, the article reveals a measure of tepid support for the regime. Together with the punishment of the defeated and the collaboration of regime supporters, the unenthusiastic but accepting opinions held by the majority of Spanish people were crucial to underpinning the regime ‘from below’. To these groups, the survival of dictatorship seemed to be the only solution that would avoid political confrontation and would allow people to live a ‘peaceful’ existence.

El cop d'estat de juliol de 1936 va donar lloc a una guerra que va deixar una petjada duradora en la societat espanyola, pero tambe va posar els primers fonaments sobre els quals es va sostenir una dictadura de quaranta anys. L'esclat de la violencia va obrir, a mes, el context propici per al desmuntatge de l'experiencia republicana i la consolidacio dels components fonamentals de l'incipient regim franquista. Aquest text examina el proces de formacio de l'Espanya de Franco i a la seva incidencia sobre la mobilitzacio social. En concret, se centra en la interrelacio entre tres variables essencials per a entendre el naixement del franquisme: la nacio, la violencia i el catolicisme. Aquest article prioritza una mirada des de baix i es basa en fonts de diversa procedencia: bibliografia, premsa, testimoniatges i documentacio arxivistica. L'objectiu final es examinar la construccio de la Croada franquista, avaluant l'abast dels discursos i politiques renacionalitzadores i recatolitzadores impulsades per les autoritats, pero coproduides d'una part de la poblacio situada en zona revoltada.

This article traces the ways in which the early Franco regime, understood to encapsulate the years 1936–1951, dealt with what was understood to be one of the hangovers of the previous republican regime: “vice” and “immorality” in society. The study departs from a local and micro historical viewed that analyses the discourse on vice and the attendant program of purification by focusing on two districts of the city of Granada, a locality that fell swiftly to the Nationalist forces in July 1936. It understands the regime's concerns about vice as part of the formula embarked upon for the re-nationalization of Spain and its re-Christianization. By taking a view from the locality, this study contributes to the local/national axis of interpretation and debates in respect of the treatment of issues such as prostitution, immorality, and anti-clericalism, and makes a contribution to analysis of the workings of the regime at the level of everyday life. It also assesses the different strategies employed to li...

Resumen: Este artículo analiza el proceso de adaptación tanto del régimen como del conjunto de la sociedad a las profundas transformaciones que caracterizaron el “segundo franquismo”. Para ello, apoyándose en fuentes archivísticas de diversa procedencia, prensa y bibliografía relevante, esta investigación adopta una perspectiva centrada en las provincias con el objetivo de evaluar tanto el alcance real de los proyectos del régimen para garantizar su supervivencia, como los cambios en las actitudes y comportamientos de la sociedad española. Los dos primeros apartados examinan la capacidad de las culturas nacionalcatólica y falangista para adecuarse a un nuevo contexto. El tercero, en cambio, explora las heterogéneas y contradictorias respuestas de la sociedad española ante los cambios en los discursos y políticas oficiales. Con ello, se trata de ofrecer una visión más profunda y compleja de la relación entre el Estado y la sociedad en los últimos años de la dictadura franquista.Palabras clave: franquismo, Falange, nacionalcatolicismo, actitudes sociales, provincias.Abstract: This article analyses the process of adaptation of both the regime and the society to the deep transformations which characterized the so called ‘Second Francoism’. To do that, relying on different archival sources, newspapers and relevant literature, this research uses a perspective focused on the provinces to assess both the real scope of Francoist projects to survive and the changing attitudes and behaviour of Spaniards. Sections one and two explores the ability of National-Catholic and Falangist political cultures to adapt themselves to a new environment. Finally, the article explores the Spanish society’s heterogeneous and contradictory responses towards the regime’s discourses and policies. This research aims to provide a deeper and more complex understanding of the relationship between State and people during the last years of Francoist dictatorship.Keywords: Franco’s regime, Falange, National-Catholicism, social attitudes, provinces.

Mucho antes de que los historiadores hablaran de “brutalizacion” o de “desmovilizacion cultural”, por mencionar solo dos nociones muy empleadas internacionalmente en los ultimos anos, ya los contemporaneos eran conscientes del impacto de la guerra en la psicologia humana, y de los efectos de las experiencias belicas en lo que podemos seguir denominando “mentalidades” ( mentalites ), por desempolvar la vieja categoria de la escuela de Annales en el amplio marco de historia cultural. En la historiografia espanola, los ultimos diez anos han presenciado un vivo interes por las perspectivas culturales sobre la historia de la guerra y las posguerras, que se han aplicado en mayor o menor medida al estudio de la Guerra Civil espanola y otras experiencias belicas de nuestra contemporaneidad. Esta ha sido una oleada historiografica relativamente tardia y no particularmente prolija en publicaciones, en comparacion con lo investigado y publicado en otros paises e idiomas. De hecho, el estudio de las “mentalidades en guerra” en la Espana contemporanea, al que este dossier indirectamente pretende dar un empujon a traves de la observacion de casos historicos europeos que invitan a la reflexion comparativa y transnacional, creemos que tiene todavia un largo camino por recorrer.

El presente artículo examina el papel de la experiencia de guerra en la conformación de la dictadura franquista a través del análisis de las actitudes y comportamientos de los vencedores y apoyos sociales del régimen durante la propia Guerra Civil y la posguerra. En concreto, se trata de examinar el modo en que la contienda –ya fuera en el frente o en la retaguardia– influyó a un amplio conjunto de individuos que acabaron por convertirse en los mayores defensores de una cultura cimentada sobre la victoria armada. Para ello, partiendo desde una perspectiva centrada en el plano local, se exploran las diferentes vías (sistema de recompensas, participación en las instituciones del régimen, colaboración en la persecución del enemigo o perpetuación de la memoria de los vencedores) a través de las cuales contribuyeron a la consolidación de la dictadura, al tiempo que propiciaron la exclusión social de los perdedores de la guerra. This article explores the role of war experience in the construction of Franco’s dictatorship by analyzing the attitudes and behavior of the victors and the regime’s grassroots during the Spanish Civil War and the postwar period. It aims in particular at examining the way in which the war –both on the frontline and at the rearguard– affected many individuals who eventually became the strongest supporters of a culture based on military victory. With a view to that, and departing from a local perspective, it explores the different ways (rewards system, engagement in the regime institutions, collaboration in enemy repression, and establishment of an everlasting victors’ memory) in which both dictatorship and social exclusion of the vanquished were firmly laid down.

Unsurprisingly, General Franco has become the historical figure who most fascinates those interested in Spain's twentieth century. Franco's regime occupied Spaniards’ lives for almost forty years a...

El presente artículo pretende abordar de manera conjunta los perfiles de la represión franquista. El franquismo, como otros regímenes dictatoriales de la Europa de entreguerras, no puede entenderse sin el control social y la represión que ejercieron contra los sectores más desafectos de las sociedades sobre las que se construyeron. Por ello, para comprender los asesinatos cometidos en las tapias de los cementerios debemos mirar más allá. Así, se concibe la represión física, cultural y socioeconómica de manera integrada y complementaria, contribuyendo a ofrecer una explicación más sólida y compleja de la represión franquista. Para tal fin, se analizan en detalle la represión cultural y socioeconómica durante los años del primer franquismo. This article aims to deal with jointly the conception of Francoist repression. Like other dictatorial regimes of interwar Europe, Francoism cannot be understood without the social control and the repression exerted over the disaffected sectors of the society they established over. Thus, to understand the killings committed in the cemetery walls we should see beyond physical repression. Thereby, physical, cultural and socioeconomic repression are conceived in an integrated and complementary way, offering a more solid and complex explanation of Francoist repression. To this end, cultural and socioeconomic repression are analysed in the first years of Francoism.