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We compare intergenerational class mobility trends in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay, exploring the effects of education over birth cohorts. After presenting descriptive measures of absolute mobility, we use log-linear models to study relative mobility and the mediating role of education. Then, we examine trends in intergenerational class mobility linked to educational levels over cohorts. Finally, counterfactual simulations show the net effects of education on mobility. Results show that intergenerational class mobility across cohorts occurred only for men in Argentina and Chile. Inequality trends in educational opportunities were only present for women. Class returns to education occurred among men in Chile and Uruguay, and women in Argentina. Social fluidity under the mediating effects of education did not show a clear pattern. The claim that educational expansion created more opportunities for intergenerational mobility does not find support in our data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, income inequality has soared in the United States, but few studies utilize experimental methodologies to assess whether having reliable information on income concentration affects the formation of redistribution attitudes. We advance this emerging literature through an analysis of information on the income owned by the top 1% of the income distribution – a group that is socio-politically meaningful and axial to the recent rise of inequality. The empirical evidence draws on a novel split-sample survey experiment (N = 4,000). The results indicate that having the real value of income concentration does not have an average, significant effect on redistribution attitudes. Neither does it moderate the positive association between prior perceptions of concentration and these attitudes. However, the analysis suggests that intense cognitive effort is related to preference revision. This is because, information reduces pro-redistribution attitudes among extreme overestimators who process the information more intensely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concern to think about the place of caste as a conceptual category – within, and in relation to, broader sociological understandings of inequality – was the primary motivation of the British Sociological Association Presidential event on 'Caste and its Implications for Sociologies of Inequality' held at the London School of Economics in late autumn 2023. It sought not only to engage with caste sociologically but also to ask the question of what a consideration of caste could bring to sociological thinking more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging out of religious conflict in early modern Europe, the terms race and caste as we understand them today went on to define hierarchical relations in different parts of the globe. Yet, they have never completely parted ways and Suraj Yengde's essay explores these hidden connections in the use that American sociologists made of both categories. They generally did so by setting one term against the other in the attempt to account for racial discrimination in the United States. Race and caste were mediated by class in these debates, a category seen as being more modern and progressive than either of them. The comments that follow argue that caste and race are not simply the precursors of class and continue to interact with each other without the latter's mediation. Anti-race and anti-caste politics are also more connected to religious forms of universality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Recent political developments in established democracies have renewed attention to the politics of identity. Some commentators have expressed concern that polities are fracturing along increasingly narrow social identity lines, in the process, losing their ability to build solidarity around shared commitments such as redistribution. This article takes stock of the strength of Canadian social identities and their consequences for redistributive preferences. It asks: first, which group memberships form the basis of Canadians' perceptions of shared identity, and second, do these group memberships shape preferences for redistribution? This study answers these questions using two conjoint experiments that assess respondents' perceptions of commonality and support for redistributing to hypothetical Canadians who vary on multiple dimensions of identity and need. Findings support that Canadians perceive greater shared identity with some of their groups (their social class) over others (their region or ascriptive identity), but that they overwhelmingly prioritize redistributing toward those who need it over those with whom they share group memberships. Résumé: Les récents développements politiques dans les démocraties établies ont renouvelé l'attention portée à la politique de l'identité. Certains commentateurs se sont inquiétés du fait que les politiques se fracturent sur des lignes d'identité sociale de plus en plus étroites, perdant ainsi leur capacité à construire une solidarité autour d'engagements partagés tels que la redistribution. Cet article fait le point sur la force des identités sociales canadiennes et leurs conséquences sur les préférences en matière de redistribution. Il pose les questions suivantes : premièrement, quelles sont les appartenances à des groupes qui forment la base des perceptions d'identité partagée des Canadiens et, deuxièmement, ces appartenances à des groupes influencent-elles les préférences redistributives ? Cette étude répond à ces questions à l'aide de deux expériences conjointes qui attribuent les perceptions des répondants en matière de communauté et de soutien à la redistribution à des Canadiens hypothétiques qui varient en fonction de multiples dimensions d'identité et besoins. Les résultats confirment que les Canadiens perçoivent une identité commune plus forte avec certains de leurs groupes (leur classe sociale) qu'avec d'autres (leur région ou leur identité), mais qu'ils accordent une priorité à la redistribution aux personnes qui en ont besoin plutôt qu'à ceux avec qui ils partagent l'appartenance à un groupe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an overview of the genesis of the category informal sector, we highlight the importance of the parallelism between race and class for the analysis of the structure of occupations. Afterwards, we examined the situation of black workers in the Brazilian labour market between 1982 and 2022, both in informal occupations and in low-paid formal occupations, among which we highlighted app delivery workers as an expression of the raciality of the informalization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Resumo Este artigo visa contribuir para uma redefinição da relação entre a sociologia do trabalho e a teoria social, conectando percepções do marxismo e da teoria do reconhecimento com as da sociologia da cultura. Trabalho está sempre inserido em culturas do trabalho e em uma economia moral e deve ser analisado no contexto de vida no qual pessoas se confrontam com constrangimentos, normas e expectativas sociais e desenvolvem também, nesse trabalho de identidade, as suas orientações de trabalho. Este artigo defende uma referenciação mútua e mais forte entre a sociologia do trabalho e a sociologia da desigualdade social, o que torna necessária a reflexão sobre a importância da concepção de “classe”. O artigo esboça um conceito duplo de classe – no sentido de desacoplar a compreensão deste conceito como contradição entre capital e trabalho daquela de uma categoria sociocultural. Com o “valor social da força de trabalho” propõe-se aqui uma concepção que medeie categorias de reconhecimento e as percepções interseccionais da relação entre capital e trabalho.◊

O presente trabalho visa tratar da loucura sob uma perspectiva crítica e interseccional, objetivando avaliar de que maneira elementos de gênero, raça e classe foram significativos para a definição do conceito de loucura a partir do movimento higienista do século XIX. A importância do tratamento da referida matéria se dá, primeiramente, pelo fato de que o gênero, a raça e a classe são fatores ainda hoje invisibilizados na compreensão do “louco”, em especial no âmbito jurídico. A relevância da abordagem se manifesta, também, em virtude de ainda se manter viva, nos dias atuais, a patologização das diferenças. Quanto ao objetivo proposto, a metodologia da pesquisa aqui eleita é do tipo explicativa, direcionada a desvendar as razões de o público-alvo dos hospitais de custódia diferir pouco daquele selecionado pelo Estado para compor seu cárcere. Portanto, trabalha-se com a seguinte hipótese “o projeto de reurbanização da belle époque nos legou uma política de segregação da diferença, direcionada a encarcerar representatividades de gênero, raça e classe não majoritárias, ainda que pela justificativa do cuidado e tratamento em hospitais”.

This article constructs a comprehensive new model of the contemporary class structure of Germany. More specifically, inspired by Pierre Bourdieu's geometric conception of class relations and drawing on original survey data, it adopts multiple correspondence analysis paired with cluster analysis to chart the German 'social space', that is, the relational configuration of key forms of capital. It then explores correspondences with occupational groups, ethnic groups, other demographic features, lifestyle practices and tastes. The results disclose specific structuring effects of German peculiarities on the distribution of social power, including East–West reunification and the long-running guestworker programme. More fundamentally, though, in its basic structure, the space resembles that mapped by Bourdieu in France and those documented by others elsewhere, suggesting common principles of social and symbolic differentiation among Western capitalist societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Este artigo reconstrói parte dos processos de luta e resistência do Comitê de Donas de Casa do Século XX durante as greves de 1975 e 1976 na Bolívia, a partir de uma análise baseada nos conceitos de subalternidade de Antonio Gramci, dupla opressão de Silvia Federici, interseccionalidade, na perspectiva de Sara Salem e a multitemporalidade heterogênea de Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui. Buscando responder, quais foram as estratégias e formas de organização que os garimpeiros do século XX se entregaram à intervenção, perseguição, tortura, assassinato e repressão da ditadura? Existe uma dimensão que reconheça a multiplicidade de opressões sobre as mulheres e os trabalhadores da mineração? O componente indígena é outra dimensão da opressão? O reconhecem como tal? Para isso, o autor foca sua metodologia no trabalho com fontes orais secundárias, principalmente mulheres garimpeiras que deixaram seus depoimentos em diversas entrevistas escritas e audiovisuais. Dessa forma, afirma-se que as estratégias de luta e resistência são construídas a partir de suas relações de exploração e opressão dentro do sistema capitalista, patriarcal e racista com o objetivo de questionar a exploração de classe e a opressão de gênero e raça.

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By turns intimate, scholarly, and political, this reflection of a working-class historian (by birth as well as choice) and feminist scholar of women, gender, and migration highlights the life experiences, intellectual awakenings, and contemporary historical developments that have informed her evolving scholarship. While acknowledging individual achievement, the emphasis is on how collaboration with a life partner/historian, colleagues, students, and activists, as well as "collective solidarities," have significantly shaped and enriched her career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Resumo A produção teórica de Lélia Gonzalez se insere na tradição ensaística brasileira, rica em produzir interpretações sobre o Brasil e a América Latina. Em que pese a relevância e originalidade do pensamento da autora, ainda são relativamente incipientes os investimentos de pesquisa voltados à teoria social proposta pela pensadora brasileira. Neste artigo, busca-se identificar os fundamentos da teoria social produzida por Lélia Gonzalez, dando especial atenção a seus vínculos com o pensamento sociológico. O intuito é realçar a multidimensionalidade de sua abordagem, que mobiliza e dialoga criticamente com autoras(es) clássicas(os) das ciências sociais, apontando suas limitações em termos heurísticos, e articulando-se com investigações e reflexões que conferem aos conceitos de raça/cor e gênero lugar equiparável ao de classe na interpretação crítica do social.

e article focuses on the commercial mechanism in Late Antiquity with special regard paid to the Late Antique sedes imperii, Ravenna, and its maritime port of Classe from the point of view of qualitative and quantitative analyses of marble and poery importation through long-distance trade within the Mediterranean. In the 5th and 6th centuries, Ravenna represented an important political, commercial, and cultural centre, involved in interregional sea trade through its port of Classe, and represented a significant production and redistributive centre. e research is based on archaeological material evidence: the provenance and quantity of imported stone artefacts from the Late Antique complex of S. Severo in Classe, and the provenance of poery finds from the harbour area of Podere Chiavichea in Classe. e mechanism of commercial exchange of Late Antique Ravenna and Classe with various regions of the Mediterranean is based on the quantitative and qualitative comparison of imported marble and poery. e question of the statio marmorum in the port area of Classe is also discussed on the basis of both the archaeological evidence and a comparison with the stone supply from Rome.

The purpose of this article is to relate the very important question of the autonomy of indigenous peoples to freely make decisions about their life with the notion of indigeneity, reconceptualised as a socially constructed and deeply contested resource. Resources are more than mere static assets or quantities of matter waiting to be measured, explored or protected. Something becomes a resource through joint processes of quantification, valuation, and normalisation. Along these lines, indigeneity is not just the ascertainment of something or someone in relation to 'somewhat else', but a nexus of indigenous peoples' self-realisation and political intervention. To be indigenous is to exist politically in space and in relation to antagonist forces and processes that constantly downgrade their ethnic and social condition. Indigeneity is, thus, a resource that presupposes the value and the fight for their rights and for other (so-called) indigenous resources found in their lands. The main contribution here is the claim that indigeneity is a ground-breaking resource and a reaction formulated in the interstices of the old and new machineries of market-oriented coloniality. Indigeneity is reinterpreted as a special, highly politicised resource that directly and indirectly opposes processes of world grabbing and the appropriation of other territorialised resources from indigenous areas. It is concluded that indigeneity, as a resourceful resource, has become a key factor in the process of external and internal recognition, which galvanises political mobilisation and instigates novel forms of interaction. What makes indigenous peoples more and more unique is also what makes them share a socio-political struggle with allied, subaltern social groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyses the abolition of slavery and the transition to free labour in late nineteenth-century Puerto Rico, seeking to understand the terms and timing of Puerto Rican abolition and the nature of society in its wake. Especially important in Puerto Rico, it argues, was the intertwined nature of slavery and other forms of forced labour as well as the predominance of foreign merchants and planters in the island's economy, which created multi-class alliances between working-class Puerto Ricans and creole elites. These class dynamics interacted with events in the metropole to influence the terms of labour on the island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deepens the analysis previously made by Silva and Rodrigues (2022) on the context of political activism of movements led by mothers who lost their children victims of state violence in Brazil. Here we discuss with greater emphasis the trajectory of the movement and how it is intertwined with intersectional oppressions of gender, race and class. We will present a bibliographic review and document analysis, with a survey of texts and reports on the subject. We intend to relate death, mourning, struggle and motherhood in an intersectional perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour cartography is a useful frame for cartographic research. The project of labour cartography involves three main areas of study. First, recovery of an archive of maps created by workers and labour unions, a history of cartography from below. Second, mapping and spatial analysis that renders visible historical patterns of work, organizing, and working-class community life. Third, research into applications of GIS by contemporary labour unions and workers' advocacy organizations, with an eye to developing more widespread, sophisticated, and democratic uses of maps and spatial analysis in organizing work. US labour archives contain many maps collected, repurposed, made, and distributed by workers and their unions. These maps provide the basis for a new recognition of the presence of workers and unions in cartographic history, a recognition analogous to that which guided work in labour geography that emerged in the 1990s. Extant maps illuminate scalar tensions in the production, synthesis, and dissemination of geographic knowledge. They reflect the unions' challenge of reconciling expertise with participation: steering labour organizing activity by a range of information, from the fine-grained social geographies of the shop floor up through the broad terrain of corporate and sectoral campaign research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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O presente artigo consiste em uma apresentação da discussão feita pela escritora e teórica do feminismo decolonial Yuderkys Espinosa Miñoso, que considerou analisar a dificuldade da razão feminista, conceito elencado por ela mesma, das teorias clássicas do feminismo, em abandonar o gênero como categoria fundamental de sua análise, buscando uma superação da ideia universalista e homogeneizante da categorização do conceito de mulher dentro dessas teorias. De forma crítica, a autora denuncia não somente as correntes clássicas do feminismo, mas também as falhas das correntes que se propuseram a ser críticas àquelas e acabaram caindo no reducionismo devido às limitações de onde essas revisões críticas surgiram, principalmente em relação às condições materiais nas quais essas revisões críticas foram feitas, partindo das posições que ocupam aqueles que elaboram essas teorias na matriz de poder, sendo geralmente mulheres brancas, de classe média, uma análise acerca da perspectiva da interseccionalidade acaba sendo elemento necessário para a superação da opressão, que não é somente opressão de gênero, mas co-constituída pela tríade: raça, classe e sexualidade.

Como explicar a existência do racismo na atualidade? De onde vem esse racismo que atinge quase metade da população nacional que vive em precárias condições de sobrevivência? O capitalismo contemporâneo baseia-se na competição social em busca de privilégios, status, poder e ascensão social que acaba por jogar os trabalhadores uns contra os outros, dividindo-os e enfraquecendo-os. Acreditamos que é nesse sentido que o racismo fortalece o capitalismo, ou seja, dividindo a classe explorada para melhor dominá-la. E essa, talvez, seja uma das principais razões para que o racismo permaneça mesmo após a abolição da escravidão, sendo uma realidade cruel e inegável no Brasil e no mundo.

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Caviar or izquierda caviar (caviar left) is a term in Peru that describes privileged actors who advocate for progressive causes. The label is typically employed by right-wing commentators to criticize politicians, intellectuals, and activists. A systematic analysis of uses of "caviar" in Peruvian newspapers draws attention to the way the term comes to refer to the pursuit of wealth and influence through an embrace of progressive ideals and projects, as opposed to merely pointing to a correspondence between social privilege and left political views. This focus on "benefiting" responds to Peru's uneven neoliberal development and recent experience of political violence but can also be understood as a reconfiguration of class relations and inequality that is characteristic of populist political styles around the globe. Engaging with scholarship on the place of progressive elites in right-wing populist formations, we suggest that anthropological attention to the meanings surrounding figures like the Peruvian caviar offers opportunities for understanding the role of normative ideas of wealth, inequality, and social mobility in contemporary populist appeals to "the people." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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FR. Cet article propose une analyse transversale de portraits de boxeurs noirs publiés dans des magazines africains de langue française entre 1953 et 1975. En suivant les représentations discursives et visuelles données de ce type de sportif dans deux périodiques illustrés diffusés en Afrique, Bingo (1953-1991) et La Vie africaine (1959-1965), comparées à celles qu’en a proposées au même moment Paris Match, il cherche à montrer, dans une perspective foucaldienne, comment ces dernières sont traversées par des dynamiques de pouvoir plus générales articulant des rapports sociaux de sexe, de race et de classe dans un contexte d’effritement de l’empire colonial français. Examinant les formes et la plasticité des textes et des images mettant en scène des boxeurs américains et africains d’un magazine à l’autre, l’article défend l’hypothèse d’une spécificité et d’une intensité du portrait de boxeur dans ce segment de la presse autour de 1960, avec ses topoï et ses référentiels. Après avoir décrit cet espace de publication périodique diversifié et concurrentiel, il propose une typologie des articles sur la boxe dans lesquels on retrouve, en dépit de leur variété et de leur mélange, des traits réguliers propres au portrait, forme de métagenre situé entre et au-delà des genres journalistiques usuels. La mise en scène médiatique des biographies de ces athlètes subalternisés, débordant la rubrique sportive, permet de donner un sens à des luttes tant pugilistiques que sociopolitiques, dans un contexte d’autonomisation du champ sportif français. Quoiqu’apparaissant comme des symboles de résistance, leurs corps y sont traversés par des dominations de race (sous la plume de bien des journalistes français, le Noir reste l’autre), de genre (quoique ne validant pas toutes les normes de masculinité hégémonique, ces portraits ne bousculent pas l’ordre genré), et de classe (les parcours de ces sportifs issus de milieux sociaux plutôt favorisés n’excluent pas des mécanismes (néo)coloniaux donnent la part belle à leurs entourages blancs). *** EN. This article offers a cross-sectional analysis of portraits of black boxers in African magazines written in French and published between 1953 and 1975. The analysis is based on the study of the discursive and visual representations of the figure of the athlete in two illustrated periodicals distributed in Africa, Bingo (1953-1991) and La Vie africaine (1959-1965). By comparing them with those offered by French magazine Paris Match on the same period of time, the article seeks to demonstrate, from a Foucauldian perspective, how the latter are imbued by more generic power dynamics articulating social relations of gender, race and class, in the context of a crumbling French colonial empire. Examining the forms and the plasticity of texts and images featuring American and African boxers in each magazine, this research argues that portraits of boxers in this segment of the press in the 1960’s formed a specific genre, with its own characteristics, levels of intensity, specific topoi and references. After describing the diverse and competitive market of periodical publishing, we suggest a typology of articles on boxing, which identifies, despite their variety, common strokes specific to the portrait genre. Thus, it constitutes a form of metagenre situated between and beyond the standard journalistic genres. The staging in the media of the lives of these objectified athletes goes beyond the sports section, and heightens both pugilistic and socio-political struggles in the context of the growing importance of the French sports scene internationally. Though appearing as symbols of resistance, their bodies bear the marks of subjection through race (under the pen of many French journalists, the Black man remains “the other”), gender (although not validating all the norms of hegemonic masculinity, these portraits do not challenge the gender order), and class (the fact that most athletes are from well-off families does not exclude the (neo)colonial mechanism which consists in giving more attention than required to their white entourage). *** PT. Este artigo oferece uma análise transversal de retratos de boxeadores negros publicados em revistas africanas de língua francesa entre 1953 e 1975. Seguindo as representações discursivas e visuais desse tipo de atleta em dois periódicos ilustrados distribuídos na África, Bingo (1953-1991) ) e La Vie africaine (1959-1965), em comparação com as propostas ao mesmo tempo por Paris Match, o trabalho procura mostrar, a partir de uma perspectiva foucaultiana, como estas últimas são atravessadas por dinâmicas de poder mais gerais que articulam as relações gênero, raça e classe em um contexto de desmoronamento do império colonial francês. Examinando as formas e a plasticidade de textos e imagens de boxeadores estadunidenses e africanos de uma revista para outra, o artigo defende a hipótese de uma especificidade e de uma intensidade do retrato de um boxeador neste segmento da imprensa por volta de 1960, com seus topoï e suas referências. Depois de ter descrito este espaço diversificado e competitivo de publicação de periódicos, propõe uma tipologia de artigos sobre boxe em que encontramos, apesar da sua variedade e da sua mistura, traços regulares próprios do retrato, uma forma de metagênero situada entre e para além de gêneros jornalísticos habituais. A encenação midiática das biografias desses atletas subalternos, extrapolando a seção de esportes, permite dar sentido às lutas pugilísticas e sociopolíticas, em um contexto de empoderamento do campo esportivo francês. Embora apareçam como símbolos de resistência, seus corpos são atravessados pela dominação racial (para muitos jornalistas franceses, o negro continua sendo o outro), gênero (embora não validem todas as normas da masculinidade hegemônica, esses retratos não perturbam a ordem de gênero), e de classe (os percursos desses atletas de origens sociais bastante privilegiadas não excluem os mecanismos (neo) coloniais que dão lugar de destaque às suas comitivas brancas). ***

Resenha do livro Mulher, Raça e Classe, de Angela Davis.

Este artigo tem como objetivo resgatar a compreensão sobre a natureza superestrutural do racismo como elemento que compõe a totalidade social e, portanto, legitimador da estrutura violenta da exploração capitalista, tanto em sua fase de acumulação primitiva quanto na de consolidação. Para tal, a incursão apresenta uma compreensão acerca das classes sociais e o seu conteúdo teórico-sócio-histórico, bem como uma apresentação teórico-histórica da fundação da raça como elemento classifi cador e diferenciador humano. Esse resgate torna possível identifi car o que seria, para Marx, a base ontológica do conhecimento da sociedade e a sua relação com a superestrutura, numa relação dialética de totalidade, identifi cando o racismo como superestrutural.

Much attention has been paid to the changing class cleavage that structured political conflict in the twentieth century. In contrast to most advanced democracies, class voting has traditionally been weak in Canada. Using the entire series of the Canadian Election Study (1965–2019), we find the historic pattern of working-class voting for the New Democratic Party (NDP) held outside of Quebec in recent elections, before suddenly falling off in 2019. Starting in 2004, we find a clear and distinct trend where the working class has increased its support for the Conservatives. Although greater partisan sorting is occurring over the economy, cultural issues such as moral traditionalism and anti-immigration are now significant drivers of working-class Conservative support. The findings carry important implications for class-party relationships and reveal that Canada, despite its comparatively weak nativist cleavage, is not immune from the tensions social democratic parties have recently experienced in maintaining cross-class coalitions amid socio-economic structural changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Neste artigo, apresento um mapeamento da pesquisa em Comunicação que articula os marcadores gênero, classe e raça. Para isso, realizo um levantamento de trabalhos apresentados nos Encontros Anuais da Compós entre 2011 e 2020. Após, analiso os estudos interseccionais que abordaram plataformas digitais, verificando se a interseccionalidade está presente nos cruzamentos empíricos e também nas discussões teóricas. Entre os principais resultados, percebe-se um silenciamento de determinadas abordagens na Comunicação, destacadamente a de raça. Acerca das pesquisas sobre plataformas digitais, nota-se a tendência de aprofundar a discussão empírica e teórica sobre interseccionalidade, bem como de problematizar essas plataformas como espaços de democratização das representações de gênero, classe e raça.

This article seeks to understand the modern-day value of children to middle class Indian parents. It examines parental strategies aimed at raising successful children by providing them with the best education possible. These strategies, involving 'concerted cultivation' and gendered 'educational labour', are analysed in relation to schooling and preparation for a highly competitive national entrance exam, for admission to an elite engineering college in the country. Describing and analysing the classed and gendered nature of these strategies, the article explores the shifting nature of returns that middle class parents expect from their grown children. As the article shows, gendered burdens and class location of parents are crucial in shaping the value of children. Mothers across class contribute disproportionately to children's educational training and highly educated mothers are withdrawn from the labour market to immerse themselves in educational labour. Ironically, educated mothers' own educational inputs remain invisible even to themselves, resulting from an acceptance of culturally constructed norms around the gendered division of labour. Family strategies are oriented towards aspirations of upward social mobility, a return that parents seek to derive from educationally and professionally successful children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As India, a country with a complex relationship with cleanliness, modernizes rapidly, urban infrastructures are increasing even faster than the growing population. This paper explores the relationships between access to infrastructures, social mobility and resource consumption in everyday lives through the case of cleanliness in Mysore, Southern India. We draw on interviews with 28 Mysoreans about cleanliness perceptions and practices. Analysing cleanliness across class, caste and gender reveals that in the globalizing cleanliness cultures of Mysore those who are precarious and have less access to hygiene infrastructures, tend to have to clean more but don't resist expectations. We argue that, as cleanliness contours citizenship claims, the 'great unwashed' are excluded from participating in society. We question whether infrastructures and policies purported to increase the quality of life and provide basic human rights through increasing cleanliness, actually inadvertently contribute to deepening social stratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)